Education
Supreme Court to Hear Oklahoma Religious Charter School Case
The Supreme Court agreed on Friday to consider a high-profile case that could open the door to allowing public dollars to directly fund religious schools.
The widely watched case out of Oklahoma could transform the line between church and state in education, and it will come before a court whose conservative majority has broadly embraced the role of religion in public life.
The case centers on a proposal for the nation’s first religious charter school, St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School. The school would be online, and its curriculum would embed religious teachings throughout lessons, including in math and reading classes.
As a charter school, it would be run independently from traditional public schools. But public taxpayer dollars would pay for the school, and it would be free for students to attend.
The question of whether the government can fully finance a religious school has proved especially divisive within the school choice movement and across Oklahoma. Some conservative Christian leaders, including Gov. Kevin Stitt and Ryan Walters, the firebrand state superintendent who has sought to require teaching from the Bible in public schools, have backed St. Isidore’s creation.
They urged the Supreme Court to take up the case, believing the conservative-leaning court would decide in the school’s favor.
A coalition of religious leaders, advocates of public schools and some other state Republicans say the proposal is unconstitutional. Oklahoma’s Republican attorney general, Gentner Drummond, argued it would “open the floodgates and force taxpayers to fund all manner of religious indoctrination, including radical Islam or even the Church of Satan.”
After St. Isidore was approved by a state board in June 2023 in a narrow 3-to-2 vote, the Oklahoma Supreme Court blocked its creation. The justices wrote in a majority opinion that the school would “create a slippery slope” that could lead to “the destruction of Oklahomans’ freedom to practice religion without fear of governmental intervention.”
Still, as more Republican state legislatures move to support school vouchers and other options for parents to use public money to educate their children in private schools, including religious schools, some legal experts believe that charter schools would become another major arena in the debate.
Justin Driver, a professor at Yale Law School, said that a Supreme Court decision that allows religious charter schools “would represent nothing less than a sea change in constitutional law.”
“It is difficult to overstate the significance of this opinion for our constitutional order and the larger American society,” Mr. Driver said.
The case will present new education questions for the U.S. Supreme Court’s 6-to-3 conservative majority, which has shown an openness to religion in the public sphere. Justice Amy Coney Barrett, a member of the conservative bloc, recused herself from the case but did not explain why.
In a 2022 ruling, the court ruled that a high school football coach had the right to pray on the field after his team’s games.
Other recent cases have barred Maine and Montana from excluding religious schools from state tuition programs or scholarships to students in private schools. Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. wrote in both cases that states are not required to support religious education, but that those that opt to subsidize private schools cannot discriminate against religious ones.
Supporters of St. Isidore argue that blocking a religious charter school from receiving funding violates the First Amendment’s protection of religious freedom. Jim Campbell, the chief legal counsel for Alliance Defending Freedom, a legal group representing the Oklahoma state charter board, praised the court’s decision to hear the case.
“Oklahoma parents and children are better off with more educational choices, not fewer,” Mr. Campbell said in a statement. “There’s great irony in state officials who claim to be in favor of religious liberty discriminating against St. Isidore because of its Catholic beliefs.”
The school was initially set to open in August and would be managed by the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Oklahoma City and the Diocese of Tulsa. Leaders of the school say it would accept students of all faiths.
But opponents say that it would run into conflict with the constitutional prohibition on government establishment of religion, infringing on religious freedom. “Converting public schools into Sunday schools would be a dangerous sea change for our democracy,” several organizations, including Americans United for Separation of Church and State, said in a joint statement on Friday.
For decades, the hybrid nature of charter schools — sharing features of both public schools and private institutions — has made it difficult for courts to determine how different education issues should apply to them, according to Preston Green, a professor at the University of Connecticut who studies educational law.
Still, Mr. Green said he believes St. Isidore’s argument “could be very attractive” to the conservative justices — and that if the court ultimately sides with the charter school, “the implications are potentially huge.”
In the movement to remove barriers to funding religious education, “charter schools are really the next frontier,” Mr. Green said. “And it doesn’t end here.”
Education
Video: Teen Opens Fire Inside Nashville High School Cafeteria, Police Say
new video loaded: Teen Opens Fire Inside Nashville High School Cafeteria, Police Say
transcript
transcript
Teen Opens Fire Inside Nashville High School Cafeteria, Police Say
At a news conference, an official said that a 17-year-old male student shot two other students and then himself.
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At 11:09 a.m., a person who has been identified as a 17-year-old armed with a pistol, fired multiple shots in the cafeteria of the school. The individual wounded two other students, one of them fatally, before shooting and killing himself. There is no danger at the school. One of the persons that the 17-year-old shot, a female, was transported to Vanderbilt University Medical Center and is deceased. A second individual, wounded, also a female, has what is being described as a graze wound to the arm, and she is in stable condition at Vanderbilt.
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Education
Report Projecting Drop in Freshman Enrollment Delivered Incorrect Findings
An error in the National Student Clearinghouse Research Center’s projection of the number of first-year students starting college last fall caused the organization to report incorrectly that freshman enrollment last year had dropped when in fact it had increased, its director said in a statement this week.
By mistakenly mislabeling a number of first-year college students as high school students taking college or university courses, the center said it underestimated the true number of incoming college students. That led it to erroneously project the largest drop in freshman enrollment since 2020 in a report it published in October.
The acknowledgment on Monday amounted to a reversal of the report’s top-line findings. Those conclusions fed into anxieties in higher education about long-term challenges, including a coming “demographic cliff” caused by a drop in births during the Great Recession and more general doubt about the value of a college degree.
The report was based on preliminary enrollment data that the research center gathered from slightly more than half of all U.S. colleges and universities. After catching its error, the center said it expected to show that enrollment had risen in a report next Thursday, which includes data from nearly all institutions of higher education.
It said that the error had affected previous reports as well, but that “the effect was magnified” last year because of an unusually large number of dual-enrolled high school students. That may have obscured the fact that the number was inflated even more by the center’s overcount.
“The National Student Clearinghouse Research Center acknowledges the importance and significance of its role in providing accurate and reliable research to the higher education community,” the center’s executive director, Doug Shapiro, said in a statement. “We deeply regret this error and are conducting a thorough review to understand the root cause and implement measures to prevent such occurrences in the future.”
The faulty numbers were reported by a wide range of news media and trade publications, including The New York Times.
The National Student Clearinghouse, founded in 1993, is a nonprofit that provides services to thousands of U.S. institutions of higher learning, including by maintaining student records and enrollment, degree and student loan data.
While it walked back its conclusions about freshman and dual-enrolled students on Monday, the center said its other findings — including that total undergraduate enrollment had increased — remained sound.
The report last fall also raised alarms that a comparatively tumultuous year for college students applying for federal financial aid might have led to a significant number of students postponing or abandoning college.
Concerns about how the problematic rollout of the Free Application for Federal Student Aid early last year would affect college enrollment left many schools and higher education groups nervously anticipating the center’s October findings.
In a statement on Monday, the Education Department’s under secretary, James Kvaal, said officials were “encouraged and relieved” by the revised assessment.
“The increase is consistent with what we are seeing on the financial aid side: More than 5 percent more students are receiving federal aid this year,” the statement said. “Thank you to the high schools, college counselors, colleges and universities, and community organizations for pulling together to help students and families through a tough year.”
When the report was published in October, the department did not directly dispute its conclusions, but provided a list of other factors that could have explained the apparent decline.
Those included a longer-term downward trend in undergraduate enrollment as documented by the National Center for Education Statistics, a strong labor market drawing high school students directly into the work force and falling rates of college attainment among men.
The revised numbers expected next week instead suggest a modest recovery in the number of students starting college after a steep drop-off during the pandemic, according to the research center’s statement.
Education
What Happened to Enrollment at Top Colleges After Affirmative Action Ended
After the Supreme Court ended race-conscious college admissions in 2023, the 2024-25 academic year was seen as a kind of test: What effect would the decision have on freshman classes?
At the start of the school year, the Upshot asked selective colleges for the racial and ethnic composition of their incoming classes. We obtained this data for 66 colleges, allowing us to put together the most detailed look yet at how the makeup of these colleges changed after the end of affirmative action.
While it’s still early to draw definitive conclusions — it will be years before we understand the full impact of the ban — here are three things we learned.
1. Black and Hispanic enrollment declined on average
One of the arguments for affirmative action was that it helped compensate for disadvantages faced by Black and Hispanic students, and that without it, their enrollment would fall. So did that happen?
Black and Hispanic students have historically been underrepresented at selective colleges compared with their share of high school graduates. Over the past decade and a half, their numbers have gradually risen at selective colleges.
That changed in 2024.
Of the 66 colleges for which we have data, 59 reported it in a standard format that let us make comparisons with past public records. That format narrowly defines Black students as U.S. residents who are Black but not Hispanic or multiracial — which means it’s an undercount of all students who identify as Black, even as it allows for a straightforward comparison with past data.
By that definition, the average share of incoming Black students at those colleges dropped by about one percentage point — from about 7 percent to 6 percent.
The share of incoming Hispanic students at these colleges also fell by nearly one percentage point — from about 14 percent to 13 percent.
Together, these changes represent the largest annual drop in the average share of Black or Hispanic students across these colleges since 2010.
Outcomes varied across individual colleges. Some experienced large drops in their shares of Black or Hispanic students, while others experienced modest changes or even increases (we have more details on this variation below).
But the overall trend was downward: In 2024, 17 of these 59 colleges experienced their largest drops in Black enrollment in 14 years, while only three had their largest gains. Similarly, 15 colleges had their largest drops in Hispanic enrollment in over a decade, while four had their largest gains.
2. The data didn’t show a comparable increase in Asian and white enrollment
Over the 14 years for which we have data, the share of white students has decreased at selective colleges — in part reflecting the changing demographics of America’s youth.
Asian students are overrepresented at selective colleges compared with the makeup of high school graduates. Their share of college enrollment has continued to rise in the past 14 years.
Critics of affirmative action argued that it suppressed the share of Asian and white students at top colleges. There was a broad expectation that banning race-conscious admissions would drive up Asian and white enrollment.
We didn’t see sizable changes.
Across the 59 selective colleges we could compare with historical data, the average share of Asian students was essentially unchanged.
And the average share of white students increased by under one percentage point.
There were outliers, of course: The share of incoming domestic Asian students at Johns Hopkins rose by 18 percentage points, and the share of incoming domestic white students at Middlebury rose by 10 percentage points.
The findings by race and ethnicity so far raise a question: College enrollment is zero sum, so if the Black and Hispanic share went down, why didn’t the white and Asian share rise similarly?
Our third finding helps explain this discrepancy.
3. Many more students did not disclose their race in 2024
In 2024, the share of students at these 59 colleges who did not disclose their race or ethnicity increased from about 2 percent to 4 percent. That share had been generally declining since 2010.
This means we don’t definitively know how much of the changes that we see in 2024 are caused by genuine shifts in racial makeup, and how much are because students didn’t report their race.
Others have tried to answer this question. A 2020 study by the economist Zachary Bleemer found that after California banned affirmative action in public universities in 1998, more than twice as many applicants to the University of California system left out their race or ethnicity on their applications the following year.
By using their name, high school and neighborhood to infer their race, he estimated that the vast majority of the students who left out their race were white or Asian.
“Is this true again today? I don’t know for sure, but I think it’s a good guess,” Professor Bleemer said.
If most of the students who left out their race were white or Asian — perhaps out of wariness of the admissions process amid heightened media coverage of affirmative action — the charts above wouldn’t fully reflect the rise in their share. But it’s also possible that the lessons from California don’t apply here.
“It’s important to be careful not to speculate too much about who the unknowns are,” said James Murphy, who directs postsecondary policy at Education Reform Now and has been tracking the effects of the ban. “This is a very unusual year.”
By contrast, in 2014 there was a dip in the number of students who didn’t report a race. Those students would have applied after the Supreme Court decided a high-profile case about race-based college admissions, essentially allowing the practice to continue. The reasons for that dip are ultimately mysterious as well.
The share of multiracial students at these colleges declined in 2024 by about half a percentage point. Previously, multiracial students made up an increasing share of college enrollment.
Because the available data doesn’t get any more granular, this decline could reflect any of several things: a smaller number of multiracial Black or Hispanic students enrolling, a tendency for students to leave out their race altogether, or fewer multiracial white students listing a second race, for example. In time, we may understand these shifts better as researchers pore through additional data.
But the overall picture resists simple generalizations.
A wide variation in outcomes
The charts above show the average enrollment. But as mentioned, there’s a wide spread in the outcomes at individual colleges.
In addition to the 59 colleges that reported their enrollment figures in the standard format used by the government, seven (Barnard, Brown, Columbia, Duke, Harvard, M.I.T. and Yale) reported their enrollment figures using a different method. For completeness, we included those colleges in the charts below.
You can select a circle to see more about that college.
Some caveats
Although this data offers a detailed look at shifts in enrollment, there are several caveats.
For one thing, the data for 2024 is preliminary — we collected it before colleges were required to submit these figures to the government. And as we noted, many more students didn’t disclose their race in 2024.
Here are a few more notes of caution:
1. There were problems signing up for financial aid in 2024.
A new application system for a federal program that tens of millions rely on for financial aid faced major problems in 2024, which may have altered the pool of college applicants.
2. We have only one year of post-affirmative-action data.
A single year of data isn’t a lot. Colleges are still making sense of the Supreme Court’s decision, and exploring ways to create a diverse college class without affirmative action. It will be a few years before we gain a more comprehensive picture.
3. Enrollment isn’t admissions.
To enroll in a college, three things have to happen: A student has to apply, be admitted and decide to attend. We have only a picture of college enrollment — which combines all three steps.
So we can’t yet disentangle how much of these shifts are because of changes in admissions (which the Supreme Court’s decision directly affects), versus changes in who decided to apply beforehand or who decided to accept afterward.
For now, with these caveats in mind, you can go through the enrollment data for the colleges that we analyzed below.
Look up a college
For the 59 colleges that reported enrollment using the federal categories for race, you can look up how their racial makeup has changed over time below:
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