Business
Selwyn Raab, Tenacious Reporter Who Covered the Mob, Dies at 90
Selwyn Raab, an investigative reporter for The New York Times and other news organizations who in exacting detail explored the Mafia’s many tentacles, and whose doggedness helped lead to the exoneration of men wrongly convicted of notorious 1960s killings, died on Tuesday in Manhattan. He was 90.
His son-in-law, Matthew Goldstein, a Times reporter, said the cause of his death, at NewYork-Presbyterian Hospital, was intestinal complications.
Though the phrase surely fit him, Mr. Raab didn’t much care to be described as an investigative journalist. Rather, he said, “I believe in enterprise and patience.” He had both qualities in abundance across a long career, whether looking into fraudulent methadone clinics, or the life sentence given to a boy who was only 14 when convicted of murder, or the Mafia’s grip on New York City school construction.
He was also the author of a number of books about the mob, including one that became the basis of the 1970s television police drama “Kojak.”
The mob had his enduring attention as far back as the 1960s, and it led to his definitive 765-page book on New York wiseguys, “Five Families: The Rise, Decline, and Resurgence of America’s Most Powerful Mafia Empires,” published in 2005. The New Yorker writer Adam Gopnik described him in a 2020 article as “the Gibbon of the New York mob.”
His prose tended to stray from elegance. But Bryan Burrough, reviewing “Five Families” for The New York Times Book Review, said that “what makes Raab so wonderful is that he eschews legend and suspect anecdotage in favor of a Joe Friday-style just-the-facts-ma’am approach.”
Mr. Raab posited that it was Charles (Lucky) Luciano who invented the modern Mafia nearly a century ago, organizing Italian criminal operations into distinct families, with a “commission” created to resolve territorial disputes and policy matters.
In addition to tried and true enterprises — drug trafficking, gambling, prostitution — Cosa Nostra control extended to much of municipal life, Mr. Raab wrote, be it garbage removal, the garment industry, unions, construction, or fish and meat markets. Despite a popular tendency to look upon gangsters as “amiable rogues,” he said, they were murderous predators and “the invisible government of New York.”
As a boy on Manhattan’s Lower East Side, where he lived almost his entire life, Mr. Raab saw the mob up close. There, he told Time magazine in 1974, he was “surrounded by the kind of legendary criminals you read about — bookmakers, con artists, Jewish and Italian gangsters.”
“I grew up with guys I later covered,” he said.
A former Times colleague, Ralph Blumenthal, said that Mr. Raab tended to be humorless but was “a demon for the facts.” He added, “When you think of the causes he adopted, they were groundbreaking.”
That was true even before Mr. Raab joined The Times, his digging having helped free men wrongly convicted of some of the New York region’s more shocking murders. One was George Whitmore Jr., who had been imprisoned for the 1963 murders of Janice Wylie and Emily Hoffert, roommates in an Upper East Side apartment — “career girls,” as the tabloids called them.
Mr. Raab, working first for the merged newspaper The New York World-Telegram and The Sun and then for NBC News and the New York public television station WNET, uncovered evidence showing that Mr. Whitmore was elsewhere on the day of those murders and had no part in an unrelated attempted rape with which he was also charged.
Mr. Whitmore said that the police had beaten him, and that he had no lawyer during the interrogation. In 1966, his case was cited by the United States Supreme Court in Miranda v. Arizona, the landmark ruling that upheld a suspect’s right to counsel.
Mr. Raab wrote a book about the case, “Justice in the Back Room.” The book became the basis for a 1973 made-for-TV movie, “The Marcus-Nelson Murders,” which served as the pilot for “Kojak,” the CBS series about a police detective, played by Telly Savalas, which ran for five years in the 1970s.
“I’m not a detective,” Mr. Raab said. “I just look for the most reasonable approach to a story.”
He joined The Times in 1974 and worked there for 26 years. Reporting for the paper, he uncovered evidence that helped free Rubin (Hurricane) Carter, the middleweight boxer who was imprisoned for 19 years in the 1966 shooting deaths of three people in a bar in Paterson, N.J.
The Carter case was another instance of police coercion and prosecutorial overreach, one that also led to the conviction of another man, John Artis. Mr. Carter, who died in 2014, became something of a folk hero, his cause championed in a 1976 Bob Dylan song, “Hurricane,” and in a 1999 film, “The Hurricane,” in which Mr. Carter was played by Denzel Washington.
Mr. Raab received many honors across the years, including the Heywood Broun Award from the New York Newspaper Guild and an Emmy for his work on “The 51st State,” a WNET program that dealt with New York City issues and on which he was a reporter and an executive producer for three years before moving to The Times.
Selwyn Norman Raab was born on June 26, 1934, in Manhattan, one of two sons of immigrant parents: William Raab, a New York bus driver born in Austria, and Berdie (Glantz) Raab, a homemaker born in Poland.
As a boy, Mr. Raab boxed in a program run by the city’s parks department. He graduated from Seward Park High School in Lower Manhattan in 1951 and from the City College of New York in 1956, with a bachelor’s degree in English. After college, he worked for The Bridgeport Sunday Herald in Connecticut (now defunct) and The Newark Star-Ledger before joining the World-Telegram staff.
On a blind date in 1962, he met a social worker named Helene Lurie. They were married on Dec. 25, 1963. Mrs. Raab, who helped her husband with his research, died in 2019. Mr. Raab is survived by his daughter, Marian, who is chief executive of Ridge Street Productions, a film-production company.
At City College, he was an editor on Observation Post, a student newspaper. He was twice suspended from classes for brief periods because of what he wrote — first for strongly resisting student government and faculty attempts to kill the newspaper, later for criticizing college administrators who had fired several professors under attack in the McCarthy era.
He recalled those days in 2009, when he received a Townsend Harris Medal, an award given by City College in memory of its founder.
His suspensions taught him a couple of things, Mr. Raab said. One was “Never seek safe harbors to avoid contentious but important issues.” The other: “Never sacrifice integrity on fundamental principles, especially if there is a clear distinction between right and wrong on vital issues.”
Business
Warner Music Group and AI startup Udio reach agreement in fight over copyrighted music
Warner Music Group on Wednesday said it reached an agreement with artificial intelligence startup Udio, ending a legal battle over concerns that copyrighted music was being used to train AI models.
Under an agreement, Udio will release a platform next year using AI models trained on licensed and authorized music, the New York-based companies said. The music could include content from WMG’s publishing businesses, providing new revenue for artists and songwriters who choose to opt in, the companies added.
Udio declined to say which artists would be involved in its new platform, and WMG did not return a request for comment. WMG’s artist roster includes Ed Sheeran, Fleetwood Mac and Madonna.
The startup’s current platform allows users to write text prompts and create songs using AI. The new version, which is expected to launch next year, will let users create remixes, covers and new songs with the voices of artists and the compositions of songwriters who choose participate and those artists and writers will be credited and paid, the companies said.
“This collaboration aligns with our broader efforts to responsibly unlock AI’s potential — fueling new creative and commercial possibilities while continuing to deliver innovative experiences for fans,” said Robert Kyncl, WMG CEO, in a statement.
WMG, Universal Music Group (UMG), Sony Music Entertainment and other music businesses sued Udio last year. In the lawsuit, Udio was accused of using hits like the Temptations’ “My Girl” to create a similar melody called “Sunshine Melody.” UMG owns the copyright to “My Girl.”
Udio said millions of people have used Udio since it launched in 2024, but did not break out specifically how many downloads or website users it has.
UMG settled with Udio last month. Udio declined to disclose the terms of the UMG settlement. The tech company also did not offer financial details about its platform collaboration with WMG, or which artists would be involved.
“Collaborating with WMG marks a significant milestone in our mission to redefine how AI and the music industry evolve together,” said Andrew Sanchez, co-founder and CEO of Udio, in a statement. “This partnership is a crucial step towards realizing a future in which technology amplifies creativity and unlocks new opportunities for artists and songwriters.”
The advancement of artificial intelligence in the arts has caused a range of emotions in the entertainment industry — from fear of job replacement to excitement over new ways to test bold ideas in music videos and music experimentation on slimmer budgets.
After the UMG-Udio deal was announced, Jordan Bromley, a board member at the nonprofit Music Artists Coalition and Manatt Entertainment Leader, said he was “cautiously optimistic but insistent on details.”
Music Artists Coalition executive director Ron Gubitz said the announcements on the agreements “lack critical details songwriters and performers deserve.”
“The question still remains whether these deals will deliver the most important things artists deserve: consent, clarity, and compensation,” Gubitz said in a statement.
Business
Commentary: Why are beef prices so high? Blame tariffs, drought and a disgusting parasite
It has become routine practice to turn to Trump administration spokespersons to learn how Democrats and illegal immigrants are the source of all our problems. The high price of beef? Check.
Here, for example, is Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent explaining for Fox News on Sunday why beef prices have been soaring:
“This is the perfect storm,” he said, “something we inherited.” (That’s the blaming the Democrats part.)
The beef segment remains our only soft spot.
— Tyson Foods CEO Donnie King
“Also,” he continued, “because of the mass immigration, a disease we’d been rid off in North America made its way up through South America as these migrants, they brought some of their cattle with them. So part of the problem is we’ve had to shut the border to Mexican beef.”
As is sometimes the case with Bessent, there’s a tiny nugget of truth in his words, surrounded by a bodyguard of misrepresentation.
The truth nugget is that the U.S. Department of Agriculture shut the border to Mexican cattle in March, in order to block the spread to the U.S. of the New World screwworm, a gruesome parasite that has been found in Central and South American herds.
But Bessent’s image of immigrants smuggling their infected beeves across the border is transparent fantasy. The USDA’s announcement of the blockade didn’t tie the screwworm peril to immigration, illegal or otherwise, but to commercial imports. The agency also stated that the infestation hadn’t yet penetrated farther north than Oaxaca and Veracruz, 700 miles from the U.S. border.
The Treasury Secretary’s spiel can properly be seen as standard Trumpian deflection.
That’s because at least some of the run-up in beef prices at the supermarket can be blamed on Trump policies, including his tariff on beef imported from Brazil, which has been a major exporter to the U.S. Trump himself implicitly acknowledged this Friday, when he announced that he was scrapping tariffs on beef and other foodstuffs to bring prices down.
Trump’s budget-cutting also has contributed to the crisis. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins in June announced a “five-pronged plan” to combat the parasite south of the border. What she didn’t mention was that in March, the Trump administration cut off funding for anti-screwworm efforts operated by the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization as part of its decimation of the U.S. Agency for international Development.
That said, much more is driving beef inflation than tariffs and the screwworm. And an examination of all the root causes indicates that things are likely to get worse at the meat counter before they get better. A recovery in beef prices, according to agricultural experts, may take years.
The root of the beef price problem: The size of the U.S. cattle herd peaked in 1975 and is now lower than it has been since 1951.
(USDA)
Before going further, let’s look at the raw numbers. It won’t be news to most shoppers that beef prices have been on a long-term ascent. The average price of uncooked beef steaks reached a record $12.26 per pound in September, up 15.2% from just before Trump took office.
That’s the tail of a long trend, however: The price was $3.64 in January 1998, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, meaning that it has more than trebled during a period in which the overall consumer price index merely doubled.
In recent months, major food processing companies have felt more than a slight pinch. Donnie King, chief executive of Tyson Foods, which owns such lunch meat and sausage brands as Hillshire Farms, BallPark, Jimmy Dean and Aidells, told investors at its fourth-quarter earnings roundup Nov. 10 that “the beef segment remains our only soft spot.”
The company reported an adjusted operating loss of $426 million on beef in fiscal 2025 and projected a loss of up to $600 million in the category for the 2025-26 fiscal year, in part because cattle costs had increased by $1.84 billion, a far larger cost increase than it experienced for any other input. It said that its earnings have been protected by gains in chicken, which has attracted shoppers shunning beef. Overall, for the fiscal year that ended Sept. 27, Tyson reported a profit of $507 million on revenue of $54.4 billion.
That brings us to the real factors driving beef prices higher. To a great extent, they’re secular. One is a long-term decline in the size of the U.S. cattle herd, which has fallen to about 87.2 million head of cattle and calves, its lowest level since 1951. Among the factors in that slide was a drought that struck the cattle-raising prairie states starting in 2020 and lasting through 2022. The all-time peak in the U.S. herd came in 1975, when it reached 132 million head.
Hay prices shot up by about 45% in 2022. With feed costs consuming the value of livestock, ranchers sold off their herds or stepped up the slaughter of their cows and heifers — producing a short-term glut of beef at store shelves but mortgaging their future supply.
Raising an animal from calf to marketable beef takes at least three years. Tyson executives told investors that they had seen signs that ranchers were finally rebuilding their herds, but that means a continued shortage of beef in the years just ahead.
Into this uncertain environment, Trump threw another complication: tariffs. These included a 50% levy on imports from Brazil, which Trump imposed in July not as a protectionist step, but because he was discontented with the prosecution of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro for an alleged coup plot. (Bolsonaro was convicted and sentenced in September to more than 27 years in prison.)
That was a problem because, although foreign beef doesn’t account for a large share of overall beef consumption, it’s important for some categories, notably “lean beef trim,” which gets mixed in with fattier U.S. ground beef to yield the hamburger meat favored by American consumers. Brazil’s production of lean trim helped its beef exports reach more than 25% of all U.S. beef imports.
The long-term rise in beef prices has provoked market participants into a spate of finger-pointing, not all of which is groundless. In 2019, consumer advocates accused Tyson, Cargill and other meat-packers in a lawsuit of conspiring to fix beef prices. Tyson and Cargill settled the accusations against them last month without acknowledging guilt, Tyson paying $55 million and Cargill, $33.5 million. Two foreign-owned companies, JBS USA and National Beef Packing, are still in court.
Others have pointed to putative profiteering by cattle ranchers, whose profits per animal have spiraled higher, even as many have pared the size of their herds.
One might also point to American consumers, who haven’t moderated their beef buying enough to subject the commodity to the rigors of supply-and-demand economics.
The administration’s approach to the rise in beef prices has been chaotic and incoherent. Last month, Trump said he would alleviate the price spike by importing more beef from Argentina.
The proposal garnered instantaneous backlash from American cattle producers. They said the plan “only creates chaos at a critical time of the year for American cattle producers, while doing nothing to lower grocery store prices,” in the words of Colin Woodall, CEO of the National Cattlemen’s Beef Assn. The group noted that Argentina accounts for a bare 2% of U.S. beef imports, meaning that even a significant expansion of the trade flow would do little to moderate prices.
In sum, there’s little Trump can do to influence beef prices, except to make the situation worse, as happened because of his tariffs. Now that he has reversed course and lifted his thumb off the Brazil trade, prices might improve, if modestly. But all those other factors such as drought, the long-term decline in domestic herds and disease, will still be with us, for some time.
Business
Amazon’s Zoox offers free robotaxi rides in San Francisco
Amazon-owned Zoox is offering free rides on its San Francisco fleet of boxy, driverless taxis.
The company said Tuesday it is providing the rides to people who download the Zoox app and join a waitlist. The sneak peek is part of a program in which riders provide feedback about the robotaxis before they become more widely available.
The preview shows that Zoox is moving closer to expanding its robotaxi service in San Francisco, a city filled with hundreds of self-driving cars from major rival Waymo. Zoox’s robotaxi service will be available in the SoMa, Mission and Design District neighborhoods.
“We have seen incredible interest in Zoox in this market and are excited about this first step to bring our purpose-built robotaxi experience to more people,” Aicha Evans, Zoox’s chief executive, said in a statement.
Headquartered in Foster City, Calif., the company has been testing autonomous technology in San Francisco since 2017. Zoox employees have been trying out the robotaxis, but this will be the first time the rides will be available to the general public in America’s tech capital. The company hasn’t said when it plans to start charging for its robotaxi service in San Francisco.
The robotaxi race has been ramping up in California, a hotbed for testing autonomous vehicles. Waymo, owned by Google parent company Alphabet, rolled out its service to highways and Bay Area airports. Ride-hailing company Uber teamed with Lucid Group and Nuro to launch robotaxis in the San Francisco Bay Area next year. Tesla said it would start testing robotaxis with drivers in the Bay Area.
Zoox’s boxy, aloe green vehicle, described by some people as a “toaster on wheels,” looks different from its rivals. Designed to fit four people, the electric vehicles don’t have a steering wheel or pedals and the doors slide open and closed. While people face each other during the ride, some who have tested the vehicles reported feeling motion sickness from moving backward. The robotaxis include wireless charging, an emergency call button and a touchscreen to control the music and the vehicle’s temperature.
The company has a fleet of about 50 robotaxis across San Francisco and Las Vegas. In September the company started allowing the public to hail its robotaxi service around the Las Vegas Strip. Zoox opened a massive facility in Hayward, Calif., and said it will be able to assemble more than 10,000 robotaxis a year as demand for its services grows.
People are using self-driving vehicles more, but robotaxis also have ignited concerns about job loss, safety and privacy. Santa Monica residents have complained about the beeping noises from Waymos. In San Francisco and Los Angeles, people have vandalized the cars and set them on fire. And after a Waymo ran over KitKat, a beloved cat, San Francisco residents have expressed more safety concerns about self-driving taxis.
Some companies have failed to launch robotaxis. Last year automaker General Motors shuttered the development of its Cruise robotaxis, citing high costs and increased competition. Cruise lost the permits it needed to continue testing in California because of public safety risks after a woman was dragged underneath one of its robotaxis in San Francisco.
Zoox issued voluntary software recalls to address potential safety concerns. In May an electric scooter rider in San Francisco sustained minor injuries after the person struck an unoccupied Zoox vehicle that braked at an intersection. When the rider fell next to the robotaxi, it began to move but then stopped. The company said in a blog post it updated its software to improve how it tracks nearby pedestrians and prevent movement when a person is very close to the vehicle.
The amount of time it will take to get off the waitlist in San Francisco will depend on demand and the availability of its robotaxis. Zoox said there isn’t a limit to how many people can join the waitlist, but it aims to remove it next year.
The company also partnered with Tartine Manufactory, a popular bakery in San Francisco that’s well-known for its bread and pastries. Zoox posted on social media that people who download its app and sign up for the waitlist from Nov. 15 to 22 will be able to get a free pastry while supplies last.
Zoox has been testing its robotaxis in other major cities, including Los Angeles, Seattle, Austin and Miami. Tech giant Amazon bought Zoox in 2020 for more than $1.2 billion.
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