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How to Fix a Typewriter and Your Life
Eleven years ago, Paul Lundy was dying a slow, workingman’s death under fluorescent light.
For three decades, he had worked in facilities management — an honest trade that ground him down until, in his mid-50s, he had money, an authoritative title and a soul that was being sucked dry. He managed buildings for Seattle-area biotech firms, where people in lab coats made discoveries that saved lives. He kept the infrastructure running. He was good at it, maybe great, but facilities managers are overhead, essential but invisible. Nobody notices until something breaks.
Lundy had reached a ceiling. No college degree meant no room to grow in a world that valued credentials above experience. Retirement at 65 stretched before him like a prison sentence. The three-hour commute was killing him — a ritual that thousands endure to afford living near Seattle.
“Fun was not what you would call it anymore,” allows Lundy, a trim, neatly pleated man with a soft, welcoming face.
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One Sunday morning in 2014, he opened The Seattle Times and found a feature story about Bob Montgomery, age 92, known to friends, customers and locals simply as Mr. Montgomery. The article read like an obituary for a vanishing trade — fixing typewriters — suggesting that when Mr. Montgomery went, seven decades of expertise would vanish into the digital ether.
Lundy read it once, then a second time. He had never given old typewriters much thought, but something stirred in him that he could not quite name. He showed the story to his wife, Lisa.
“I think this might be it,” he told her. The next weekend, he drove to Bremerton, a weary naval town an hour’s ferry ride away and a world apart from gleaming, digitized Seattle.
Finding Mr. Montgomery’s shop required determination. No sign marked the building; no indication that inside, five floors up, a master craftsman was keeping alive skills that predated the computer age. You took an elevator that groaned. When the doors opened, you knew immediately you were in the right place: a 1916 Royal Model 10 typewriter stood guard outside an open door, and the air smelled like oil. Once inside, you encountered a shop stacked and stuffed with typewriters — Underwoods and Coronas, Royal KMMs and Remington Portable 3s.
And there, at a workbench, sat Mr. Montgomery.
He was small, frail, bent by osteoporosis enough that “he had a right angle,” Lundy says.
But his hands moved across the typewriter before him with unconscious grace, removing screws without looking, adjusting linkages by feel alone.
“Welcome to the crazy house,” Mr. Montgomery said, his standard greeting.
Lundy had planned to stay 20 minutes. He stayed four hours. What captured him was not nostalgia. What captured him was watching Mr. Montgomery work, the old man dismantling a machine while carrying on a conversation, barely glancing at the complexity beneath his fingers.
“WELCOME TO THE CRAZY HOUSE.”
Mr. Montgomery had grown up in Depression-era Seattle, the son of a typewriter repairman who had a shop in the city’s downtown. When he was not learning the trade, he would sneak through alleyways into grand old theaters to watch rehearsals, developing a love for performance that would shape his life nearly as much as typewriters.
Then came World War II. Drafted at 18, he expected to carry a rifle through Europe. But the Army discovered his skill and put him to work fixing typewriters at Supreme Allied Command. “Probably saved his life,” Lundy says. After the war, his family opened Bremerton Office Machine Company in 1947. For the next 70 years, Mr. Montgomery stayed within a few blocks of downtown Bremerton, always fixing typewriters, even as the world abandoned them.
What Lundy discovered over the following months was that Mr. Montgomery knew how to patiently stretch everything — even a meal. Lundy began taking him to lunch every Saturday, and their meals became meditations. Mr. Montgomery would order a BLT with avocado and make it last 90 minutes, telling stories between bites and savoring every morsel as only someone who had grown up without much could.
Other than a sister in California, he had no family. He slept in the back of his shop on an orange vinyl hide-a-bed couch. At 92, he existed almost completely outside the system.
Lundy had been a 20-minute lunch guy his entire career — eat fast, back to work, back to the grind. Now, somehow, he found himself slowing down, learning a different rhythm. Lunches became a practice in patience, a different way of being in the world.
“Mr. Montgomery was such a nice guy,” Lundy says, emphasizing “such.” The old man made him feel seen. And listened to. Like everything mattered.
After a few months, Lundy noticed typewriters stacking up faster than Mr. Montgomery could repair them. Business had surged after the article. “Can I help?” Lundy asked one day.
Mr. Montgomery said yes. Lundy started coming after his facilities job, heading straight to the shop. Mr. Montgomery set him up a bench with a typewriter and photocopied repair manual pages. He left him to figure things out.
Lundy’s hands, accustomed to managing air-conditioning systems, had to learn a new language — to feel the difference between correct tension and too loose or too tight. When he thought a repair was perfect, he brought it to Mr. Montgomery, who tested it with quick fingers dancing across the keys and, invariably, pronounced: “That is not what I would have done.”
He showed Lundy the right way. No anger. No frustration. Just quiet insistence that good enough was not good enough.
Sometimes Mr. Montgomery would partly disassemble a machine and leave it on Lundy’s bench — a test, a puzzle, a method of teaching as old as apprenticeship itself.
“It’s like Zen,” Lundy says about those hours at the bench. “There are times when it is just very relaxing to be standing in front of the machine and slowly cleaning it, tweaking the adjustment so visually things start to really line up.”
One Saturday Lundy arrived at the shop to find men with clipboards pointing at Mr. Montgomery’s equipment. They were evicting him, readying everything for the dumpster; 13 months of unpaid rent had finally caught up.
Lundy could not abide the thought of all that knowledge lost, all that skill and history being tossed away. He called his wife. “They’re kicking him out!” he said. “My whole opportunity might be lost. I think this might be what I want to do.”
“You’ve done crazier things,” she replied. “Do it.”
The building manager arrived next, spelling out the cost: 13 months at $200 per month, equaling $2,600 total. For Mr. Montgomery, who had maybe $200 in the bank, this was insurmountable. For Lundy, with his steady salary, it was doable.
“I will pay his back rent if I buy his business,” Lundy told the manager. “I’ll pay monthly rent going forward.”
Deal.
The eviction crew left. Mr. Montgomery, who had watched the chaos with the remote calm of an elder, looked at Lundy and said just one word: “OK.”
Lundy bought the business at the end of 2014. Soon, he quit his job and walked away from its stultifying steadiness, its salary and benefits. His colleagues were sure he had lost his mind. But Lundy knew he was trading security for meaning, predictability for possibility. “I was happy,” he says simply.
For the next few years, Lundy and Mr. Montgomery worked side by side in that cramped fifth-floor shop. Mr. Montgomery was still the master, but he was slowing, taking longer naps. More and more often, he would look at a typewriter that had come in for repair and turn to Lundy: “You do this one.”
The teaching continued, deeper now, Mr. Montgomery pulling tools off the pegboard — tools he had organized decades ago, many he had made himself, his initials etched in the handles. “He knew everything about every typewriter, just off the top of his head,” Lundy says. “I know maybe 10 percent of what he knew. Maybe.”
Eventually Mr. Montgomery would watch his student work and deliver his highest praise: “You are OK.”
By the time Mr. Montgomery reached his mid-90s, life was catching up with him. His friends had intervened, helping him sign up for the veteran and Social Security benefits he had never claimed and finding him subsidized housing at a nearby retirement home — his first real home in decades. But he kept coming to the shop regularly, taking the bus in the morning. The bus drivers knew Mr. Montgomery and seemed to have memorized his routine — if he was running a bit late, they would wait.
Mr. Montgomery fell and broke his hip. His health declined fast, the way it does when the very old finally succumb to gravity. One afternoon, Lundy visited him in his apartment and threw out uneaten food that had accumulated in the refrigerator. Mr. Montgomery watched for a while, then said quietly: “I’m glad you did this.”
Both men knew he was talking about Lundy continuing the tradition at the shop.
Mr. Montgomery died in September 2018, at age 96. Full military honors were held at the cemetery. Lundy gave the eulogy, his voice breaking as he tried to convey the sum of a man who had lived through the Depression and World War II, who had become an iconic community fixture and spent 70 years fixing machines the world had forgotten, who had worked until the very end because work was who he was.
What neither man could have known was that they had been standing at the edge of the typewriter’s unlikely resurrection. The revival began quietly in temples of analog nostalgia — think Brooklyn coffee shops and Portland boutique hotels. Tom Hanks became an unlikely patron saint, writing a book about typewriters, collecting hundreds of them. Then came 2020. Everyone stuck at home, screens everywhere, Zoom fatigue setting in. People craved something tangible. Typewriter sales exploded.
“The kids get it,” Lundy says. “They’re not trying to be nostalgic for something they never experienced. They’re trying to escape what they experience every day.”
Now it is a Saturday morning. October 2025. Paul Lundy hunches over an IBM Selectric, a machine nearly 50 years old, probing its guts with the delicate touch he learned from Mr. Montgomery. The machine has taken its share of falls. Oil and dust have conspired over decades to form clogging sludge. Dog hair, too — there always seems to be dog hair.
He keeps solvent flowing, working back and forth through the brown muck, treating the dirt not as debris but as the accumulated record of life lived hunched over a keyboard — the residue of a marriage proposal, a first novel, a military order, a last will and testament.
His shop is different now. Brighter, airier, on the main floor of a building that was wasting away in downtown Bremerton until Lundy cobbled together enough savings to buy and renovate it, using all those facilities management skills he thought he’d left behind. He had kept the business in that cramped fifth-floor space for six years after Mr. Montgomery’s death. Management was planning apartments, Lundy says, so he wound up here — in a 1910 building that once housed a local electric utility’s headquarters.
“IT’LL ALWAYS BE HIS.”
From the basement below his wooden floors comes the thump of bass guitar, the crash of drums. Rock bands practice during many of his working hours. The structure shakes with enthusiasm. He smiles, tugs on his workman’s apron, adjusts his black-framed glasses and does not lose attention.
He clicks a return button. The Selectric whirs. He listens.
“The problems you see — and sometimes the problems you hear,” he says, wryly, as he adjusts the operational shaft, “are not always the real problem.”
Now the stubborn machine is yielding its secrets at last. Lundy has flushed its brown sludge, freed its operational shaft, oiled the precise points where metal meets metal.
Mr. Montgomery’s soul fills this space. The 1916 Royal Model 10 that stood guard at the old shop stands here now. There’s his woolen hat. There’s a photo from Bremerton’s Bob Montgomery Day, which he bristled at because he didn’t like attention. There are his community theater awards — best director, again and again — testament to the love of performance that began in those old Seattle theaters. There sit his notes, repair manuals and tools: blue-handled wrenches, metallic probes, soft-bristled brushes. Mr. Montgomery’s bench is where Lundy works.
“It’ll always be his,” Lundy says of the shop, now called Bremerton Typewriter Company. “I am just borrowing it.”
Lundy’s wife, Lisa, works at her own bench. She started learning repair work during the pandemic and became proficient, helping with the backlog.
The phone rings steadily; customers call from as far as Florida, New York and beyond. The novelist who needs an escape from the internet’s magnetic pull; the screenwriter convinced that only keys that fight back can force out good work; the teenagers who have just found a grandmother’s pristine Corona, a grandfather’s portable Hermes.
It is Lundy who takes on apprentices now. He teaches the way Mr. Montgomery did: patiently letting mistakes happen because mistakes educate best. It’s a steady transfer of knowledge, a careful passing of the seemingly arcane, a customer-is-always-right way of doing business.
Want to come in and type a poem on a 1920s Underwood? Sure, take a seat, don’t rush.
You’re over 90? Front of the queue.
“Gotta lay out the red carpet for our elderly customers,” Lundy says. “People forget that when you were younger, you did things. You made a difference. Then you get old and society just sees an old guy waiting for the bus, and it’s almost like you don’t exist.”
This year, Paul Lundy turned 65. Had he stayed in his old job he would have retired, probably on his birthday. Instead, he is working six days a week and smiling through it: “I cannot imagine stopping.”
News
Schumer and Platner Talk After Mills Suspends Her Campaign
Senator Chuck Schumer, the Democratic minority leader, and Graham Platner, the party’s now presumed candidate in Maine’s crucial Senate race, talked by telephone on Thursday after Gov. Janet Mills, Mr. Schumer’s favored candidate, abruptly suspended her campaign.
A person familiar with the call would provide few details when asked about any contact between the two men, but acknowledged they had spoken and said they agreed that Democrats needed to win Maine and take back the Senate majority from Republicans. Another person familiar with the conversation said it was cordial and stressed the importance of unseating Senator Susan Collins, the five-term Republican incumbent.
It was the first exchange between them. Mr. Schumer, the New York Democrat long deeply involved in his party’s Senate campaign strategy, had heavily recruited Governor Mills and saw her as the party’s best opportunity to defeat Ms. Collins, the chairwoman of the Appropriations Committee who has repeatedly fended off Democratic challengers.
But Mr. Platner, a populist oysterman and political novice, proved formidable despite Governor Mills’s political pedigree. Mr. Schumer now finds himself trying to establish a relationship with the party’s presumed candidate in what is likely a must-win race if Democrats are to have any chance of taking the Senate.
The decision by Governor Mills was a significant setback for Mr. Schumer that underscored discontent about him among some in the party and had some Democrats questioning whether he had lost a step in his political calculations. But he struck an optimistic tone as he left the Capitol on Thursday night.
“We are going to beat Susan Collins and we are going to win back the Senate,” he told reporters.
Democrats believe that voter discontent in Maine with the direction of the Trump administration gives them a strong chance to defeat Ms. Collins, who has proved politically resilient at home.
Annie Karni contributed reporting.
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Trump gives the go-ahead for a major new Canada-U.S. oil pipeline
President Trump speaks in the Oval Office of the White House on Thursday in Washington.
Alex Brandon/AP
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Alex Brandon/AP
FORT COLLINS, Colo. — President Trump granted a key approval Thursday for a major new oil pipeline that would carry oil from Canada into the U.S. where it would be exported and refined.

The 3-foot-wide Bridger Pipeline Expansion would carry up to 550,000 barrels (87,400 cubic meters) of oil a day from the Canadian border with Montana down through eastern Montana and Wyoming, where it would link with another pipeline.
The project would require additional state and federal environmental approvals before construction, which company officials expect to start next year. Environmentalists hope to stop the project over worries that the pipeline could break and spill.
At peak volume, the 650-mile pipeline would move two-thirds as much oil as the better-known Keystone XL pipeline that got partially built before President Joe Biden, citing climate-change concerns, canceled its permit on the day he took office in 2021.

“Slightly different from the last administration. They wouldn’t sign a pipeline deal. And we have pipelines going up,” Trump said after signing the Bridger Pipeline Expansion cross-border approval.
Trump in his first term approved the Keystone XL project in 2020 over the concern of Native American tribes about possible spills and environmental groups about fossil fuels’ contribution to climate change.
Biden’s Keystone XL permit cancellation the following year frustrated Canadian officials, including Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, after Alberta invested more than $1 billion in the project.
Sometimes called “Keystone Light,” the Bridger Pipeline Expansion would not cross any Native American reservations. More than 70% would be built within existing pipeline corridors and 80% on private land, Bridger Pipeline LLC said in a statement.
The Casper, Wyoming-based company operates more than 3,700 miles (5,950 kilometers) of gathering and transmission oil pipelines in the Williston Basin of North Dakota and Montana and the Powder River Basin of Wyoming.

A subsidiary of True Companies, Bridger Pipeline could avoid a reversal by a future administration if it’s able to complete its project before Trump leaves office. It hopes to start construction in the fall of 2027 and finish it by late 2028 or early 2029, Bridger spokesperson Bill Salvin said.
Trump’s term ends Jan. 20, 2029.
True Company subsidiaries have been responsible for several major pipeline accidents including more than 50,000 gallons (240,000 liters) of crude that spilled into the Yellowstone River and fouled a Montana city’s drinking water supply in 2015, a 45,000-gallon diesel spill in Wyoming in 2022 and a 2016 spill that released more than 600,000 gallons (2.7 million liters) of crude in North Dakota, contaminating the Little Missouri River and a tributary.
Subsidiaries of True agreed to pay a $12.5 million civil penalty to settle a government lawsuit over the North Dakota and Montana spills.
Salvin said the company has developed an AI-driven leak detection system that allows it to be notified more quickly when there are problems. It also plans to bore 30 to 40 feet (9 to 12 meters) beneath major rivers including the Yellowstone and Missouri to reduce the chances of an accident. The 2015 accident occurred on a line that was constructed in a shallow trench at the bottom of the river.
“We designed the pipeline with integrity and safety in mind. We have emergency response plans should something happen where oil happens to get out of the line, which is fairly rare,” Salvin said.
Environmental groups opposed to the project include the Montana Environmental Information Center and WildEarth Guardians.
“The biggest concern we see right now is the concern inherent in all pipeline projects which is the risk of spills,” said attorney Jenny Harbine with the environmental law firm Earthjustice. “Pipelines rupture and leak. It’s just a fact of pipelines.”
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How Trump’s Iran Blockade Is Complicating a High-Stakes Trip to China
President Trump’s declaration that he is willing to maintain a blockade on Iranian shipping until the Iranians surrender to his demands almost assures that the Strait of Hormuz will remain closed by the time he arrives in Beijing in two weeks.
That is exactly what Mr. Trump was seeking to avoid when he delayed his trip to China six weeks ago. And it vastly complicates a critical meeting with President Xi Jinping, forcing White House officials to rethink how Mr. Trump approaches the effort to engineer a rapprochement with China.
In public and private, Mr. Xi has demanded that the United States reopen the waterway through which China imports about a third of its oil and gas.
When Mr. Trump initially envisioned the trip as the first in a series of carefully scripted meetings, the possibility of a war with Iran was not on the radar of most administration officials. When he delayed it in early April, he was confident the war would be over quickly.
At the time of that decision, members of Mr. Trump’s national security team said they hoped that forcing Iran into a nuclear deal after a relatively short bombing campaign would be a demonstration of American power and reach. They also saw it as a warning to Beijing as Mr. Trump sought a rapprochement with the country that is America’s largest military, technologic and economic competitor.
But that assumption, like so many about the course of the war with Iran, has now gone badly awry.
If Mr. Trump flies to China as planned, with an intensive, two-day visit starting on May 14, the primary topic will clearly be the rippling economic effects of a war that China has made clear it viewed as unnecessary. Mr. Xi went further recently, warning that the world may be returning to the “law of the jungle,” though he made no specific reference to Iran or the strait at that time.
More than a week ago the Chinese leader directly called for the reopening of the strait, telling Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia, according to Chinese state media, that it “should remain open to normal navigation, which is in the common interest of regional countries and the international community.”
Mr. Trump clearly rejected that strategy on Wednesday when he reinforced his determination to keep the blockade on shipments from and to Iranian ports in place. “The blockade is genius, OK,” he told reporters during an event with the Artemis II astronauts. “The blockade has been 100 percent foolproof.”
The White House did not address the clear difference in strategy when asked about the effect of the blockade on the coming trip. The visit is supposed to focus on a trade deal and, to a lesser degree, security issues such as Beijing’s squeeze on Taiwan, China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea, rising Chinese cyberactivity against the United States and its growing nuclear program.
But in a statement, Anna Kelly, a White House spokeswoman, said that “President Trump has a positive relationship with President Xi, and he looks forward to visiting China later this year. Thanks to the successful blockade of Iranian ports and crippling impacts of Operation Epic Fury, the United States maintains maximum leverage over the Iranian regime as negotiations continue.”
She added, “The president has been clear that Iran can never possess a nuclear weapon, and he always keeps all options on the table.”
Mr. Trump has repeatedly expressed frustration that neither the bombing that the United States and Israel conducted for 38 days, nor the economic strangulation that he is attempting by having the Navy intercept ships leaving or bound for Iranian ports, is achieving the desired effect.
“Now they have to cry uncle,” Mr. Trump said. “That’s all they have to do, just say: ‘We give up. We give up.’”
Mr. Trump has used variants of his “cry uncle” test over the past month, despite warnings from his own intelligence agencies and outside experts that the White House has consulted that nothing in Iran’s history or the nature of its constantly competing power centers suggests the country would offer what Mr. Trump had earlier called “unconditional surrender.” It was more likely, they have said, that Tehran would double down in its resistance.
In fact, even as Mr. Trump has swung from praise of Iran’s new leaders as more “reasonable” than their predecessors, to threats to resume bombing, to the blockade, the Iranian strategy appears to have remained steady. It has imposed a blockade of its own, in the Persian Gulf, that has prevented Arab states from risking sailing their tankers through the straits.
The president on Wednesday publicly rejected Iran’s latest proposal to reopen the strait and end the war. Iran offered to delay negotiations over the nuclear issues until later, but Mr. Trump told aides this week that he was not satisfied with that option, believing that the blockade is the most effective leverage the United States holds if the ultimate goal is to get Iran to ship its 11 tons of enriched uranium out of the country and to halt all nuclear activity for a number of years.
“Suffice it to say that the nuclear question is the reason why we’re in this in the first place,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on Fox News this week. “If Iran was just a radical country run by radical people, it would still be a problem, but they are revolutionary.”
(The United States has demanded 20 years in negotiations, and the Iranians’ last public position was three to five years. More recently, Mr. Trump has said 20 years is “not enough.”)
Some aides thought Mr. Trump should take the Iranian offer to reopen the Strait, believing Iran’s positions have hardened and seeing little evidence that the country’s leaders will make further concessions.
Mr. Trump has insisted that is unacceptable.
“There will never be a deal unless they agree that there will be no nuclear weapons,” he said on Wednesday. In fact, the Iranians have already agreed never to produce a nuclear weapon — they even made that commitment in writing when they ratified the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and again as part of the 2015 nuclear accord with the Obama administration. But what they will not agree to, so far, is ending what they call a “right” to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes under the treaty.
Inside the White House, officials have prepared a range of options for the future of the conflict, including maintaining the blockade for months and resuming military activity inside Iran. But Mr. Trump has looming constraints on his ability to restart the war. The 60-day window to use force without congressional authorization expires this week, and some Republicans have already signaled they will not support an extension.
Members of Mr. Trump’s party, and some of his own aides, are growing anxious about the political impact of the war, especially as gas prices remain inflated. Republicans were already facing political headwinds going into November’s midterm elections, and a prolonged military conflict could exacerbate those.
In the next two weeks, China’s role in the conflict may prove crucial.
Among Asian nations it has by far the largest reserves of oil, so shortages are not an issue yet. But with oil suddenly above $110 a barrel, some of the highest prices since the opening of the war, the economic effect on the Chinese economy will be huge, most likely far higher than Mr. Trump’s tariffs.
China is Iran’s largest customer by far, and administration officials are betting that pressure from Beijing could force the Iranians into concessions.
Chinese officials played a critical role in persuading Iran to accept the first two-week cease-fire this month after Mr. Trump threatened to wipe Iranian civilization off the map. They asked their Iranian counterparts to show more flexibility in the negotiations over the strait and warned that the cease-fire might be Tehran’s only opportunity to prevent calamity, according to Iranians officials.
Now that negotiations seem to be at an impasse again, a number of officials and analysts say China may have an opportunity to steer toward a lasting peace — or at least a pathway toward reopening the critical waterway. In addition to the commercial relationship between the two countries, there is limited military cooperation. American intelligence agencies have assessed that China may have sent a shipment of shoulder-fired missiles to Iran for the war, though Mr. Trump said two weeks ago that he communicated with Mr. Xi to cut off further help.
At least in public, Mr. Trump has played down China’s assistance to Iran.
“I was a little surprised because I have a very good relationship and I thought I had an understanding with President Xi,” he told CNBC this month of the suspected Chinese shipment to Iran. “But that’s all right. That’s the way war goes.”
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