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Column: On Florida’s ‘Don’t Say Gay’ bill, Disney sets a new standard for corporate cowardice

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It has turn into more and more clear that counting on American companies for ethical management is a mug’s recreation.

The Walt Disney Firm has simply made itself Exhibit A.

At situation is a brutal assault on the educating of gender points formally titled the Parental Rights in Schooling invoice, however dubbed by its critics the “Don’t Say Homosexual” invoice.

Our various tales are our company statements — and they’re extra highly effective than any tweet or lobbying effort.

Walt Disney CEO Bob Chapek

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The measure obtained its last legislative approval from the Florida Senate on Tuesday and is sort of sure to be signed by Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis.

The invoice would ban classroom discussions about “sexual orientation or gender id” by way of third grade and place limits on these discussions in higher grades.

Disney, probably the most highly effective public company in Florida, has been silent because the tomb on the measure whereas it has made its manner by way of the legislature.

As my colleague Ryan Faughnder reported, the corporate’s failure to take a public stand led to a gathering Friday between LGBTQ+ leaders throughout the firm and CEO Bob Chapek, and subsequently to an all-hands memo by Chapek addressing the subject.

Chapek tied himself in knots justifying the corporate’s silence. “Company statements do little or no to vary outcomes or minds,” he wrote. “As a substitute, they’re usually weaponized by one facet or the opposite to additional divide and inflame. Merely put, they are often counterproductive and undermine simpler methods to realize change.”

Then he put in a plug for Disney’s leisure merchandise. “We’re telling necessary tales, elevating voices, and I consider, altering hearts and minds,” he wrote. “Encanto, Black Panther, Pose, Reservation Canines, Coco, Soul, Fashionable Household, Shang-Chi, Summer season of Soul, Love, Victor.”

Chapek continued: “These and all of our various tales are our company statements — and they’re extra highly effective than any tweet or lobbying effort. I firmly consider that our potential to inform such tales — and have them obtained with open eyes, ears, and hearts — can be diminished if our firm have been to turn into a political soccer in any debate.”

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It must be crystal clear that that is company claptrap. It’s geared toward preserving Disney’s potential to pump out anodyne depictions of the world with out struggling in the least of partisan pushback.

Nobody must be fooled by Chapek’s assertion within the memo that “All of us share the identical aim of a extra tolerant, respectful world. The place we might differ is within the ways to get there.” Or by his assertion that “one of the simplest ways for our firm to result in lasting change is thru the inspiring content material we produce, the welcoming tradition we create, and the varied group organizations we help.”

Chapek’s place elevates Disney’s purely industrial pursuits over the welfare of its staff and the pursuits of its personal neighbors in Florida. The corporate isn’t distinctive in appearing this fashion. As we’ve reported, scores of necessary companies have paid lip service to elevated ethical and political rules whereas supporting the meanest political leaders with bucks.

When the chance arises for public firms to steadiness the prices of taking a public stand on precept in opposition to the worth of remaining silent, most of the time they select silence. Huge Texas-based firms have chosen to not converse out in opposition to that state’s horrific antiabortion legislation, although it could have direct impacts on their very own staff.

Atlanta-based Delta Air Strains and Coca-Cola expressed displeasure over Georgia’s voter-suppression laws, however solely after it was already enacted into legislation. Previous to then, they have been silently plying legislators who supported the invoice with marketing campaign contributions.

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So let’s take a more in-depth have a look at what Disney actually thinks in regards to the energy of any “lobbying effort.” The reality is, Disney lets its cash discuss a lot loudly when it desires to guard its company pursuits.

To start with, as Scott Maxwell of the Orlando Sentinel reported final month, the corporate has given marketing campaign cash to “each single sponsor and co-sponsor” of the “Don’t Say Homosexual” invoice. Amongst them is the measure’s Senate sponsor, Republican Dennis Baxley, a constant supporter of antigay measure within the legislature, together with legal guidelines to ban adoptions by homosexual {couples}.

Over the past two years, in line with Judd Legum of the Standard Info web site, the corporate has donated $197,126 to Home members and Senate committee members who’ve already voted in favor of the “Don’t Say Homosexual” invoice.

Chapek addressed that situation in his memo: “Whereas now we have not given cash to any politician primarily based on this situation, now we have contributed to each Republican and Democrat legislators who’ve subsequently taken positions on either side of the laws,” he acknowledged, using the infantile right-wing adjective for members of the Democratic Social gathering.

Chapek didn’t trouble to articulate the corporate’s objective in contributing something to any member of the Florida legislature. However he most likely didn’t need to: The aim is to protect the corporate’s affect in Florida politics.

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Political leaders have swarmed into the void created by Disney’s silence on “Don’t Say Homosexual.” Gov. DeSantis, whose profession objective seems to be testing how thorough a vacuum he can create within the jar the place politicians retailer their ethical authority, has strongly signaled his help of the measure: “What number of mother and father need their youngsters to have transgenderism or one thing injected into classroom instruction?” he stated Friday.

The invoice, DeSantis stated, is “principally saying for our youthful college students, do you really need them being taught about intercourse?… Clearly proper now, we see a deal with transgenderism, telling youngsters they are able to choose genders and all of that.”

DeSantis’ grotesquely truculent spokeswoman, Christina Pushaw, has accused critics of the invoice of appearing like pedophiles. “For those who’re in opposition to the Anti-Grooming invoice, you might be most likely a groomer or not less than you don’t denounce the grooming of 4-8 12 months previous youngsters,” she tweeted final week. “Silence is complicity. That is the way it works, Democrats, and I didn’t make the foundations.”

What’s particularly dispiriting about Chapek’s hands-off coverage over “Don’t Say Homosexual” is the huge energy of the Walt Disney Firm to get what it desires from the state’s political leaders. That energy derives from the gravitational mass of Walt Disney World, situated exterior Orlando. Disney World, which opened in 1971, established Central Florida as a world-class trip vacation spot.

To lure the corporate to what was then the center of nowhere, Florida gave the corporate near-governmental land use authority over an enormous tract of farmland. The event district carved out for Disney a half-century in the past is exempt from most state laws and has its personal police and fireplace departments, taxing energy and constructing code, in line with the Tallahassee Democrat.

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The tourism business Disney created produces an annual financial influence of $75.2 billion for the area and greater than 460,000 jobs, in line with a 2019 research. The gross sales tax collected on the 58 million Disney World tickets offered in 2018 alone was $409 million, greater than the state’s 2021 finances for on college development and upkeep, the Tallahassee Democrat reported.

Do you actually assume that Disney couldn’t have swayed the Florida legislature by taking a public stand on “Don’t Say Homosexual”?

It’s correct to notice that Chapek’s predecessor and mentor, former CEO and Chairman Robert Iger, has spoken out in regards to the invoice, tweeting last month that “if handed, this invoice will put weak, younger LGBTQ folks in jeopardy.” Iger was seconding a press release by President Biden panning “this hateful invoice.”

It’s additionally correct to notice that a lot of the monetary help Disney has supplied to supporters of the invoice was doled out on Iger’s watch. Iger introduced Chapek’s ascension as CEO in February 2020, however didn’t formally retire as CEO and chairman till final Dec. 31. Within the interim, Iger and Chapek ran the corporate collectively.

Let’s be clear: States are voting on and passing assaults by the carload on LGBTQ+ residents, ladies in search of reproductive healthcare rights, and voters of colour. We’re previous the stage when “telling necessary tales,” as Chapek put it, for the value of a theater ticket or a streaming service subscription is an sufficient substitution for exerting political strain to realize needed social and political targets.

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If Disney actually desires to “unequivocally stand in help of our LGBTQ+ staff, their households, and their communities,” to cite Chapek’s memo, then it must take a public stand and deprive Florida’s reactionary politicians of marketing campaign contributions. That might be a really unequivocal stand.

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State Farm seeks major rate hikes for California homeowners and renters

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State Farm seeks major rate hikes for California homeowners and renters

State Farm General is seeking to dramatically increase residential insurance rates for millions of Californians, a move that would deepen the state’s ongoing crisis over housing coverage.

In two filings with the state’s Department of Insurance on Thursday signaling financial trouble for the insurance giant, State Farm disclosed it is seeking a 30% rate increase for homeowners; a 36% increase for condo owners; and a 52% increase for renters.

“State Farm General’s latest rate filings raise serious questions about its financial condition,” Ricardo Lara, California’s insurance commissioner, said in a statement. “This has the potential to affect millions of California consumers and the integrity of our residential property insurance market.”

State Farm did not return requests for comment.

Lara noted that nothing immediately changes for policyholders as a result of the filings. His said his department would use all of its “investigatory tools to get to the bottom of State Farm’s financial situation,” including a rate hearing if necessary, before making a decision on whether to approve the requests.

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That process could take months: The department is averaging 180 days for its reviews, and complex cases can take even longer, according to a department spokesperson.

The department has already approved recent State Farm requests for significant home insurance rate increases, including a 6.9% bump in January 2023 and a 20% hike that went into effect in March.

State Farm’s bid to sharply increase home insurance rates seeks to utilize a little-known and rarely used exception to the state’s usual insurance rate-making formula. Typically, such a move signals that an insurance provider is facing serious financial issues.

In one of the filings, State Farm General said the purpose of its request was to restore its financial condition. “If the variance is denied,” the insurer wrote, “further deterioration of surplus is anticipated.”

California is facing an insurance crisis as climate change and extreme weather contribute to catastrophic fires that have destroyed thousands of homes in recent years.

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In March, State Farm announced that it wouldn’t renew 72,000 property owner policies statewide, joining Farmers, Allstate and other companies in either not writing or limiting new policies, or tightening underwriting standards.

The companies blamed wildfires, inflation that raised reconstruction costs, higher prices for reinsurance they buy to boost their balance sheets and protect themselves from catastrophes, as well as outdated state regulations — claims disputed by some consumer advocates.

As insurers have pulled back from the homeowners market, lawmakers in Sacramento are scrambling to make coverage available and affordable for residents living in high-risk areas.

Times staff writer Laurence Darmiento contributed to this report.

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High interest rates are hurting people. Here's why it's worse for Californians

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High interest rates are hurting people. Here's why it's worse for Californians

By the numbers, the overall U.S. economy may look good, but down at the street level the view is a lot grimmer and grittier.

The surge in interest rates imposed by the Federal Reserve to slow inflation has closed like an acrid cloud over would-be homeowners, car buyers, growing families, and businesses new and old, large and small. It has meant missing opportunities, settling for less — and waiting and waiting and waiting.

It’s not that the average American is underwater. It’s that many feel that they’re struggling more than they anticipated and feel more constricted. In the American Dream, if you work hard, things are supposed to get better. Fairly or not, that may be a big part of why so many voters have expressed unhappiness with President Biden’s handling of the economy.

The cost of borrowing, whether for mortgages, credit cards or car loans, is the highest in more than two decades. And that is weighing especially hard on people in California, where housing, gas and many other things are more expensive than in most other states.

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California’s economy also relies more on interest rate-sensitive sectors such as real estate and high tech, which helps explain why the state has been lagging in job growth and its unemployment rate is the highest in the nation.

Harder to budget

When interest rates rise, savers can earn more on their deposits. But in America’s consumer society, for most people higher rates mean that a lot of things cost a little (or a lot) more. That makes it harder to stretch an individual or family budget. It may mean giving up on the nicer car you had your heart set on, or settling for a smaller house, or a shorter, less glamorous vacation.

And with every uptick in interest rates, which is almost inevitably passed on to customers, some have had to give up on a purchase entirely.

Geovanny Panchame, a creative director at an advertising agency, knows these feelings all too well: He thinks often about what could have been if he and his wife had bought the starter home they were planning for in 2020.

Back then, they had been pre-approved at an interest rate of 3.1% — right around the national average — but were outbid several times. They figured they’d wait a few years to save more money for a nicer place.

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Four years later, the couple are still renting an apartment in Culver City — and now they’re expecting their first child.

Pushing to buy a house and get settled before their son is born in December, they recently made an $885,000 offer for a three-bedroom, 1.5-bath home in Inglewood. They plan to put down 10%. At the current average mortgage interest rate of 7%, that would mean a monthly payment of about $5,300 — $1,900 more than if they had an interest rate of 3.1%.

The source of that increase is the Federal Reserve’s power to set basic interest rates, which determines the interest rates for almost everything else in the economy. The Fed’s benchmark rate went up rapidly, from near zero in early 2022 to a generational high of about 5.5%, where it has been for almost a year. The rate has been higher in the past, but after two decades in which it was mostly at rock bottom, most people had gotten used to both very low inflation and low interest rates.

“Clearly, we look back and we probably should have kept going and hopped into something,” Panchame, 39, said. “I’ve been really sacrificing a lot to get to this point to purchase a home and now I just feel like I got here but I didn’t work quick enough because interest rates have gotten the better of me.”

Add property taxes and home insurance, and it’s even more painful for home buyers because those costs have also risen sharply since the COVID-19 pandemic, along with housing prices themselves.

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A typical buyer of a mid-tier home in California, priced at about $785,000 in the spring, was looking at a total housing payment of about $5,900 a month. That’s up from $3,250 in March of 2020 and almost $4,600 in March of 2022, when the Fed began raising interest rates, according to the California Legislative Analyst’s Office.

It wasn’t supposed to work like that: Lifting interest rates as fast and as high as the Fed did, in its effort to curb inflation, should have led to falling home prices.

But that didn’t happen, mainly because relatively few homes came on the market. Most existing homeowners had locked in lower mortgage rates before the surge; selling those houses once interest rates took off would have meant paying higher prices and interest rates on other homes, or bloated rents for apartments.

For most homeowners sitting on the low rates of the past, their financial well-being was further supported by low unemployment and incomes that generally remained on par with inflation or grew a little faster. And many had cushions of savings built up in early phases of the pandemic, thanks partly to government support.

All of which has kept the U.S. economy as a whole humming along, blunting the full effects of higher interest rates.

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“Consumers are doing their job,” said Claire Li, senior analyst at Moody’s Investors Service, though she added that there are now signs of slower spending, evidenced by consumers cutting back on credit card purchases.

Unlike most home loans, credit card interest rates aren’t fixed. And today the average rate has bounced up to almost 22% from 14.6% in 2021, according to Fed data. That’s starting to squeeze more borrowers, adding to their unease.

Rising credit card debt

In California, the 30-day delinquency rate on credit cards is nearing 5% — something not seen since late 2009 around the end of the Great Recession, according to the California Policy Lab at UC Berkeley.

Lower-income and younger borrowers are more prone to falling behind on credit card, auto and other consumer loan payments than those with higher incomes. And it’s these groups that are feeling the effects of higher interest rates the most.

Christian Shorter, a self-employed tech serviceman who lives in Chino, just bought a used Volkswagen Jetta for $21,000. He put down $3,500 and financed the rest over 69 months at an annual interest rate of 24%. His monthly payment is more than $480, and by the end of the loan he will have paid about $15,000 in interest.

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Shorter, 45, said he doesn’t have good credit. He plans to take out a personal loan when interest rates drop and pay off the car debt. “Definitely, definitely, they should lower interest rates,” he said of the Fed.

Between the jump in interest rates and prices of new vehicles, some auto buyers have downgraded to cheaper models. The biggest shift, though, especially in California, has been a move by more buyers to turn to electric vehicles to save on fuel costs, says Joseph Yoon, a consumer analyst at Edmunds, the car research and information firm in Santa Monica.

In May, he said, buyers on average financed about $41,000 on a new vehicle purchase at an interest rate of 7.3% (compared with 4.1% in December 2021). Over 69 months, that translates to a monthly payment of $745.

“For a big part of the population, they’re looking at this car market and saying, ‘I got to wait for something to break,’ like interest rates or dealer incentives,” Yoon said.

For a lot of small-business owners, who drive much of the economy in Los Angeles, they don’t have the luxury of waiting it out. They need funds to survive, or to expand when things are going well.

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But many can’t qualify with traditional commercial lenders, and when they can they’re typically looking at interest rates of 9%; that’s more than double what they were before the Fed’s rate hikes, according to surveys by the National Federation of Independent Business.

One result: More and more people in Southern California are looking for help from lenders such as Brea-based Lendistry, one of the nation’s largest minority-led community development financial institutions.

From January to May, applications were up 21% and the dollar volume of loans rose 33% compared with a year earlier, said Everett Sands, Lendistry’s chief executive. Interest rates on his loans range from 7.5% to 14.5%.

“Business owners, they’re resilient, entrepreneurial, scrappy — they’ll figure out a way,” he said, adding that he sees many doing side jobs like driving for Uber or making Instacart deliveries at night.

Even so, Sands said, the higher borrowing costs inevitably mean less money spent on things like investing in new technology and software and bringing on additional staff, as well as delays in owners growing their businesses.

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“Some of them lose out in progressing forward.”

‘When you put everything on the line, you get desperate.’

— Jurni Rayne, Gritz N Wafflez

Jurni Rayne, 42, started her brunch business, Gritz N Wafflez, as a ghost kitchen in February 2022, preparing food orders for delivery services. She financed that by maxing out her credit cards and getting a merchant cash advance, which is like a payday loan with super high interest rates. Her debts reached $70,000.

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“When you put everything on the line, you get desperate,” said Rayne, a Dallas native who moved to Los Angeles a decade ago and has worked as a manager at California Pizza Kitchen and the Cheesecake Factory. “You don’t care about the interest rate, because it’s something like between passion and insanity.”

She has since paid off all the merchant loans. And her business has seen such strong growth that last year Rayne got out of the ghost kitchen and into a small spot in Pico-Union, starting with just three tables. She now has 17 tables and a staff of 14.

This fall she’ll be moving to a bigger location in Koreatown and has her sights on a second restaurant in South Los Angeles. But she frets that she could have expanded sooner if interest rates had been lower and she’d had more access to financing.

Economists call that an opportunity cost. For Rayne, it’s personal.

“Absolutely, lower interest rates would have helped me,” she said.

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For many others, the wait for lower rates continues without the balm of intermediate success.

Lynn Miller, 60, began looking to buy a home in Orange County about a year ago, hoping to upgrade from her current 1,600-square-foot apartment.

“It’s not bad, it’s just not mine — the dishwasher is crappy, the washing machine is old,” she said of her rental in Corona del Mar. “I’m obviously not going to invest in these appliances. It’s just different not owning your own home.”

It’s been a discouraging process, she said, especially when she inputs her numbers into the mortgage calculators on Zillow and Realtor.com, which churn out estimates based on current interest rates.

“If you look at those monthly payment numbers, it’s shocking,” Miller, a marketing consultant, said. “It’ll get better, but it’s just not better right now.”

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She’s continuing her house search — she’d love to buy a single-family, three-bedroom home with a backyard for a dog — but is holding off for now.

“I’m still waiting because I do think that interest rates are going to go down,” Miller said, although she knows it’s a guessing game. “I could end up waiting a long time.”

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California lawmakers advance tax on Big Tech to help fund news industry

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California lawmakers advance tax on Big Tech to help fund news industry

The California state Senate on Thursday passed legislation aimed at helping the news industry by imposing a new tax on some of the biggest tech companies in the world.

Senate Bill 1327 would tax Amazon, Meta and Google for the data they collect from users and pump the money from this “data extraction mitigation fee” into news organizations by giving them a tax credit for employing full-time journalists.

“Just as we have funded a movie industry tax credit, with no state involvement in content, the same goes for this journalism tax credit,” Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda) said as he presented the bill on the Senate floor, casting it as a measure to protect democracy and a free press.

Its passage comes the same week lawmakers advanced another bill that seeks to resuscitate the local news business, which has suffered from declining revenue as technology changes the way people consume news. Assembly Bill 886 would require digital platforms to pay news outlets a fee when they sell advertising alongside news content.

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Glazer said his bill is meant as a complement to the other measure, adding that he and its author, Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland), plan to work with the companies that could be affected by both bills “in balancing everyone’s interest.”

The legislation passed 27 to 7, with one Republican — Sen. Scott Wilk (R-Santa Clarita) — joining Democrats in support. As a tax increase, it required support from two-thirds of the Senate and now advances to the Assembly.

A Republican who opposed the bill said technology is changing many industries, not just journalism, and that some of the innovations have led to inspiring new ways to consume news, such as through podcasts or nonprofit news outlets.

“These are all new models, and very few people under the age of 50 … even pick up a paper newspaper,” said Sen. Roger Niello (R-Fair Oaks.) “So this is an evolution of the marketplace.”

Opponents of the bill include tech company trade associations Technet, Internet Coalition and Chamber of Progress; the California Chamber of Commerce; and numerous local chambers of commerce.

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Supporters include unions representing journalists, a coalition of online and nonprofit news outlets, and the publishers of several small newspapers.

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