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Betty Broderick, Whose Murder Trial Was Grist for TV Movies, Dies at 78
Betty Broderick, who shot and killed her former husband and his new, younger wife in 1989, a double murder that, with its overtones of marital betrayal, obsession and revenge, was grist for headlines, television movies, talk shows, a podcast and at least five books, died on May 8 in San Bernardino County, Calif. She was 78.
Her death, at a hospital to which she had been transferred last month from the California Institution for Women in Corona, in her 37th year of incarceration, was confirmed by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. No cause was provided.
On Nov. 5, 1989, Ms. Broderick entered the home of her ex-husband, Daniel T. Broderick III, a prominent malpractice lawyer in San Diego, and Linda Kolkena Broderick, a former flight attendant who became his legal assistant and, while he was still married to Ms. Broderick, his lover, and shot them in bed with a .38-caliber pistol.
Ms. Broderick, then about to turn 42, immediately turned herself in to the police, and never denied firing the fatal shots at her former husband, 44, and his second wife, 28. But she denied committing murder, claiming in media interviews and in the courtroom to have been a victim of years of psychological abuse.
Her two trials — the first ending in a hung jury and the second in conviction on two counts of second-degree murder in 1991 — turned on whether the shootings had been premeditated or were a spontaneous outburst after a long period of what Ms. Broderick described as mental torture.
Her rage at being wronged, and her desire for vengeance, became a mirror in which many ex-wives who had also been through hostile divorces caught a glimpse of themselves.
Ms. Broderick spoke to magazines and newspapers before and after her trials, and twice appeared from prison on “The Oprah Winfrey Show,” angrily venting about her husband.
“He went off with the bimbo at 40, driving a red Corvette — haven’t we heard this before?” she told The Los Angeles Times three weeks after the killings.
She claimed that Mr. Broderick, the head of the San Diego County Bar Association, had used his wealth and legal connections to win custody of their four children and to deprive her of a fair financial settlement when they divorced in 1986.
“His was the white-collar way of beating you,” Ms. Broderick told The New York Times between her trials. “If he had hit me with a baseball bat, I could have shown people what he did and made him stop.”
In San Diego, where the couple had once been socially prominent and lived in a five-bedroom home in the affluent La Jolla community, there was plenty of sympathy for her.
“She worked hard to help send her husband through medical school and law school,” a letter-writer to The San Diego Tribune said. “How did he reward her? He traded her in for a younger model.”
In the years leading up to the fatal shootings, Ms. Broderick’s behavior had grown increasingly volatile. When she first suspected her husband of cheating, she burned his clothes in the backyard.
He moved out in 1985. After that, she spray-painted the inside of his new home, rammed her car through his front door and left vulgar messages on his answering machine. He obtained a temporary restraining order and had her held in a county mental hospital for three days.
At her first trial, mental health specialists called by both the prosecution and the defense testified that Ms. Broderick was narcissistic and histrionic. Melvin G. Goldzband, a psychiatrist who testified for the prosecution, refuted her claims of emotional abuse.
“She wanted not to be rejected,” he said, adding that she would have been angry even if her husband had agreed to an extravagant monthly support settlement.
“People extend battles because it’s the only form of the relationship that they have,” Dr. Goldzband said.
Ms. Broderick was sentenced in 1992 to the maximum possible term: 32 years to life in prison. She was twice denied parole.
Elizabeth Anne Bisceglia was born on Nov. 7, 1947, in New York City, one of six children of Frank and Marita (Curtin) Bisceglia. Her father was an owner of a family plastering business founded by his father in 1908.
She grew up in Bronxville, N.Y., and attended the College (now University) of Mount Saint Vincent, a Catholic institution in the Bronx.
She met Dan Broderick, the oldest of nine children from a Pittsburgh family, when he was on the cusp of entering Cornell’s medical school in Manhattan. They married in 1969. After completing medical school, Mr. Broderick decided to get a law degree at Harvard and enter the lucrative new field of medical malpractice law.
The young couple and their two children moved to San Diego, where Mr. Broderick’s career flourished, two more children arrived and the couple was welcomed into elite social circles. They bought a ski condo in Colorado and dug a swimming pool in the backyard.
But even before Mr. Broderick began an affair, Ms. Broderick was unhappy in the role of socialite and mother, and her family’s privilege seemed to bring her little pleasure.
“Mom was always kind of weird,” her daughter Kimberly Broderick Piggins told The Los Angeles Times in 1990. “Mom would get mad at Dad all the time. Once Mom picked up the stereo and threw it at him. And she locked him out constantly. He’d come around to my window and whisper, ‘Kim, let me in.’”
In addition to Ms. Piggins, Ms. Broderick’s survivors include two sons, Daniel and Rhett; another daughter, Kathy Broderick; and seven grandchildren.
Ms. Broderick and the murders have exerted a long hold on pulpy pop culture. A 1992 CBS television movie appeared in two parts, starring Meredith Baxter. The first installment, “A Woman Scorned: The Betty Broderick Story,” for which Ms. Baxter was nominated for an Emmy Award, was followed by “Her Final Fury: Betty Broderick, the Last Chapter.”
The story was adapted as the second season — broadcast in 2020 on the USA Network — of the anthology series “Dirty John,” with Amanda Peet as the jilted Ms. Broderick and Christian Slater as her adulterous husband.
Bella Stumbo, a Los Angeles Times reporter, wrote a book about the case, “Until the Twelfth of Never,” in 1993, a year after “Hell Hath No Fury” by Bryna Taubman was published.
In 2020, The Los Angeles Times produced a podcast series, “It Was Simple: The Betty Broderick Murders,” which included interviews with the defending and prosecuting lawyers and the jury foreman.
The title was ironic; nothing about Ms. Broderick’s story was as simple as it seemed. At her second trial, the prosecution played a tape of her son Danny, then 11, pleading with her to stop tearing the family apart with her destructive behavior.
“You want everything,” he said. “You want all the kids, all the money, to get rid of Linda — and it’s not going to work, Mom. You’ve been mad long enough.”
Ms. Broderick replied, “No, I haven’t.”
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South Carolina Governor Plans Special Session to Redraw House Maps
Gov. Henry McMaster of South Carolina, a Republican, plans to call the state legislature back for a special session that will be focused on redrawing the state’s congressional maps, lawmakers said on Wednesday evening. The effort could eliminate the state’s sole Democratic district, held by Representative James E. Clyburn.
Mr. McMaster’s decision came one day after five Republican state senators voted with Democrats to block a resolution that would have brought the legislature back to the State Capitol to consider redistricting.
That vote had seemed to close the door on the matter. Republican lawmakers had considered an agreement to extend their session only when it became clear that Mr. McMaster would not immediately call a special session himself.
But Mr. McMaster, who cannot seek re-election because of term limits, now appears willing to thrust South Carolina into the redistricting battles that have reached fever intensity, particularly in the South, ever since the Supreme Court dealt a blow to the Voting Rights Act last month.
President Trump has been clear about his wish for a G.O.P. sweep of all seven of South Carolina’s congressional districts, pressing Republican officials to draw new district maps before the midterm elections.
Mr. McMaster’s office declined to comment on Wednesday. Recently, he had said that he would let the Republican-controlled General Assembly decide the matter.
If Mr. McMaster calls the special session, lawmakers would face a time crunch. South Carolina’s primaries are on June 9, but early voting begins in two weeks, so Republicans would have to pass new maps before May 26.
The South Carolina House has proposed moving the congressional primaries to August to accommodate new maps.
There are also legal hurdles to consider. Hundreds of overseas voters have already cast ballots, which could prompt lawsuits if their votes are discarded to account for a change of date in congressional elections.
It is still unclear if new maps would pass in a special session, although Republicans control the legislature and would need only a simple majority to approve them.
Davey Hiott, the Republican leader of the South Carolina House, told reporters that his chamber was ready to get things rolling on Friday morning and vote on a map as quickly as possible, ideally next week.
Shane Massey, the Republican leader of the State Senate, who drew national attention for his impassioned speech against redistricting, was much more apprehensive about moving fast. He said public input was important and continued to voice opposition to the redistricting effort.
“I haven’t heard anything that alleviates the concerns, not just for me but for other people that I’ve been talking to,” Mr. Massey said. “The concerns are there. If anything, they’re only heightened.”
He also noted that there were other pressing matters for the legislature to consider in the special session, such as finishing the budget.
Unlike their counterparts in states like Tennessee, Alabama and Louisiana, some South Carolina Republicans have been much more lukewarm about the idea of mid-decade redistricting, mostly because they are skeptical that a new map would guarantee one more Republican-leaning congressional district. Instead, they fear that Democrats could be competitive in the newly created districts as Republican strength in some current districts is diluted.
Mr. Massey said in the chamber on Tuesday that changing the maps was “extremely risky” and could allow Democrats to pick up a seat.
“Very candidly, you’re going to motivate Black turnout, and there will be repercussions from that,” including on local races, he said in that speech.
Mr. Massey and Mr. Hiott did agree that the redistricting debates were about to get even messier in Columbia, the capital.
“It’ll be like nothing we’ve ever seen,” Mr. Hiott said. “It’ll be long. It’ll be tedious. At times, hopefully, it’ll be respectful.”
He laughed when asked what he made of the governor’s change of heart on redistricting, adding, “I never thought it was out of the realm of possibility.”
Mr. Massey said Mr. McMaster had argued in a private meeting that calling the legislature back didn’t mean he was telling them what to do.
“My position on that is, if you’re calling us back, you’re telling everybody what you want us to do,” Mr. Massey said.
Mr. Massey described their redistricting dilemma as “a box within a box,” a “maze,” something he didn’t know how to escape. Sooner or later, he added, they would have to vote on new maps.
The debate over redistricting comes in the waning weeks of a crowded Republican primary battle for governor. All of the leading candidates have expressed their support for redistricting to increase Republicans’ chances of retaining control of Congress. Some of the candidates, including Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette and Alan Wilson, the state attorney general, have showed up at committee hearings, urging lawmakers to move ahead.
Mr. Trump has not yet endorsed anyone in the governor’s race.
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Denise Powell wins Democratic primary for Nebraska’s 2nd congressional district
Denise Powell, candidate for the Democratic nomination to the House of Representatives in Nebraska’s second district, right, hugs pollster Madeline Conway during an election night watch party Wednesday in Omaha, Neb.
Rebecca S. Gratz/AP
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Rebecca S. Gratz/AP
Political organizer Denise Powell has defeated State Sen. John Cavanaugh to win the Democratic primary in the race for Nebraska’s second congressional district, according to a race call by the Associated Press on Wednesday.
With the race too close to call as polls closed Tuesday night, Powell ultimately defeated Cavanaugh by about 2 percentage points with 89 percent of votes counted so far, according to estimates from the AP Wednesday evening. That margin could change as the remaining ballots in the race are counted.
Powell will go on to face the Republican nominee Brinker Harding who is endorsed by President Trump.
The race for the state’s second congressional district is closely watched because the ultimate winner could help decide which party controls the narrowly divided U.S. House after this year’s midterm elections.
The Democratic primary attracted more than $5.6 million in outside ad spending, according to a review of Federal Election Commission filings by Nebraska Public Media.
The second district, which includes the Omaha area, is known as the “blue dot” because it was the lone Nebraska district to vote for Kamala Harris in 2024 and Joe Biden in 2020. It is currently represented by Republican Don Bacon, who is retiring. Democrats see the seat as a prime pickup opportunity.

Powell’s win helps avoid a scenario that some Nebraska Democrats had been dreading. Had Cavanaugh won, the state’s Republican governor would have been able to appoint a replacement to finish his term, which ends in 2028.
Republicans already hold a supermajority in the Nebraska legislature, but some Democrats worried that losing a seat in a reliable district would have helped the GOP change how the state awards its electoral votes for president.
Nebraska is one of two states, the other being Maine, that does not use a winner-take-all approach when awarding electoral votes. Rather, it awards an Electoral College vote to the winning presidential candidate in each individual congressional district. In a close race, many Democrats fear the loss of the blue dot could prove pivotal.
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Stephen Cloobeck, Former California Governor Candidate, Arrested in Los Angeles County
Stephen Cloobeck, a wealthy real estate developer who briefly ran for governor of California last year, was arrested on Tuesday in West Hollywood, Calif., and charged with intimidating victims in a case against his fiancée, a former Penthouse model accused of wooing rich men online and stealing from them.
Mr. Cloobeck, 64, was arrested and charged with attempting to prevent or dissuade a victim from testifying, according to the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department. A warrant had been issued for Mr. Cloobeck’s arrest, and he surrendered at the West Hollywood station on Tuesday morning.
The charge could potentially be a felony, and is related to a criminal case against Mr. Cloobeck’s fiancée, Adva Lavie, a social media influencer and model who is known online as Mia Ventura. She has been charged with multiple felonies and is accused of using dating apps to meet older, wealthy men and then burglarizing their homes, according to the Los Angeles District Attorney’s Office.
According to the complaint against Mr. Cloobeck that was released on Wednesday, he is being charged with three felony counts for attempting to dissuade — “by force or threat,” according to the complaint — three of Ms. Lavie’s victims from testifying against her. He is charged with an additional misdemeanor for allegedly making “annoying telephone calls” to an additional person connected to Ms. Lavie’s case.
Mr. Cloobeck was booked at 11:19 a.m. on Tuesday and released in the early afternoon after posting a $300,000 bond, according to jail records. His lawyer did not immediately return a call for comment, and Mr. Cloobeck did not respond to a text message.
Mr. Cloobeck, the founder of the timeshare company Diamond Resorts International, had put up millions of his own money to run for governor of California last year before withdrawing from the race in November. Upon his exit, he endorsed Eric Swalwell, the former congressman who had become a Democratic front-runner before he was accused of sexual abuse and had to abandon his campaign in April.
In ending his own campaign, Mr. Cloobeck said in November, “If Eric weren’t in this race, I’d still be in it. But I am leaving this race because the most qualified person in the state is now running for governor.”
Mr. Cloobeck described an unusually close relationship with Mr. Swalwell in an interview this year with Politico. He likened Mr. Swalwell to a “little brother,” and said the former congressman had stayed at his Malibu home several times in the prior eight years.
After the sex abuse allegations emerged, Mr. Swalwell stayed with Mr. Cloobeck again, according to NBC Los Angeles. But the real estate magnate told the station that he had cut ties with the former congressman days later.
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