Alaska
Most of the drugs seized in Alaska last year came through Anchorage’s airport, new state report says
Alaska officials continue seizing record-setting volumes of illegal drugs, much of it through ramped-up efforts at the state’s main airport complex in Anchorage, though in lower quantities than 2024.
On Thursday, the Alaska Department of Public Safety released its annual drug report for 2025, a compilation of data and trends from law enforcement agencies. While the total amount of hard drugs seized was down about 10% from what law enforcement officials intercepted in 2024, the confiscations still dwarf similar figures from recent years.
A decade ago, for example, police reported seizing 4,249 grams of methamphetamine in Alaska during 2016. By 2020, the volume of meth seized was up more than sevenfold to 30,187 grams. In 2025, they turned up 125,300 grams of meth, roughly 15% less than the amount seized in 2024, according to the new report.
Seizures were slightly down last year for other street drugs, including fentanyl and heroin. Only confiscations of cocaine were greater last year than in 2024, rising 67% from 30,819 to 51,328 grams, according to the state’s data.
Most of the illegal drugs seized — 82%, according to the new report — were discovered at Ted Stevens Anchorage International Airport, either carried by passengers or sent in through the mail and cargo freight streams. In the case of fentanyl, which is largely blamed for Alaska’s persistently high rate of fatal overdoses, 90% of what was seized last year was at the airport complex.
According to Department of Public Safety Commissioner James Cockrell, the modest decline in drug busts is a sign that ongoing coordination between law enforcement agencies on interdiction is working.
“We’re seeing a reduction in drugs coming into Alaska,” Cockrell said at a media briefing held in the airport’s North Terminal the same day the drug report was released.
Hard drugs tend to come into Alaska by air or maritime routes from larger metro areas like Phoenix, Los Angeles and Seattle, Cockrell said. From Anchorage, the shipments are either broken down for sale within the municipality and along the road system, or moved farther along to hub communities and villages in rural Alaska via air carriers, where the prices paid per dose can climb drastically.
“There is a strong correlation between distance from a regional hub and price — the farther a drug or alcohol is trafficked from a regional hub, the greater the retail price,” the DPS report states. A pressed blue fentanyl pill that sells for $4 to $10 on the streets of Anchorage, for example, can be sold for around $100 in Nome, Bethel or Dillingham, according to data from the department.
Cockrell said it was a “game changer” when Alaska law enforcement began a closer working relationship with the U.S. Postal Inspection Service in 2024, which helped enable and expedite more investigations into suspected drug parcels. Seizure volumes shot up, almost entirely at the airport.
State Attorney General Stephen Cox said at Thursday’s briefing that more conversations are beginning about policy changes to further curb drug traffic into Alaska.
He pointed to the Dunleavy administration’s recent collaboration with Anchorage Mayor Suzanne LaFrance’s administration to prosecute more shoplifting crimes, and a forthcoming expansion of enforcement over “quality of life” problems like “open air drug offenses.”
“Lower-level crimes, they matter, because they shape whether people feel safe in their own communities,” Cox said.
The event was short on detailed policy changes or new resources being added to enforcement efforts.
“Not every new initiative needs money,” Gov. Mike Dunleavy said. “It’s about approaching things differently … I think you’re going to see some great things, even without money.”
The governor emphasized the need to break down jurisdictional silos between state, federal, local and tribal entities to improve drug interdiction and prosecution. He also repeatedly cited all the ways the Trump administration has supported the cause over the last year since returning to office.
“If you don’t think the Trump administration is serious about crime, just watch those videos off the coast of Venezuela, or off the coast of the eastern Pacific,” Dunleavy said, referring to controversial military strikes on small boats alleged to be transporting drugs. “The president is pretty clear that he wants this country to improve greatly and quickly.”
Dunleavy was joined at the event by national “drug czar” Sara Carter, confirmed last month as head of the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy.
Carter spoke in general terms about federal efforts to combat cartels and other organized criminal networks trafficking drugs.
“We will hunt them in the mail. We will hunt them at the border. And we will hunt them in the labs abroad where this poison is made,” she said.
Dunleavy, whose second term as governor will end in December and is barred from running again, said Thursday’s discussion of ongoing drug interdiction efforts was “just the beginning of the process.”
“It’s not a photo op, it’s not a press conference just for press conference sake,” Dunleavy said, flanked by law enforcement officials from state, federal and local agencies. “We’re gonna have to engage the courts sooner or later, we’re gonna have to engage the Legislature as we run into things.”
Alaska
Elim resident dies, child injured in snowmachine collision
A 55-year-old Elim resident died in a snowmachine collision Friday night, Alaska State Troopers said.
The accident, which occurred in the Norton Sound village of fewer than 400 residents, was reported to the agency just before 11 p.m. Friday, troopers said in an online statement. The report indicated that Anna Aukon “was riding in a sled down a road when she was struck by a snowmachine also traveling on the road,” troopers said. Life-saving measures were administered but were unsuccessful, according to troopers.
A young child also sustained injuries in the collision and was medevaced from Elim, troopers said.
Aukon’s next of kin was at the scene, according to troopers, and her body was being taken to the State Medical Examiner Office.
Nome troopers responded to Elim on Saturday to investigate the collision, the agency said.
Alaska
Opinion: Alaska must speak with one voice about the future of a natural gas pipeline
“North to the Future” wasn’t just a motto in my family. It was a lived experience.
My grandfather came to Alaska in 1948 as a Local 302 heavy equipment operator. He helped build roads and airports across this state and ultimately worked on the trans-Alaska pipeline. He came north because Alaska was rising.
Back then, the spirit of this state was dynamic and confident. When opportunity appeared, we seized it. We were growing. Our infrastructure expanded and our young people stayed. Alaska believed in its future.
Today, Washington, D.C., and Wall Street are watching us again. They’re not just studying engineering plans for the Alaska LNG project. They’re listening for something deeper: Does Alaska still believe in itself? Does Alaska truly want this project?
If our message is confused, if we hedge, undercut or politicize this moment, the answer they will hear is “no.” And once that perception hardens, capital and federal focus will move elsewhere.
Energy security is not optional. Southcentral utilities have made it clear that we lack sufficient long-term, firm gas commitments beyond the near horizon. Without a durable solution, Alaska, sitting atop one of the largest untapped gas resources in North America, could soon be importing natural gas to heat homes and power businesses.
Importing energy in a resource-rich state is not resilience. It is vulnerability. Renewables absolutely have a role in Alaska’s future. So does hydro. So does coal. Alaska should be all-in on energy. We are one of the most resource-endowed places on Earth. There is no reason to think small.
Exporting North Slope gas does not displace our need to develop in-state hydro, responsible coal, wind, solar and emerging technologies. It complements them.
Let’s export the gas the world needs and reserve the gas Alaskans require for reliability.
And let’s continue diversifying our in-state portfolio to power industry and strengthen resilience. Energy abundance is not a contradiction. It is a strategy.
AKLNG is not simply an export project. It is an energy security project for Alaska and a strategic energy project for America. The economic upside is significant. The Alaska Gasline Development Corp. projects that AKLNG could generate roughly $600 million per year in total state revenues once operational — royalties, production taxes and related activity. That is a baseline estimate. If Alaska participates as a co-investor, long-term revenue potential increases substantially.
Talk about a revenue generator. At a time when policymakers debate new taxes on industry and even on individual Alaskans just to balance the books, we are staring at a project capable of producing hundreds of millions annually while strengthening energy security. That should be a no-brainer.
Meanwhile, our oil and gas industry is doing extraordinary work revitalizing North Slope production. Projects like Willow and Pikka are restoring throughput and revenue. The private sector is demonstrating confidence in Alaska’s future. The question is whether we will match that confidence.
For too long, we have allowed doubt and policy paralysis to define the conversation. We debate. We delay. We send mixed signals. Investors can model engineering risk and regulatory timelines. What they cannot model is political incoherence.
From the perspective of Washington and Wall Street, confusing or contradictory signals from Alaska’s elected leadership are more destabilizing than permitting hurdles. No financier commits billions into a jurisdiction that sounds ambivalent. No federal partner prioritizes a state that publicly undercuts itself.
We built the trans-Alaska pipeline because we believed in Alaska’s future more than we feared obstacles. That generation understood something simple: When opportunity arrives, you seize it. AKLNG is such a moment. The gas is here. The markets are real. Federal alignment is strong. Our broader energy portfolio is vast. Our workforce is capable.
Alaska has always been a powerhouse of people and resources. If we want energy security, we must say so clearly. If we want diversified energy, we must pursue it boldly. If we want growth, we must demonstrate confidence. Washington is listening. Wall Street is listening. The next generation is listening.
Let’s show them that Alaska still knows how to seize the moment — and rise.
Rep. Chuck Kopp currently serves as the Majority Leader in the Alaska House of Representatives and represents District 10.
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Alaska
Editorial: Decision time in Juneau: Discipline or make it rain?
Alaska has seen this movie before: oil prices spike, politicians celebrate and Juneau starts figuring out how fast it can spend the money.
The U.S. attack on Iran has pushed global oil prices higher, rattling energy markets and sending crude prices upward as supply fears ripple through the global economy. Energy markets surged as tanker disruptions and facility shutdowns across the Middle East threatened supply — a reminder that geopolitical shocks can move oil prices overnight.
For Alaska, that means something very specific: more money. But before Gov. Dunleavy and the Alaska Legislature start eyeing a fresh pile of cash like kids staring at a cookie jar, let’s get something straight. This is not prosperity. This is a temporary windfall driven by war.
And if the past is any guide, Juneau has a good chance to screw it up.
[Related news coverage: Spike in oil prices will boost Alaska revenue, but not enough to cover projected deficit]
Oil prices jumped sharply after the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran on Feb. 28, and analysts say prices could climb even higher if the conflict drags on. Some forecasts suggest oil could exceed $100 per barrel, which could mean roughly $1.5 billion more in revenue for Alaska in the coming year, according to reporting by the Juneau Empire.
That kind of money would erase much of the state’s budget deficit and could even fund a dividend north of $3,000.
Cue the political stampede.
In an election year especially, there will be lawmakers eager to promise giant Permanent Fund dividends fueled by this sudden surge in oil revenue. Expect campaign ads. Expect grandstanding. Expect speeches about “returning the wealth to the people.” And even before the attack on Iran, Gov. Dunleavy was already pushing an unsustainable full dividend for each Alaskan.
It’s a stupid idea — not because Alaskans don’t deserve dividends but because temporary revenue should never be used to make permanent promises. War-driven oil money is the worst possible revenue on which to build promises.
Alaska should know better by now
Alaska’s finances remain wildly exposed to oil price swings. A single dollar change in oil prices can move the state budget by roughly $25 million to $35 million, according to Alaska Public Media.
That volatility is exactly why treating a war-driven price spike as stable revenue is fiscal stupidity.
Even lawmakers watching the markets closely say the state should not assume the spike will last. As legislative leaders told Alaska Public Media, Alaska cannot build its spending plans around overly optimistic oil prices. Yet history tells us that when oil money shows up unexpectedly, discipline in Juneau disappears faster than reindeer sausage at the Tanana Valley State Fair.
The last time a global conflict sent prices soaring was after Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022. Oil shot above $100 a barrel for months. What did Alaska do? The Legislature and governor approved a massive dividend and energy payments totaling more than $2 billion. The state spent the money almost as fast as it arrived — don’t we wish we had those billions today?
Like any temporary high, it felt good at the time, and politically, it was wildly popular. It also did absolutely nothing to solve Alaska’s long-term fiscal problems.
The temptation is coming
The state’s spring revenue forecast arrives in about two weeks. If oil prices remain elevated, the numbers will suddenly look far healthier than they did a month ago.
That’s when it gets tempting. Lawmakers will start talking about “surplus revenue.” Candidates for public office will promise bigger dividends. The governor’s allies will argue the state can suddenly afford everything. Don’t fall for it.
As longtime Alaska fiscal analyst Larry Persily recently wrote in the Alaska Beacon, rising oil prices quickly create a long list of spending ideas in Juneau. But the real question isn’t how much money might arrive — it’s how long it will last. And nobody knows the answer to that. War-driven oil spikes can disappear just as quickly as they arrive.
If Alaska receives a revenue windfall from this conflict, the state should treat it for what it is: a one-time shot in the arm.
That means save it, invest it and strengthen the state’s fiscal stability.
Deposits into reserves like the Constitutional Budget Reserve — or even better, the Permanent Fund — would help rebuild the savings Alaska burned through during the last decade of deficits. Strategic investments in infrastructure, education and economic development would strengthen the state long after oil prices fall again.
What Alaska should not do is hand the entire windfall to voters as a massive dividend. That’s not fiscal policy. That’s a sugar rush.
A simple message for Juneau
There is nothing wrong with Alaskans benefiting when oil prices rise. Oil built this state, and its revenues still help pay for essential services. But relying on war-driven price spikes to fund giant dividends is reckless.
This moment will test the discipline of Alaska’s leaders. The attack on Iran may deliver Alaska a sudden burst of revenue. But the state’s long-term problems — structural deficits, unstable revenue and growing needs — will still be there long after oil prices settle down.
So here’s the message the governor and the Legislature need to hear: If this windfall arrives, don’t blow it the way you did last time.
Save it. Invest it. And for once, resist the urge to torch the cash in the middle of an election year.
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