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Stop talking, start teaching: New York must fight to end antisemitism in our schools

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Stop talking, start teaching: New York must fight to end antisemitism in our schools

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Over 500 days have passed since Hamas’ brutal October 7th attack—the deadliest assault on Jews since the Holocaust. 

More than 500 days of platitudes from certain politicians. More than 500 days of empty words. And yet, hatred against Jews isn’t declining—it’s exploding. In New York, home to the largest Jewish population outside Israel, Jewish students aren’t just unwelcome, they’re unsafe.

Jewish students across New York are under siege. The numbers don’t lie:

  • 72% of Jewish students feel unwelcome on campus.
  • 52% have personally experienced antisemitism at their school.
  • 67% say their university did nothing to protect them after October 7th.
  • 43% actively hide their Jewish identity out of fear.

This crisis is real, and it’s getting worse. Reports place New York in the “Hall of Shame” for campus antisemitism. Institutions like Cornell, Columbia, The New School and NYU have received failing grades for their handling of attacks on Jews. City University of New York (CUNY) and State University of New York (SUNY) schools have also been plagued by repeated incidents of antisemitic harassment. It’s beyond unacceptable—it’s a disgrace.

TRUMP ADMIN WON’T TOLERATE ANTISEMITISM IN SCHOOLS, SAYS LEO TERRELL AS NYC SCHOOLS UNDER MICROSCOPE

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The NYPD cleared pro-Palestinian demonstrators from Barnard College after a group of student protesters occupied Milstein Library on Wednesday night. (Lokman Vural Elibol/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Let’s be clear: free speech does not mean free rein to terrorize Jewish students. At Barnard College, we’ve witnessed pro-Palestinian classroom disruptions, protesters storming the campus, injuring a school employee and escalating tensions beyond control. These individuals weren’t expressing an opinion. They were making it impossible for Jewish students to safely learn.

Students have the right to protest. They do not have the right to commandeer property, intimidate their classmates or spread violent hate. If you cross the line from protest to persecution, the appropriate response isn’t a warning. It’s expulsion. While states like Florida and Texas are taking bold action, New York’s leadership remains asleep at the wheel. Meanwhile, Sen. Chuck Schumer, Gov. Kathy Hochul and Mayor Eric Adams deliver the same tired speeches, condemn hatred in press releases and then do nothing. Jewish students are still being harassed, assaulted and silenced. New York’s Democratic leaders take the Jewish vote for granted—but they shouldn’t. They have allowed this crisis to fester under their watch.

As a proud Jewish-American legislator and a member of the Jewish Legislators Caucus in the New York State Assembly, I refuse to stand by while our students are forced to live in fear. Fighting antisemitism isn’t about politics. It’s about moral clarity. And that’s why I’m taking action.

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A woman holds a poster of Israeli hostage Omer Neutra during a memorial vigil for the Israeli people killed by Hamas during the Oct. 7 attack, in New York City on Nov. 1, 2023. (ANGELA WEISS/AFP via Getty Images)

I introduced the United Against Hate Act, a bold, common-sense plan to combat antisemitism through education, awareness, and action. My bill includes:

  1. A “New York Stands with Israel” License Plate – allowing New Yorkers to proudly display their support while funding hostage rescue efforts.
  2. A Statewide High School Art Competition – teaching students about the dangers of antisemitism and the reality of October 7th through creative expression.

This isn’t just about policy—it’s about making sure the next generation understands that Jew hatred is not an abstract concept. It’s a real and present danger.

While New York’s Democratic leaders offer lip service, President Donald Trump has been the strongest defender of Jewish students in America. His administration took real action against campus antisemitism when others only offered empty words. President Trump’s executive order on Combatting Antisemitism empowered the Department of Education to hold universities accountable under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. Because of this order, the federal government has launched investigations into five universities where antisemitic harassment has run rampant. That’s what real leadership looks like. And that’s the standard we should demand.

Protesters demonstrate near Columbia University on Feb. 2, 2024 in New York City. (Alexi J. Rosenfeld/Getty Images)

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History will judge us by what we do at this moment. Will we stand by while hatred against Jews spreads unchecked, or will we take bold action to stop it?

Jewish students should not have to hide their identity to feel safe at school. They shouldn’t have to wonder whether their professors, classmates or administrators will defend their rights. And they certainly shouldn’t be left to fend for themselves while politicians offer nothing but hollow statements. If schools and universities refuse to act, then we must hold them accountable. If they tolerate antisemitism, they should be defunded—plain and simple.

This is a test of moral clarity. I know where I stand. Where do New York’s leaders stand?

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Pittsburg, PA

Highbrow vs. lowbrow: Pittsburgh Opera fronts fat jokes in season-ending comedy, ‘Falstaff’

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Highbrow vs. lowbrow: Pittsburgh Opera fronts fat jokes in season-ending comedy, ‘Falstaff’






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Connecticut

Looney announces he will not seek reelection; names his chosen successors

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Looney announces he will not seek reelection; names his chosen successors


HARTFORD, Conn. (WTNH) — State Sen. Martin Looney, the longest serving Senate president in Connecticut’s history, announced Saturday that he will not seek reelection to another term in office.

“Serving the people of Connecticut in the General Assembly for 46 years has been the great privilege of my public life,” Looney said in a statement.

Looney announced his decision to a private meeting of the Senate’s Democratic office on Saturday afternoon, shortly before the chamber convened for a rare weekend session to approve adjustments to the state budget. 

Raised in New Haven to parents who immigrated from Ireland, Looney has served in the legislature since 1981. He held a seat in the state House for 12 years before being elected to the Senate in 1992. In 2003, his colleagues elected him majority leader and then Senate president pro tempore a dozen years later. 

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Technically, the role of President pro tempore is to preside over the State Senate in the absence of the lieutenant governor. Practically, the role is the Senate’s prime leadership position and one of the most powerful public offices in the state. The Senate president wields immense influence over which bills are put up for votes, which senators receive desirable committee postings and which policies are prioritized by the caucus in each year’s legislative session.

From his perch atop the upper chamber, Looney has consistently preached and advanced an agenda firmly aligned with his party’s progressive wing. 

“I was raised by New Deal Democratic immigrant parents and believe to my core that enlightened public policy can deliver positive transformation when government takes its obligations seriously,” Looney said.

In his years as the Senate’s top leader, Looney shepherded the passage of Connecticut’s $15 minimum wage law, helped establish paid family and medical leave, fought for tax relief for the working poor and negotiated a landmark budget framework that has defined the last decade of legislative debate over state spending. 

The long arc of Looney’s career as a state lawmaker spans across the administrations of six governors: O’Neill, Weicker, Rowland, Rell, Malloy and Lamont. Throughout that time, he has variously played the role of ally, leader among the opposition and intraparty counterweight – always working to nudge Democrats in a more progressive direction.

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His reputation as a labor-aligned man of the left made him at times the subject of Republican scorn, but those political disagreements were always accompanied by deep respect on the other side of the aisle. 

“Marty Looney is one of the finest public servants I have ever met,” John McKinney, a retired state senator who led the Republican minority opposite Looney for eight years, said. “Marty never made it about himself. He wasn’t flashy or bombastic. He was always about policy and trying to make life better for his constituents and the people of Connecticut. When Marty rose to speak, you listened. Marty also cared deeply about the institution and protected it at every opportunity. And when it came to using the levers of power, whether as a Committee Chairman, Majority Leader or Senate President, no one did it better.”

Gov. Ned Lamont, a moderate Democrat who has occasionally found himself at odds with the more progressive Looney, echoed that sentiment.

“I am grateful for the service of Marty Looney, who has been a steady, principled voice in the Connecticut General Assembly for working families and the kind of patient, serious legislating that produces lasting results,” Lamont said.

The governor also noted another one of Looney’s most endearing qualities: a near encyclopedic knowledge of history.

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“Marty and I would sit down to work through policy and inevitably find ourselves deep in a discussion about American history,” Lamont said. “We shared a particular appreciation for Calvin Coolidge, or ‘Silent Cal’ – a man who understood that not every moment required a speech.”

Looney’s impact on state politics extends far beyond the ornate halls of the Senate chamber. In New Haven, he has been a defining force in city politics, sitting near the center of a multigenerational tapestry of political alliances often rooted in family and lifelong relationships. Looney allies and friends dot the Elm City’s political landscape.

Vincent Mauro Jr., a longtime Looney aide and confidant, serves as chair of New Haven’s Democratic Town Committee. Dominic Balletto Jr., another Looney ally, served as state Democratic Party chairman. State Rep. Alphonse Paolillo Jr., a contemporary and longtime friend of Mauro’s, served on the Board of Alders before heading to Hartford.

Paolillo has Looney’s support to succeed him in the Senate. State Sen. Bob Duff, the current majority leader and second-in-command Democrat, has Looney’s support to be the next Senate president.

Looney’s announcement was accompanied by a reassurance that commemorations of his service would not slow down the final few days of the legislative session. Lawmakers will conclude their business on Wednesday at the strike of midnight. The speeches and ovations that typically accompany the retirement of a longtime legislator will be postponed until the end of the month, after the session is over. 

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Maine

Maine fishermen’s bodies are breaking down. Where’s the help? | Opinion

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Maine fishermen’s bodies are breaking down. Where’s the help? | Opinion


Chris Payne of Cumberland is a graduate student at the University of New England.

Commercial fishing in Maine is breaking the people who sustain it.

Four out of five fishermen report overuse injuries — torn shoulders, damaged knees, chronic back pain — from work that hasn’t fundamentally changed in generations. Most don’t retire from the job. Their bodies give out first.

We know how to reduce that damage. What’s missing is consistent federal support. This isn’t an abstract policy debate — it’s being decided right now in the federal budget process.

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Maine already has organizations doing the work. Groups like the Maine Coast Fishermen’s Association and Fishing Partnership Support Services provide injury prevention training, early access to physical therapy and practical equipment changes that reduce strain before injuries become permanent. They also address mental health and addiction — a critical need in a profession where chronic pain often leads to self-medication.

These programs are not theoretical. They are working. But they operate in a funding gap that federal policy has long promised to close and repeatedly failed to.

The urgency is growing. The administration’s proposed fiscal year 2026 budget would eliminate Maine Sea Grant and cut the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration by roughly one-third. That comes just months after the administration abruptly terminated Maine’s Sea Grant program in January 2025 — later partially reversed after intense pushback — following a political dispute that had nothing to do with fisheries, safety or workforce development.

Programs like Sea Grant do more than fund research. They support the training, safety systems and local partnerships that keep fishermen on the water longer and in better health. In 2023, Maine Sea Grant generated roughly $15 in economic activity for every federal dollar invested. Eliminating it is not cost savings. It is economic contraction.

Congress already has tools to address this. The FISH Wellness Act would expand existing fishing safety grants, add behavioral health support and remove cost-match requirements that currently exclude many small operators. These are practical, bipartisan solutions built on programs that already exist.

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What they lack is stable funding and sustained attention.

That instability has real consequences. Without consistent investment in training and safety, fishermen enter one of the most physically demanding jobs in America without the support systems common in other industries. Injuries accumulate. Careers shorten. Knowledge leaves the water faster than it can be replaced.

This is not a niche issue. Commercial fishing is a cornerstone of Maine’s coastal economy and identity. The people doing that work are not asking for special treatment. They are asking for the same basic infrastructure other industries expect as standard: training, health support and a viable path into the profession that does not depend on physical sacrifice.

Maine’s congressional delegation has shown it can fight when funding is threatened. It helped restore Sea Grant once. But reacting after the fact is not enough.

In the months ahead, Congress will decide whether programs like Sea Grant survive and whether legislation like the FISH Wellness Act moves forward. Those decisions will determine whether fishermen get the training, health support and safety infrastructure that other industries expect as standard — or continue working until their bodies give out.

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That makes this a test of priorities. Will Maine’s delegation push for sustained funding for fishing safety and workforce development before more cuts take hold? And will candidates seeking to represent Maine commit to making that funding permanent, not discretionary?

Fishing communities cannot rebuild their workforce or protect their health one budget fight at a time. If Maine wants a future on the water, Congress needs to fund it — deliberately and as policy.



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