Virginia
10 primaries to watch in Maryland, Nebraska and West Virginia
Will the Barefoot Moscato be drunk in celebration, or to drown some sorrows? Tuesday brings what is arguably the most interesting non-presidential primary of 2024: the high-rolling, racially charged, on-a-knife’s-edge Democratic primary for Maryland Senate. But there are plenty of appetizers to go with that main course: Will the MAGA movement take down a famously moderate Republican congressman, potentially handing a swing seat to Democrats? Will a man who served jail time for storming the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, return there as a U.S. representative?
These are just three of the 10 elections we’re watching in the Maryland, Nebraska and West Virginia primaries on Tuesday. Here’s what you need to know about all of them.
West Virginia
Races to watch: Senate; 1st and 2nd congressional districts; governor
Polls close: 7:30 p.m. Eastern
When Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin announced he was retiring in November, West Virginia’s U.S. Senate seat became an almost automatic Republican pickup — and the GOP primary became the only game in town. But what was once expected to be a firecracker of a fight between Gov. Jim Justice and Rep. Alex Mooney has fizzled. Former President Donald Trump endorsed Justice in October, and the anti-establishment Club for Growth has not come through with the $10 million it originally planned to spend for Mooney, who is aligned with the far-right obstructionist wing of the GOP. As a result, Justice leads Mooney 60 percent to 26 percent in 538’s average of primary polls of the race.
But in the wake of their Senate candidacies, Justice and Mooney have made space for packed primaries for their old seats. Three old West Virginia political families are jockeying to be heir to the governor‘s throne. The Republican primary features former state Del. Moore Capito, the son of Sen. Shelley Moore Capito; car dealer Chris Miller, the son of Rep. Carol Miller; and Secretary of State Mac Warner, whose father and brother were both state legislators. However, the front-runner is a relative newcomer to the state: Attorney General Patrick Morrisey (whose first campaign was for New Jersey’s 7th Congressional District in 2000).
Trump has not endorsed in this race, but (so?) the candidates have been tripping over each other to prove they are the most pro-Trump — and, in a state that recently banned gender-affirming care, the most anti-transgender. For example, a pro-Morrisey PAC has hammered Miller for “pro-transgender events” (its language for drag shows and a free clothing closet for transgender students) at Marshall University, where Miller served on the board of governors until last year. Meanwhile, supporters of Miller have hit back at Morrisey for being a lobbyist for a “drug company that helps turn boys into girls” in an ad that also unsubtly pokes fun at Morrisey’s height and weight.
In a file photo, Patrick Morrisey, then attorney general of West Virginia, arrives before an event with President Donald Trump at the White House in Washington, D.C., Feb. 6, 2020.
Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images/FILE
Thanks to his ability to self-fund, Miller has spent twice as much money as Morrisey, $6.2 million to $3.1 million. However, polls indicate it hasn’t done that much to boost his support. Instead, it is Capito who looks like he poses the biggest threat to Morrisey: Since April 1, he has risen from 16 percent to 26 percent in 538’s polling average of the race, within striking distance of Morrisey at 33 percent (Miller is at 20 percent, and Warner is at 12 percent). Capito recently received the endorsement of Justice himself and, if he wins, would likely govern in the incumbent’s back-slapping, deal-making style; the Club for Growth- and Americans for Prosperity-endorsed Morrisey, though, is more of a hardliner.
Meanwhile, five Republicans are vying to succeed Mooney in West Virginia’s 2nd District, but one has almost all of the institutional support. State Treasurer Riley Moore has been endorsed by both establishment Republicans (former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, the West Virginia Chamber of Commerce) and tea partiers (Mooney, Americans for Prosperity) alike. And yes, he is also one of those Moores — Shelley Moore Capito is his aunt. He’s the leading fundraiser in the race with $883,000 in contributions and is the strong favorite to win the primary, although retired Air Force Brigadier General Chris Walker has raised a competitive $732,000 as well.
We wonder if the Republican primary for West Virginia’s 1st District will actually prove more interesting, though. Incumbent Carol Miller is running here and hasn’t done anything to upset the GOP base, but she is facing a robust challenge from former state Del. Derrick Evans. Evans is no ordinary former state legislator, though. He served all of 40 days in office, from Dec. 1, 2020, to Jan. 9, 2021, when he resigned three days after entering the U.S. Capitol as part of the pro-Trump mob attempting to stop certification of the 2020 election. He pleaded guilty to a felony civil disorder charge and served three months in jail, but he is now singing a different tune for his GOP primary campaign, defending the Jan. 6 insurrection and condemning his prosecution.
And Evans may have a serious shot. Bolstered by the endorsements of far-right Rep. Bob Good and Trump allies like pillow salesman Mike Lindell and former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn, he has raised almost as much money as Miller: $982,000 to $783,000. There’s no public polling in this race, but Miller appears to be looking over her shoulder. She recently started airing negative ads against Evans, attacking him for being, of all things, too liberal.
Maryland
Races to watch: Senate; 2nd, 3rd and 6th congressional districts
Polls close: 8 p.m. Eastern
Unlike West Virginia, the key matchups in Maryland are mostly Democratic primaries. The highest-profile race is for Senate, which sits open after the retirement of Democratic Sen. Ben Cardin. The lure of that prize in the solidly blue state has produced an expensive and increasingly negative Democratic primary between Prince George’s County Executive Angela Alsobooks and Rep. David Trone. But the candidacy of Republican Larry Hogan, the popular former governor who has only minor opposition for the GOP nomination, has made the prospect of a competitive general election a big focus of the Trone-Alsobrooks clash.
The two Democrats’ backgrounds and financial positions are a study in contrasts. Trone, who is white, represents western Maryland, including part of the Washington, D.C., suburbs. Before entering politics, he made millions as co-founder of Total Wine & More, which has enabled him to spend nearly $62 million out of his pocket in his Senate bid, as of May 6. Alsobrooks, who is Black, is a former prosecutor who now leads the most populous majority-Black county in the country, which sits to the east of the nation’s capital. Her campaign had raised $7.8 million as of April 24 with no self-funding, which would be a decent amount for most Senate races but pales in comparison to Trone’s total.
This huge financial gap has given Trone a major leg up in appealing to voters. Last week, AdImpact reported that Trone had spent $45.7 million on ads to Alsobrooks’s $3.9 million. While Trone has argued that he’s a better bet to win against Hogan than Alsobrooks, she has played up her strong backing from most of Maryland’s high-profile Democrats — including the state’s other senator, Chris Van Hollen — and her support for abortion rights.
However, race has been an unavoidable subject in this contest. Trone has emphasized his support from Black officeholders who hail from Alsobrooks’s base in Prince George’s County, including an ad in which one local official said the Senate is “not a place for training wheels.” That line drew a rebuke from a group of Black women for being “disparaging and dismissive” and tinged with “misogyny and racism.” Trone also raised ire in March when he used a racial slur during a hearing, saying later that he meant to say “bugaboo.” But Trone’s ads have also made specific appeals to Black and Latino voters and he has endorsements from some notable Black leaders, including state Attorney General Anthony Brown. Alsobrooks, who’d be Maryland’s first Black senator, has highlighted how her background — unlike Trone’s — differs from the mostly white and male makeup of the Senate.
More broadly, the state’s Democratic electorate will be almost evenly divided between white and Black voters, and past elections like this have produced clear racial fissures. This marks Maryland’s third straight open-seat Senate race with a Democratic primary featuring a major Black and white candidate. In both 2006 and 2016, the white contenders (Cardin and Van Hollen, respectively) won competitive races by carrying every part of the state except its three predominantly-Black localities (Prince George’s County, Baltimore City and Charles County). But while Trone led in primary polls up through early April, an early May survey from Emerson College/The Hill/DC News Now found Alsobrooks with a slight edge — 47 percent to 44 percent when including leaners — a sign that the race is neck-and-neck. Alsobrooks’s name recognition deficit versus Trone appears to have shrunk, likely aided by developments such as The Washington Post’s endorsement.
Trone’s Senate bid has opened up the 6th District, a seat President Joe Biden would’ve carried by about 10 percentage points in 2020, according to Daily Kos Elections. This makes it Maryland’s only remotely competitive House district, a reality that has attracted a huge number of candidates — 16 Democrats are on the ballot (a couple have technically dropped out) and seven Republicans.
For Democrats, former Commerce Department official April McClain Delaney and state Del. Joe Vogel look like the front-runners. McClain Delaney’s name may sound familiar: Her husband, former Rep. John Delaney, represented the old version of this district for three terms. Running on her Biden connections and work to keep kids safe online, McClain Delaney has self-funded a bit more than half of the $1.9 million she’s raised, and she has some high-profile endorsements, including from The Washington Post. Meanwhile, Vogel is a 27-year-old Latino legislator who is also gay and Jewish. He has raised $687,000 and enjoys endorsements from the powerful state teachers union and the LGBTQ+ Victory Fund. He’s also received nearly $400,000 in outside spending help from the pro-LGBTQ Equality PAC, according to OpenSecrets. Competing surveys show a close race: A late April Public Policy Polling survey conducted for the pro-Vogel Equality PAC found the leading contenders tied at 24 percent, but an early May Garin-Hart-Yang survey for McClain Delaney’s campaign gave her a 37-percent-to- 24-percent lead.
On the Republican side, the two most well-known contenders are former state delegates: Neil Parrott, who lost to Trone in 2020 and 2022, and Dan Cox, who lost as the GOP nominee in Maryland’s 2022 gubernatorial contest. Parrott has raised $271,000, while Cox has only brought in $123,000. But Cox may be buoyed by his indefatigable support for Trump’s unfounded claims that Biden’s 2020 victory was illegitimate — a view that around two-thirds of Republicans still subscribe to nationally. Four other candidates may also have a shot here. Former Naval fighter pilot Tom Royals leads the field in fundraising with $521,000, Air Force veteran Mariela Roca has brought in $274,000 and retired state trooper Chris Hyser has raised $155,000 and has received some outside spending support. Lastly, former state Del. Brenda Thiam is another familiar face for local Republicans, although she’s only raised about $50,000.
Running between Washington, D.C., and Baltimore, the solidly blue 3rd District sits open following the retirement of Democratic Rep. John Sarbanes. A whopping 22 Democratic candidates filed for the primary ballot, including five state legislators. But the money in this race has centered on former Capitol Hill police officer Harry Dunn and state Sen. Sarah Elfreth, making them the two leading contenders, although state Sen. Clarence Lam may have an outside shot.
Harry Dunn, congressional candidate and former Capitol Police officer, arrives for the White House Correspondents’ Association in Washington, D.C., April 27, 2024.
Drew Angerer/AFP via Getty Images
Dunn became prominent after he testified before Congress in July 2021 about defending the Capitol against insurrectionists on Jan. 6, 2021, later receiving a Presidential Citizens Medal from Biden for his service. Notably, his campaign launch video featured him speaking to camera while walking through a recreation of the events of Jan. 6. His announcement precipitated a money monsoon: Dunn raised more without self-funding in the first quarter of 2024 ($3.8 million) than any other non-incumbent House candidate, including millions from online donors. Overall, he’s raised $4.6 million, which has allowed him to run ads emphasizing his background, an endorsement from Rep. Nancy Pelosi and his goal to protect democracy by pushing back against corruption and greed in Washington. Dunn has loose ties to the 3rd District area, however, as he lives in Montgomery County closer to the nation’s capital, which makes his ad spending even more critical to introduce himself to voters.
By comparison, Elfreth likely started out better-known, as around 60 percent of her Annapolis-based state Senate seat lies in the 3rd District, according to Daily Kos Elections. She’s raised about $1.5 million, but Elfreth has also received $4.2 million in outside spending support from United Democracy Project, the bipartisan American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s super PAC. Despite AIPAC’s pro-Israel policy focus, UDP’s ads have emphasized Elfreth’s effectiveness as a legislator and work to protect abortion rights. For his part, Lam has raised $736,000, but he sat in third with 8 percent in a late April survey for Dunn’s campaign conducted by Upswing Research, while Dunn narrowly led Elfreth 22 percent to 18 percent.
Lastly, the retirement of Democratic Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger has left the solidly blue 2nd District open, making the seat’s Democratic primary the main event. In that race, Baltimore County Executive John “Johnny O” Olszewski looks favored against state Del. Harry Bhandari, thanks in part to a sizable fundraising edge: Olszewski has brought in $837,000 to Bhandari’s $181,000. And Baltimore County as a whole makes up about three-fourths of the seat’s population, making Olszewski a familiar face to 2nd District voters.
Rep. Don Bacon departs a meeting of the House Republican Conference at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., May 7, 2024.
Kent Nishimura/Getty Images
Nebraska
Races to watch: 2nd Congressional District
Polls close: 9 p.m. Eastern
Nebraska has a busy electoral slate on Tuesday, but only one primary looks potentially intriguing: the GOP contest in the Omaha-based 2nd District. Republican Rep. Don Bacon is seeking reelection, but Biden would have carried the seat by 6 points in 2020 and Bacon only won reelection by about 3 points in 2022 against Democratic state Sen. Tony Vargas. Bacon’s reputation as a relative moderate has helped him hold onto this purple seat, but it’s also made him potentially vulnerable to a more conservative primary challenger. That has made the campaign of Dan Frei, an Omaha businessman running to Bacon’s right, one to monitor on Tuesday. Though it’s unlikely given the incumbent’s fundraising advantage and outside spending support, were Frei to upset Bacon, that would likely make the 2nd District more winnable in November for Vargas, who has raised $2.4 million for an anticipated rematch against Bacon.
Virginia
Senate approves lawmaker pay raise as teacher pay hike stalls in Virginia budget talks
RICHMOND, Va. (WSET) — As the legislative session in Richmond comes closer to an end, lawmakers are still hard at work hammering out the budget for the year ahead. This year, the Senate has approved a pay raise for lawmakers after tabling bills that would have provided larger pay increases for teachers.
With the cost of living rising, teachers across Virginia have been watching the proposed budget closely and hoping for higher pay.
In February, a bill that would have raised teacher salaries by 4.5% each year until reaching the national average of $77,000 was tabled until next year. The decision left some educators disappointed.
“It’s definitely disappointing. We’re at a time where we are struggling to keep highly qualified staff in the buildings and in the profession, to be quite honest, because we have to compete with other industries,” Karl Loos, president of the Lynchburg Education Association, said.
SEE ALSO: ‘Strangest election cycle:’ Registrars prepare for referendum vote despite legal limbo
There is still a 3% increase for teachers included in the proposed Senate budget, and a 2% increase in the House of Delegates’ proposed budget. But Loos said a 3% raise only matches the rate of inflation, and will likely not be appealing enough to fill vacant positions.
“I think certainly teacher pay is a deterrent for a lot of people, especially as they see the amount of work that goes into it and the compensation for that work,” Loos said.
The Virginia Education Association also advocated for the 4.5% pay increase. Chad Stewart, the interim director of Government Relations and Research, said they believe budget uncertainty may have made lawmakers hesitant to commit to long-term increases they might not be able to sustain.
According to the State Fiscal Impact Statement, seen below, it would have required an additional $159.0 million in 2027, and increasing amounts for the next couple of years to meet the goal of reaching the national average.
“We’ve seen commitments going back decades from previous governors who have all stated they want to get the national teacher pay average, but no governor has ever delivered on it,” Stewart said.
Stewart said the average national pay for teachers they are hoping to meet is $77,000, and that the current average salary for teachers in the Commonwealth is around $70,000. He said ultimately it comes down to the budget, and he hopes in the following years teachers will receive that larger pay increase. Stewart said the organization hopes Gov. Spanberger will be the first to follow through on that promise.
Meanwhile, legislation that would increase pay for state lawmakers was passed in the Senate on Thursday. Republican Del. Tim Griffin of the 53rd District said he voted against the measure.
“I was outraged last week when they raised their own pay. I voted against it,” Griffin said. “When you run on affordability, I think people expected it to be more affordable for the people that live and work in Virginia, not for ourselves. It kind of defeats the purpose.”
When asked about the proposed pay increases in the House and the Senate, Campbell County Superintendent Clay Stanley said in a statement, “I am praying for 3%. Our teachers, at minimum, deserve a raise that matches the cost of living increase.”
ABC13 reached out to local Democratic lawmakers for comment on the teacher pay raise legislation, but did not receive a response.
Virginia
Why a 6-year-old with diabetes is pushing for change in Virginia – WTOP News
First grader Ruston Revell is pressing Virginia lawmakers to pass a bill that he argues will make schools safer for kids with diabetes.
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Why a 6-year-old with diabetes is pushing for change in Virginia
Speaking in front of Virginia lawmakers, 6-year-old Ruston Revell needs a wooden stool to reach the microphone for his testimony about diabetes.
Dressed in his blue suit and red tie, he’s there on a mission.
“Living with diabetes isn’t easy, there are lots of ups and downs — just like my blood sugar,” Ruston told legislators in the Virginia General Assembly.
The legislation that brought Ruston from Prince William County to Richmond would update an existing law to specify how Virginia schools handle accommodations for students with diabetes.
“When I’m at school, my nurse and all my teachers help me when I need it, but not all kids like me are that lucky,” Ruston told WTOP. “These bills change that, so kids with diabetes can be safer in schools.”
He’s testified before committees in both chambers as corresponding bills move through the Virginia General Assembly. HB1301 and SB122 have both earned support in their respective chamber.
“Although, I’m small, my voice is big and it can change the world,” Ruston said.
In his testimony, the first grader clearly explained the care he requires to manage his Type 1 diabetes during the school day.
“He just pops up on his little stool and takes control of the room,” said Kelly Revell, Ruston’s mom. “It’s usually a little quiet, and after he finishes, he gets a whole room full of applause.”
Today, Ruston enjoys playing baseball, swimming and spending time at the playground.
But things were different before his diagnosis five years ago.
A life-changing diagnosis at 15 months old
During the summer of 2020, Kelly said her son started showing signs of diabetes, such as extreme thirst — symptoms she recognized because her father had been diagnosed in his 20s.
“He would just lounge around the house and have no interest in playing with his sister,” Kelly said. “He stopped eating, so he was eventually airlifted to Children’s National in D.C., where he was admitted to the pediatric ICU for nearly a week.”
At just 15 months old, Ruston was diagnosed with Type 1 diabetes. Kelly said that news was life-changing.
“Now, in order to keep him alive, we have to hurt him multiple times a day, by giving him four to five shots and even a dozen finger pricks just to make sure his blood sugar is in range,” she recalled.
Type 1 diabetes is an autoimmune disease where the body attacks cells that make insulin. A lack of insulin can lead to high blood sugar, which could cause serious health issues or be deadly.
“We had to wake up at 2 a.m. every night for six weeks, before we started utilizing technology, just to make sure that he was safe and healthy with his blood sugar,” Kelly said. “A lot of times, it resulted in phone calls to the hospital because he was at a dangerous level, and then we would be up for hours making sure he was back in range.”
For the Revell family, managing Ruston’s diabetes looks different nowadays.
(Courtesy Kelly Revell)
Courtesy Kelly Revell
(Courtesy Kelly Revell)
Courtesy Kelly Revell
(Courtesy Kelly Revell)
Courtesy Kelly Revell
(Courtesy Kelly Revell)
Courtesy Kelly Revell
(Courtesy Kelly Revell)
Courtesy Kelly Revell
How a 6-year-old handles his diabetes
Ruston knows how to prick his finger to check whether his blood sugar is in range.
“My mom and dad help me change my insulin pump every three days, and my CGM every 10 days,” Ruston said, referencing his continuous glucose monitor, known as a CGM.
“It hurts, but at least I don’t have to do shots. They’re the worst.”
Living with diabetes, Ruston needs to calculate the number of carbs he’s getting to determine his insulin dose, which is administered automatically through a pump.
“He is a pro at using a food scale,” Kelly said. “If he wants to eat anything, apple slices, we cut them up, and he puts them on the food scale and determines how many carbs are in that.”
Halfway through his interview with WTOP, Ruston’s phone beeped, flagging his low blood sugar and triggering a quick juice-box break.
That’s the kind of intervention he could require at school.
“When I’m low, Nurse Barnes tells Ms. Grant for me to have a juice box or gummies,” Ruston said, describing a snack to correct his blood sugar.
At his current school, Kelly said Ruston has had all his medical accommodations met since his first day of kindergarten.
“He gets so many hugs. Everyone knows him. He walks into the front office every day to visit the clinic, and they just they really take care of him,” she said.
Things were more complicated before Ruston began kindergarten. Kelly said the family was initially told that the accommodations requested by his doctor would not be allowed.
“What was most difficult at the time was the thought that a kindergartener would be responsible for alerting adults if his phone signaled a low or high blood sugar, rather than having trained staff receive those alerts directly through available technology,” she told WTOP.
The situation was resolved, but it drew Kelly’s attention toward legal protections for kids with diabetes.
What Kelly and Ruston are asking Virginia lawmakers to do
For the past several years, Kelly has been involved with an advocacy group, FOLLOWT1Ds, which argues that unclear or inconsistent school policies can create stress for families and put kids in danger.
“Prince William County has updated their diabetes policies recently, so more students with diabetes across our county are better protected,” Kelly said. “But that’s not happening everywhere in Virginia.”
The bills moving through the Virginia legislature would require school systems to create a divisionwide plan for supporting students with diabetes.
That would include making sure school staff are trained to follow through with a child’s medical orders.
“You really have to put in all of your trust in your school,” Kelly said. “This is a life-threatening disease, and if they forget to give him a juice box when he’s low, that can result in him going to the hospital, or it could be fatal.”
The legislation would also require schools have procedures for administering insulin and glucagon.
Families who have students with diabetes would send schools medical orders from their doctors that outline the child’s needs.
“A lot of times, the schools will either deny or modify these accommodations, even though they’re medically necessary,” Kelly said.
The statewide regulations haven’t been updated since 1999, Kelly said.
“While we’ve had all of these technology advances, like the insulin pump and the CGM, Virginia still hasn’t advanced their laws to align with standard methods of care that we’re using today,” Kelly said.
Ruston doesn’t receive insulin shots anymore. But Virginia law is behind on that front, according to Kelly and other advocates.
“Right now, the policy in Virginia, if his pump were to fall off while at school, they would, instead of reinsert the pump, they would give him a shot,” Kelly said.
In that scenario, Kelly said the school employee would have to calculate how much insulin to dose.
“I wouldn’t even know what to dose him, because with the pump, it’s automated nowadays,” she said. “It would require an immediate call to his doctor for guidance.”
She worries that it could lead to a miscalculation and health complications.
Kelly said the lack of consistency can impact older students, too. She said some high schoolers have gotten in trouble for having their cellphones at schools that ban the devices.
But those phones let students monitor their blood sugar, communicate medical treatments and administer insulin.
It’s the second year in a row that advocates like Kelly have asked legislators in Richmond to approve revisions to state law.
This time, Ruston is joining the push for change by sharing his story with lawmakers.
“I want to make sure other kids in different schools can have more help with diabetes,” Ruston told WTOP.
Anyone interested in following the legislation or submitting a comment to lawmakers can find more information on FOLLOW T1Ds’ website.
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Virginia
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