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EU Commissioner and RAI top management: A sticky August for Meloni

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EU Commissioner and RAI top management: A sticky August for Meloni
This article was originally published in Italian

The Italian Prime Minister is wrestling with choices over who to nominate as the next EU Commissioner, and the new Board of Directors of the public media network RAI. Both choices involve wrangling within her coalition, and were complicated by the recent EU rule of law report.

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It will not be an August of holidays and relaxation for Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. By 30 August the Italian prime minister must submit nominations to the European Commission for the European executive: a crucial appointment for Meloni. For months she has been aiming for a position of weight for Italy, preferably an economic portfolio, but the match is not a foregone conclusion since her influence and that of her European Conservatives and Reformists group has been reduced in Brussels.

Before that decision, theoretically by Friday, when parliamentary work closes for the summer holidays, the premier must appoint the new top management to public broadcaster RAI. This decision has now become urgent following the announcement on 24 July of RAI president Marinella Soldi’s resignation.

The two apparently discrete decisions are more intertwined than they appear. Firstly by the publication in late July of the European Commission’s report on the rule of law, which put the management of RAI by Italian politics under the magnifying glass. And secondly by the delicate relationship of Meloni with her coalition allies in the government majority, united in Italy but aligned in three different groups in Europe.

The (bumpy) race for the economic portfolio in the EU Commission

Although Italy has not yet formally presented its candidatures in Brussels, the most cited name is that of the current Minister for European Affairs, Raffaele Fitto, former vice-president of the European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament.

For him – or whoever she chooses – Meloni would like the Cohesion portfolio, the commissioner who will manage one third of the Union’s budget, oversee the Recovery fund and manage the plan to reduce administrative burdens.

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But regardless of the candidate, Meloni’s ambitions could founder over recent frictions with Brussels and, in particular, with re-elected European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.

The Italian premier first challenged the six recommendations to Italy in a letter and then, in a press conference from Beijing, contained in the Commission’s report on the development of the rule of law in the member states.

‘Dear Ursula’: Meloni’s letter on political interference at RAI

What ired Meloni enough to address a letter personally to von der Leyen from China, where she was on an official visit from 28 to 31 July, was the section on freedom of the press and freedom of expression in Italy, in which Brussels said it was concerned about cases of intimidation of journalists by politicians, the lack of protection of professional secrecy and journalistic sources, the delay in reforming the law on defamation, as well as interference by politicians in RAI.

In her ‘dear Ursula’ letter, Meloni claimed that “the recommendations to Italy do not particularly differ from those of previous years,** however for the first time the content of this document has been distorted for political use by some in an attempt to attack the Italian government”, she wrote, in a thinly veiled reference to the opposition and the newspapers most critical of the right-wing executive.

Then she dwelt on the three points she considered most critical, all concerning RAI and the interference of the political class in the management and editorial line of the public broadcast network, denying bias on the part of her government.

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“We have received Meloni’s letter and we are evaluating it,” spokeswoman Anitta Hipper said on 30 July, stressing that the report is the “result” of consultations with the member states themselves and thus individual national governments. Meloni, returning to the issue in the first press point from Beijing on the same day, was keen to specify that the letter was nothing more than a ‘common reflection’ and that relations with the European Commission are not deteriorating.

Meloni’s rise and fall in Brussels

Perhaps so, but the episode certainly does not come at a rosy moment. In less than two months, the President of the Council has seen her newly gained influence in Brussels decline, and there is no doubt that she has had to take a few blows.

In the run-up to the European elections Meloni was courted by both the extreme right and von der Leyen – who had even said she was willing to welcome Fratelli d’Italia into the EPP – and was now considered the post-vote kingmaker. She who, thanks to the success in the polls of the ultra-conservatives, could have moved the Union to the right, and demanded for the members of her group some high office.

But then the extreme right did not break through, the traditional groups in the European parliament were able to re-establish and decide on new appointments. Meloni protested, tried unsuccessfully to influence the decision-making process, and then found herself forced by circumstances to oppose von der Leyen’s re-election, taking Italy out of the European majority for the first time.

According to the premier, all this will have no repercussions on appointments to the European executive: “I am talking to von der Leyen,” Meloni assured from China. But the Financial Times has ascribed recent events as showing ‘signs of subsidence’ in the relationship between Rome and Brussels, saying the choice of commissioner will be a ‘key test’ of Meloni’s reputation in the EU.

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Meloni’s problems do not end there, however. Complicating the political game in Brussels – and in Rome – is the relationship with her government allies, with Lega’s Matteo Salvini trying to corner her in order to steal votes from her on the right. It is also because of these internal tensions within the Italian majority that Meloni could not support her ‘friend Ursula’.

Now she will need the approval of her Lega and Forza Italia coalition partners to propose candidates for the Commission, a situation in which mediation is necessary and, perhaps, also concessions on other dossiers, such as those Rai appointments.

The stalemate on RAI top appointments

The RAI dossier has been on the Prime Minister’s calendar for weeks, but the game has been accelerated by Soldi’s resignation, which came at the worst possible moment. RAI has never been so much in the spotlight since the time of the second Berlusconi government, in Italy and in Europe. Because of the fuss raised by the Brussels rule of law report and the numerous accusations of interference in the editorial line of the public network – now dubbed “TeleMeloni” by opposition and critics.

Several members of the Democratic Party, the 5-Star Movement and the Green Left Alliance criticised the Prime Minister’s ‘irritating’ and ‘victimising’ remarks in her letter to von der Leyen, asking Meloni to appear before the RAI supervisory commission to give explanations. They are now questioning the possible connection of the affair with the appointments of the new board of directors, taking the opportunity to call for a reform of RAI governance.

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Others considered that the letter indicated the prime minister’s desire to speed up the appointments: addressed more to domestic public opinion than to a European institutional interlocutor, an attempt to counter opposition narrative on bias within RAI and to overcome the stalemate affecting those imminent board appointments.

In fact the coalition remains far off even agreeing on the day to vote on the members of the board of directors, the first of several steps required to arrive at the new command structure of the network.

The League is pushing for a prominent position and may be satisfied

The Chamber of Deputies and the Senate must choose two board members each, two others are appointed by the Council of Ministers on the proposal of the Minister of the Economy and one by RAI employees. After the vote, the new board of directors meets to elect the CEO and indicate the president, which must then be submitted to the Parliamentary Supervisory Commission for a vote.

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Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia would like to close the issue before the summer break, but many in the coalition’s governing majority, especially the League, would like to postpone everything until September. A meeting of the parliamentary group leaders is scheduled for today to set a date for the vote, and according to Ansa, citing internal sources, a centre-right summit is also set to be held to take stock of the dossier.

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The thorny issue remains the appointment of the new RAI president. According to ANSA, the Italian press agency, Meloni will try to close the circle on the names, starting with the president, who must have the endorsement of two-thirds of the Supervisory Commission with the necessary help, therefore, of part of the opposition.

According to this thesis, Fratelli would accept Simona Agnes (nominated by Forza Italia) as president and Giampaolo Rossi (its own nominee) as managing director, while the League would have a councillor.

Salvini, however, is pushing to nominate the director general and others are convinced that in the end one of the current production directors will take the leadership.

The RAI nomination game is an internal one, but one that could end up weighing on the European front if there is no agreement between the majority parties and the decision-making drags on.

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Trump Says Iran Has Agreed to Not Have a Nuclear Weapon

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Trump Says Iran Has Agreed to Not Have a Nuclear Weapon
June 3 (Reuters) – ⁠U.S. ⁠President ⁠Donald Trump said on Wednesday ‌that Iran ‌has ⁠agreed ⁠to not have a nuclear weapon and that Iran’s Ayatollah ⁠is involved ⁠in ⁠negotiations with the United States. “They’ve already agreed ⁠they’re not ⁠going to have a nuclear weapon,” ⁠Trump told a podcast …
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Trump expands Cuba sanctions beyond US companies in major crackdown on foreign enablers

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Trump expands Cuba sanctions beyond US companies in major crackdown on foreign enablers

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The Trump administration is rolling out what experts describe as the most significant expansion of U.S. sanctions on Cuba in decades.

The administration is attempting what supporters say is the first broad application of Cuba-related secondary sanctions against foreign firms, aiming not only at Havana itself but also at foreign companies and banks that continue doing business with the island’s military-linked economic empire. 

The new framework, established under an executive order signed by President Donald Trump May 1, applies pressure beyond U.S. companies for the first time, threatening foreign firms with sanctions exposure if they continue operating in key sectors of the Cuban economy linked to Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A., or GAESA.

TRUMP ADMINISTRATION PRESSED TO CLOSE CUBA EMBARGO LOOPHOLE AS OIL SET TO RUN OUT WITHIN DAYS

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Supporters say the move closes a loophole that allowed foreign investors to sustain Cuba’s communist regime while the longstanding U.S. embargo largely restricted Americans.

Critics argue the measures risk worsening an already severe humanitarian crisis on the island without meaningfully weakening the government.

Demonstrators attempt to burn the Communist Party headquarters in Morón, Cuba, after authorities allegedly opened fire on protesters without warning. (Obtained by Fox News Digital)

“At the top of the month, what the Trump administration did was for the first time extend the application of U.S. sanctions from just prohibiting trade between U.S. firms and U.S. persons and the Cuban island to third-party countries and enablers,” Max Meizlish, a former Treasury Department official now serving as a research fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told Fox News Digital in an interview.

“For the first time ever in a truly unprecedented fashion, that’s the same logic that the administration is now applying to Cuba,” he said.

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The sanctions focus heavily on GAESA, a sprawling military-linked conglomerate that analysts estimate controls between 40% and 70% of Cuba’s economy, including tourism, mining, retail, ports and financial services. 

A recent Foundation for Defense of Democracies report authored by Meizlish and Connor Pfeiffer argued that foreign companies doing business in Cuba are effectively helping sustain the regime’s military and political leadership.

TRUMP DECLARES NATIONAL EMERGENCY OVER CUBA, THREATENS TARIFFS ON NATIONS THAT SUPPLY OIL TO COMMUNIST REGIME

An image of Fidel and Raul Castro and Miguel Diaz-Canel, Cuba’s president and first secretary of the Communist Party, is displayed in a billboard in Havana, April 12, 2023. (Alexandre Meneghini/Reuters)

The State Department sanctioned GAESA and several affiliated entities in May under the new authorities, opening the door for potential penalties against foreign companies and financial institutions that continue dealings with them after a June 5 wind-down deadline.

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Meizlish argued previous sanctions regimes failed because they isolated American companies while allowing foreign actors to continue financing the Cuban state.

“There’s a lot of Spanish firms, for instance, that have invested millions of dollars in luxury hotel properties, villa properties in Cuba that partner with GAESA, all funding this military enterprise at the expense of the Cuban people,” he said.

He also pointed to Canadian involvement in Cuba’s nickel and cobalt sectors, saying foreign investment has generated “huge amounts of money for the regime.”

“A lot of people think about the U.S. embargo over the years is actually being responsible for a lot of the problems on the Cuban island, but they don’t give consideration to the fact that GAESA, this newly sanctioned entity, has been sitting on an estimated $20 billion in assets and cash over the year while depriving the people of Cuba,” Meizlish told Fox News Digital.

But critics of the policy warn the economic fallout could land the hardest on ordinary Cubans.

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William LeoGrande, a longtime Cuba expert at American University, said the May 1 measures represent a major escalation because they specifically target foreign businesses rather than just Americans and aim to deter foreign companies from doing business with GAESA by threatening sanctions exposure.

LeoGrande acknowledged the measures could deprive the Cuban government of revenue but argued the broader population is likely to suffer most.

CUBA’S ENTIRE ELECTRICAL GRID COLLAPSES, LEAVING WHOLE ISLAND WITHOUT POWER

A woman with her son signals a car on a dark street during a blackout in Bauta municipality, Artemisa province, Cuba, on March 18, 2024. (Yamil Lage/AFP via Getty Images)

“This would potentially deprive the Cuban government of funds, but the impact will fall mainly on ordinary citizens because it means the government has fewer resources to import food, medicine and fuel,” he said.

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The debate comes as Cuba faces its deepest economic and humanitarian crisis in years. 

The World Food Programme says food insecurity is worsening amid fuel shortages, inflation and declining access to imported goods, while U.N. officials have warned that electricity shortages and blackouts are disrupting hospitals, vaccination programs and food distribution networks across the island.

LeoGrande also warned tougher sanctions could contribute to another migration crisis.

NICARAGUA BLOCKS PATHWAY USED BY CUBAN MIGRANTS TO REACH THE US

Protesters take to the streets in Cuba over food and electricity shortages.  (Reuters)

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“Another unintended effect is that by making living conditions in Cuba even more desperate, tougher sanctions could trigger a mass migration like we saw in 1980 or 1994,” LeoGrande said.

On background, a U.S. official rejected arguments that American sanctions are responsible for Cuba’s humanitarian crisis.

“The suffering of the Cuban people is not caused by the U.S. embargo but by the Cuban dictatorship’s failed Communist policies and human rights violations,” the official told Fox News Digital. “The embargo does not prohibit Cuba’s access to world markets or trade with third countries.”

The official added that U.S. law explicitly permits exports of food, medicine and medical equipment to Cuba and accused the regime of hiding “billions in overseas bank accounts instead of investing in electricity, infrastructure and the daily needs of its people.”

The debate mirrors long-standing arguments surrounding U.S. sanctions on countries like Iran and Venezuela, where supporters view economic pressure as a tool to weaken authoritarian governments while critics argue regimes often survive and civilians absorb the economic damage.

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Meizlish argued sanctions should not be judged simply by whether they immediately topple governments.

“The problem isn’t that the embargo went too far,” he said. “It’s that it didn’t go far enough.”

Fox News Digital reached out to the Cuban Embassy in Washington for comment but did not receive a response by the time of publication.

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US House passes Iran war powers resolution in rare moment of Trump backlash

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US House passes Iran war powers resolution in rare moment of Trump backlash

The United States House of Representatives has passed a resolution to rein in President Donald Trump’s powers to attack Iran without congressional authorisation.

Four Republicans joined Democrats to pass the bill in a vote of 215 to 208 on Wednesday in Washington, DC.

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While the resolution is unlikely to become law, it represents a stark rebuke against Trump’s decision to join Israel in attacking Iran on February 28, launching an ongoing conflict that will reach its 100th day on Saturday.

Trump did not seek congressional approval for the war, which he has attempted to label as a “skirmish” or a “short-term excursion”.

The Republican leader’s repeated use of military force abroad has frustrated some leaders in Congress, a body which the Constitution solely imbued with the power to declare war.

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Wednesday’s vote marked the fourth time this year that the House has voted on a war powers resolution to force Trump to seek congressional backing for his military actions against Iran.

It is the first time, however, that the resolution has been successful in the House. Its passage comes after a political manoeuvre that some interpreted as a Republican effort to scuttle the bill.

A divide among Republicans

A vote on the war powers resolution was expected on May 21, the eve of Congress’s Memorial Day recess.

But the vote was cancelled, despite indications that the resolution would succeed with Republican support. House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Republican and close Trump ally, chose to adjourn the chamber early.

The resolution, however, was picked up again after the recess. In Wednesday’s vote, Tom Barrett of Michigan, Warren Davidson of Ohio, Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania and Thomas Massie of Kentucky splintered away from the Republican establishment to pass the bill.

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Massie, whose re-election bid Trump actively campaigned against, marked the occasion with a message on social media.

“The Iran War Powers Resolution that I cosponsored (opposing the war) just passed the House of Representatives,” Massie wrote. “The People’s House is sending a message: end this war.”

Massie will not be returning to Congress next year. He was defeated last month in his local Republican Party primary by a Trump-backed opponent, Ed Gallrein.

Barrett, whose House seat is vulnerable to a Democratic takeover in November’s midterms, explained his vote by arguing that Trump had exceeded his mandate.

“Congress has the exclusive authority under the Constitution to declare war and authorize the use of force. The War Powers Act of 1973 delegates some of that authority to the president for a limited period of time,” Barrett, an army veteran, wrote.

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“That authority has expired, and my support of this resolution tonight is consistent with my belief that it is time for Congress to decide the scope of the mission and the appropriate limits on the use of force in Iran.”

Democrats call on Senate to act

While Trump’s war on Iran has divided House Republicans, the chamber’s Democrats were unanimous in their backing of the war powers resolution. After the vote, several urged their colleagues in the Senate to swiftly pass the measure.

“We passed an Iran War Powers Resolution in the House to rein in Trump and end his unauthorized, reckless war,” Representative Ayanna Pressley, a progressive from Massachusetts, wrote on social media. “The Senate must immediately follow suit and act to end this war.”

Representative Shontel Brown of Ohio, meanwhile, underscored the constitutional issues raised by Trump’s war, as well as its cost.

“Congress holds the power to declare war—not the executive branch,” she said in a post. “After months of chaos, higher costs, and wasted resources, it is time to end Trump’s costly war in Iran NOW.”

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The war on Iran has been costly for the US, with the Pentagon estimating in May that $29bn had been spent so far.

Some analysts consider this an undercount, though. In April, a public finance expert at Harvard University projected that the price tag could soar to more than $1 trillion.

There are also concerns that the war has cost the US in terms of military preparedness.

The Center for Strategic and International Studies, a US-based research institute, issued a report in April warning that certain critical munitions have run low, with the number used outstripping the number of anticipated replacements.

They include Tomahawk missiles, Terminal High Altitude Area Defense systems (THAADs) and Precision Strike missiles (PrSMs).

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Public backlash growing

US voters broadly disapprove of the US-Israel war against Iran. A poll last month from the Marist Institute for Public Opinion found that 60 percent of US citizens disapprove of Trump’s approach to the war, a jump from 54 percent in March.

The increase was even seen among Republicans. While 15 percent disapproved of Trump’s handling of the war in March, the number has since increased to 22 percent.

Among US citizens overall, 61 percent found that the war had done “more harm than good”.

The growing disapproval reflects, in part, the economic backlash to the war, which has sent prices for fuel and other products like agricultural fertiliser skyrocketing.

The Trump administration has also faced criticism for the unprovoked nature of the February 28 attack, though the president and his allies have argued the war was necessary to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

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More than 3,400 people have died in Iran during the war. At least 13 US soldiers have also been killed in the conflict, which spilled into nearby countries, with deaths reported across the region.

Wednesday’s House war powers resolution now proceeds to the Senate, which passed a similar bill in May.

But it faces an uphill battle overall, as Trump is likely to veto any attempt to curtail his military powers.

Only a bill passed with a two-thirds majority in both the House and Senate can overcome a presidential veto. So far, neither the Senate’s version, nor the House’s, has breached that threshold.

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