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Zooey Zephyr’s Defense of Trans Lives in a Deep-Red State

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Zooey Zephyr’s Defense of Trans Lives in a Deep-Red State


Early last year, on a slushy predawn morning, I drove to the Montana state capitol building, in Helena, to see the legislature in action. The body is made up of a hundred and fifty “citizen legislators” who meet for no more than ninety days every other year, a schedule designed to accommodate their other, full-time jobs. The session has been described to me as a gathering of friends—there are only a million or so people in the state—or at least it felt that way, for a time. What I witnessed on the floor of the House of Representatives, against the literal backdrop of an enormous settlers-meet-Indians mural, was considerably more tense.

I had come to report on battles over L.G.B.T.Q.-oriented books in a local library system—a small front in the culture wars spreading across the state and the country. Montana’s bicameral Republican super-majority was pushing bills that criminalized the distribution of “obscene materials” by public-school employees, prohibited drag shows in public libraries and schools, and exempted public-school students from having to call classmates by their preferred names or pronouns. Another bill sought to bar medical providers from treating trans minors with hormones or gender-affirming surgeries, which some Republicans referred to as “amputation.” “I wouldn’t call that health care,” the House speaker, Matt Regier, whose sister and father were also members of the legislature, told me in an interview at the time. At the start of the session, the Republican governor, Greg Gianforte, had preëmptively requested 2.6 million dollars to cover the expected cost of defending the state against lawsuits by civil-liberties groups.

The day I visited, legislators were debating the names-and-pronouns bill. Zooey Zephyr, a Democrat and a trans woman representing Missoula, and one of two trans or nonbinary members of the House, called it “inherently discriminatory” and tantamount to bullying. In the following weeks, she continued to speak during floor debate, rising from her seat, No. 31, with increasing fervor. When, in April, the legislature took up Senate Bill 99, the one concerning medical care for trans minors, Zephyr said to its proponents, “If you vote yes on this bill, and yes on these amendments, I hope the next time there’s an invocation, when you bow your heads in prayer, you see the blood on your hands.” She quickly became a national symbol of L.G.B.T.Q. resistance.

Regier responded by refusing to give her the floor unless she apologized. Protesters showed up a few days later to yell “Let her speak”; seven were arrested. House members then voted to bar Zephyr from the chamber for the remainder of the legislative session. As the New Yorker contributor Abe Streep wrote, it was “the latest in a string of incidents involving Republican-controlled legislatures muzzling elected Democratic colleagues. In Tennessee, legislators expelled Black representatives speaking about gun control; in Nebraska, a Democrat who testified against a bill similar to S.B. 99, and who has a transgender child, was investigated for having a conflict of interest.”

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Zephyr’s journey through the final weeks of the 2023 legislative session is the subject of “Seat 31: Zooey Zephyr,” a short documentary by Kimberly Reed, herself a trans woman from Montana. I first encountered Reed through her feature-length film “Dark Money” (released after a book of the same title by my colleague Jane Mayer), which examines the impact of the Supreme Court’s 2010 decision in Citizens United v. F.E.C. on campaign finance, journalism, and public accountability in Montana. More recently, Reed directed an episode of the miniseries “Equal” (now on Max) that’s in part about the trans Montanan Jack Starr, who, between the nineteen-twenties and forties, was repeatedly arrested for dressing as a dapper frontiersman. In Zephyr, Reed identified a similarly courageous figure. “It was clear Montana was turning redder, Trumpier, scarier,” Reed told me. “The political backslapping, the ‘aw, shucks,’ still-have-drinks-at-the-end-of-the-day thing was really eroding.”

As a matter of politics, “Seat 31” tells a gloomy tale: S.B. 99 gets passed, and Zephyr is forced to finish out the session from a bench next to the tiny statehouse snack bar. Yet Reed’s character study manages to show Zephyr’s sense of humor—and faith in the eventual triumph of Montanans’ live-and-let-live attitude. When Zephyr is relegated to the bench, she jokes, “Finally, transparency in government! Open doors!” When the session concludes, she clears out the seat she was barred from and chats cordially with a few fellow-legislators. A sweet, personal moment arrives soon afterward, when Zephyr and her long-distance girlfriend, the trans journalist Erin Reed, take the stage at Missoula’s Queer Prom.

Zephyr is running for reëlection this fall, as is the Democrat SJ Howell, who represents a neighboring district in Missoula and identifies as trans and nonbinary. The two are minorities within a super-minority—but they’ll likely be back at the statehouse in 2025. ♦



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As Tom Brady returns home, idol Joe Montana reveals traits that made him great

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As Tom Brady returns home, idol Joe Montana reveals traits that made him great


Before Tom Brady arrived on the NFL scene, Hall of Famer Joe Montana was widely considered the greatest player in the game for leading the San Francisco 49ers to four Super Bowl titles.

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This week, Brady returns to his home state of California, where he grew up a 49ers fan idolizing Montana, to call the Cardinals-Niners game. And Joe Cool talked to FOX Sports about what made Brady so successful during a 23-year career that included seven Super Bowl victories.

The former San Francisco quarterback said what was most impressive about Brady was his ability to quickly deliver the ball on time and on target. 

“It was a decision-making process,” Montana said. “He made quick decisions, and he would dump the ball down underneath, too. He had a couple of guys on the smaller side that would go down there and do that dirty work. When you look at someone like [Julian] Edelman, hey I’d give him the ball every chance I got, too. Yet he’d still throw the ball down the field when he had the opportunity.

“That’s the biggest thing I think for him was that decision-making process. The faster you can make that decision, the more success you have. And obviously he had a great career.” 

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Tom Brady grew up a fan of Joe Montana and the 49ers during his childhood in San Mateo, California. (Photo courtesy of Maureen Brady)

Montana’s top receiver was the best to ever play the game in Jerry Rice. Asked who he would like to throw to among today’s receivers, Montana pointed to big targets like DK Metcalf and A.J. Brown.

“Justin Jefferson would probably fit in that category,” Montana said. “You look at Metcalf — there’s some big receivers out there. Jerry and John [Taylor] weren’t small, but you’re talking about guys that are 6-4, 6-5 now.

“I go back and watch Dan Marino throwing. [Mark] Duper and [Mark] Clayton weren’t very big. I can’t imagine Dan throwing to guys [the] size [of today’s receivers], and the things he could have accomplished. He was great anyway, and he had guys who would go get the ball for him that were great receivers. But the size sometimes just makes a great difference. I think that’s the biggest key: Finding people with size you trust, and you know when you throw it to them, they’re going to win that jump ball.”

Montana, 68, says he attends a game at Levi’s Stadium each season to watch his former team in person, but otherwise, he enjoys watching from the comfort of his couch. He said he’ll get his first opportunity to watch Brady the broadcaster this weekend, as Montana said he intends to watch Sunday’s 49ers game at home.

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Does Montana, who spent some time as a broadcaster in the mid-1990s, have any advice for Brady in his new gig?

“I’m not sure why he took this job,” Montana said with a laugh. “He’s probably working harder on the weekends now than when he played.”

Editor’s note: Montana was made available by Pfizer, which recommends that people vulnerable to issues like pneumococcal pneumonia get vaccinated during the flu season. Find out more information at VaxAssist.com.

Eric D. Williams has reported on the NFL for more than a decade, covering the Los Angeles Rams for Sports Illustrated, the Los Angeles Chargers for ESPN and the Seattle Seahawks for the Tacoma News Tribune. Follow him on Twitter at @eric_d_williams.

[Want great stories delivered right to your inbox? Create or log in to your FOX Sports account, follow leagues, teams and players to receive a personalized newsletter daily.]

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The biggest public secret in Montana is one that has no easy answer • Daily Montanan

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The biggest public secret in Montana is one that has no easy answer • Daily Montanan


I’ll let you in on a little media secret: One of the most asked questions we get is exactly the one we can’t answer.

Here’s the question we get a lot, and we’re not alone in our inability to get answers: How much does the state of Montana spend on attorneys defending itself in court?

I get the question. The number of jobs the state has single-handedly created for attorneys should help boost the state’s monthly jobs and unemployment rate statistics. For four years of Republican control in almost all aspects of government, no bad idea has been denied the opportunity of legislation.

A lot of nonsense flew through the Legislature to the open arms of Gov. Greg Gianforte, who seemed only too happy to add his signature for the sake of furthering the alleged Republican mandate. For example, the Montana Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed its decision to keep abortion legal through the 1999 case Armstrong vs. State of Montana, which hasn’t seemed to dampen the Republican enthusiasm to pass bills to restrict the practice, and thereby re-test the resolve of the courts. That has literally cost the taxpayers of Montana millions by re-litigating that which was already well established.

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The logic, if you’ll excuse the abuse of that word, is that even the lawmakers know much of what they’re passing runs contrary to case law and the Constitution. That doesn’t matter. Their own legal staff have expressed concerns through legal notes. That doesn’t matter either.

These are show-bills that demonstrate how committed Republicans are to their own policies and satisfying a riled-up base. What happens after that truly becomes a matter for the courts and the state’s treasury.

The danger and fallacy of a supermajority is the belief that just because Montanans have generally supported Republicans, they support every single position that Republicans coalesce around. There are notable exceptions, for example, support for public lands even though the GOP has tried to curtail our natural resources and access. And, of course, Montanans seemed repeatedly enthusiastic about marijuana, leading to a tug-of-war where the people won the right to weed and the state’s coffers filled with a different type of green, despite the GOP’s attempts at paternalism.

But the challenge with all these challenges is that the taxpaying Montana public is supporting a cottage industry centering on state litigation, but no one — and I mean no one — can say what that means for certain. In other words, how much is bad legislation costing us?

Montana Attorney General Austin Knudsen can hold onto his cowboy hat at this point: As much as he continues to add his name to any lawsuit that would seem to antagonize the Biden administration throughout the country, he’s got plenty of work here at home. And he doesn’t necessarily have a choice.

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The Attorney General, by definition, is forced to defend the state, and by extension, the lawmakers who author and support some of these legally dubious bills, as well as the poor bureaucrats who are tasked with implementing them.

There have been so many lawsuits, it’s hard to track them all. Two years ago, after the contentious 2021 Legislature, we were tracking more than 40 lawsuits dealing with the state, the Gianforte administration and the courts.

One may think the exercise should be as easy as looking toward the state’s budget for the Montana Department of Justice and finding the literal bottom line. But that ignores how most people think the Montana Attorney General’s Office works and how it actually works in practice.

We get asked: How many lawsuits is the state fighting? How much has Montana spent on outside counsel? How much have these struck-down bills cost us?

We don’t know. We have asked repeatedly, and by “we,” I mean multiple members of the media.

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The problem is one of budgets and categories. When asking the Legislative Auditor about it, they said the answer is not clear, and that Austin Amestoy of Montana Public Radio wrote a story about it a couple of years ago where the best he could do was estimate.

I have been and continue to be critical of the way Knudsen handles the Attorney General’s Office, but this time, he probably has a point.

Lawsuits come to his office in a variety of ways — from direct challenges to other officials getting sued in their official capacity, which then obligates the state’s legion of attorneys, housed under the Attorney General, to defend them. Which department specifically pays the bills depends on how the lawsuit is filed.

The other complicating factor, of course, is that sometimes the costs are borne by in-house counsel — that is, attorneys who work for Knudsen. Some other times, the counsel comes from the private sector.

And as anyone who has ever covered a lawsuit knows, the courts have their own pace, which can grind along for years, but the attorneys submit bills every month. Those attorney billing cycles may not overlap with budget years neatly. Now, compound that by dozens of cases and getting any sort of answer about how much we’re spending becomes nearly impossible.

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So, this isn’t the case of government officials trying to “hide the ball” so as not to cause sticker-shock at the amount of taxpayer money we’re spending on attorneys.

Yet maybe the “how much” question, though, isn’t quite as important as the question: Why have we seen such a dramatic rise in challenged legislation? Or, what do Montanans have to show for all this legislation besides mounting legal costs?



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Montana man linked to Alicia Navarro pleads guilty to sexual abuse of a minor: AG

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Montana man linked to Alicia Navarro pleads guilty to sexual abuse of a minor: AG


Edmund Davis (Courtesy: Hill County Sheriff’s Office)

The Montana Attorney General’s Office says a man who is connected with a previously missing Arizona woman has pleaded guilty to a count of sexual abuse of children.

“Edmund Davis, 37, admitted to possessing child sex abuse material on his electronic devices,” read a portion of the Sept. 30 statement. “A review of the content determined the individuals depicted to be under the age of 13.”

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We first reported on the allegations made against Davis in October 2023. Our report at the time stated that Montana prosecutors accused Davis of two counts of Sexual Abuse of Children, a crime that carries a maximum 100-year prison sentence.

According to the Sept. 30 statement, the offending contents were found in July 2023, when police in Havre, Mont. served a search warrant on Davis’ apartment after learning that a woman who went missing in 2019 was living there.

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“When she answered the door, officers observed Davis in the kitchen behind her throwing a cellphone into a trash can and placing items on top of the phone as if to hide it,” read a portion of the statement.

Alicia Navarro, in a photo released in July 2023

While the Montana Attorney General’s Office did not explicitly name the woman, the woman’s description matches that of Alicia Navarro. Navarro, who was described as a high-functioning autistic teen, left her home in the middle of the night in September 2019. She was 14 at the time of her disappearance.

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It should also be noted that during a July 2023 interview with Glendale Police, Alicia said no one had hurt her.

Officials said after investigators received a search warrant for the electronic devices, they found a known child sexual abuse material photo, along with other images that were described as “evidentiary.”

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Per the statement, a sentencing hearing is scheduled for Davis on Dec. 16.

“The state will be asking the court to sentence Davis to the Montana State Prison for 100 years, with 50 years suspended and a 25-year parole restriction,” read a portion of the statement.



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