Idaho
What Idaho’s Republican Primary Tells Us About The Culture Wars
For years, Idaho has been at the vanguard of the culture wars that are playing out in conservative states across the country.
It was the first state to attempt to restrict transgender girls and women from competing on women’s athletic teams, passing legislation that became a model for states across the country. It was among the first to explicitly ban “critical race theory” from public schools and target diversity, equity and inclusion efforts in public institutions. And the Idaho Freedom Foundation, a far-right Idaho political group, took an early lead in a nationwide campaign to remove books from libraries based on their content.
But Idaho Republicans have increasingly disagreed over how far to take these efforts. Capitol police in Boise had to intervene in a 2022 fight over proposed “parental freedom” legislation that, among other things, would have created a $1,000 fine if a school didn’t give parents what they want.
This year, two prominent far-right Republicans were recorded quarreling over the party’s direction — an exchange that InvestigateWest said illustrates “a fracture among key far-right figures in Idaho politics, in a state where many races turn on contests of conservative purity.”
The Idaho Republican primary on May 21 continued the Legislature’s march to the right. Candidates who were aligned with the highly conservative Idaho Freedom Foundation picked up a net of eight seats, according to the group’s own tally. And in a state with so few Democrats, GOP primary winners are typically all but a lock to win in November’s general.
Yet these GOP purists fell short of one important milestone: enough members to outright control the legislative agenda. Some moderates fended off challengers from the right. Some incumbent hard-liners lost their seats.
The primary results were the latest reminder that Idaho Republicans remain far from united. And there are signs that the rift is leading frustrated Idaho voters to reject incumbents in general — conservative and moderate alike.
Here are some takeaways, based on local news reports and ProPublica’s interviews with experts in Idaho politics.
Incumbents at risk
A surprising number of incumbents were knocked out of office in May. Almost all of the 87 Republicans in office were on the ballot. Of the 47 who faced challengers, 15 lost their seats.
It wasn’t the largest-ever purge, but it included the historic takedown of the GOP Senate leader by a newcomer to Idaho with no legislative experience.
Ron Nate, president of the Idaho Freedom Foundation, wrote in a blog post that the primary was “a good night for friends of liberty and a bad night for establishment good-old-boys.”
He noted that 11 of the ousted GOP incumbents had F grades on the group’s “Freedom Index,” while three of the losing incumbents had an A grade going into the election.
But this apparently resounding victory for the group’s ideas seems less so considering that prior to the election, the Freedom Foundation gave F’s to 47 Republicans who were on the ballot and A’s to only 10. In other words, about 23% of the foundation’s least-favorite lawmakers lost reelection races, while 30% of its favorites lost.
At least some of this housecleaning may reflect voter disgust with both warring camps in the Legislature.
“There’s a lot of people who are just frustrated, and so some of it kind of went into an anti-incumbent” wave, said Jaclyn Kettler, associate professor of political science at Boise State University.
Kettler pointed to a recent survey of about 1,000 Idahoans. Although it found that a majority of Republicans thought Idaho was headed in the right direction, a substantial minority — 30% — said it was on the wrong track.
Urban conservatism is real
Some of the most important losses for moderates happened in the populous Treasure Valley region, home to Boise and its fast-growing suburbs.
It’s one of few parts of Idaho where Democrats and middle-of-the-road Republicans have traditionally held power, but its electorate has changed with the arrival of more and more right-leaning voters from California.
Sen. Chuck Winder, R-Boise, the highest-ranking Republican in the Senate with eight terms of service, lost his seat to Josh Keyser, who was raised in Southern California and moved to Boise in 2018. Keyser’s website said he was vice principal at a Christian school.
Winder had clashed with legislators to his right and was a critic of the Idaho Freedom Foundation, which has pushed to slash government spending across the board, worked to repeal the Idaho Medicaid expansion that was enacted by voters, claimed that Idaho’s schools are indoctrinating children into leftist politics, and more.
Stephanie Witt, professor of public policy, administration and political science at Boise State University, told ProPublica the upset for Winder and other Boise-area incumbents illustrated a stark new reality.
“It’s hard to overstate the number of California relocations and their interest,” Witt said.
“We’ve had people that were good legislators, very conservative, in the Treasure Valley,” she said, “but they’re being painted like they’re Bernie Sanders acolytes.”
Winder noted the changing politics of Idaho in an interview with the Idaho Press after the election.
“I think we’ve had a huge influence from out-of-state people moving here,” he told the publication. “All in all, Idaho is going to be fine, but good mainline Idaho people are going to have to get more involved in the party.”
Less-populated area snub the far right
In contrast to the wins for right-wing candidates in the capital city and its suburbs, several legislators far from Boise won reelection by wide margins, despite attacks from their county GOP committee claiming they failed to support the Republican platform.
East Idaho, known for agriculture, a national nuclear laboratory and a large membership in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, also narrowly voted to oust a hard-line conservative incumbent.
Julianne Young, an East Idaho Republican who introduced legislation to make “gender” and “sex” synonymous in state law, trailed her opponent by two votes, though she says she will request a recount.
In rural North Idaho, voters kicked out Sen. Scott Herndon, a conservative firebrand whose legislative agenda included making abortion illegal for rape victims. Herndon lost to former legislator Jim Woodward, who said he wants to see some health-related exceptions to the state’s abortion ban, according to Politico.
This year’s results revealed that some conservative Idahoans went into the voting booth with a “traditional Idaho trait: that you don’t like to be pushed around,” said Jim Jones, a Republican who previously served as attorney general and chief justice of the Idaho Supreme Court.
Jones, an outspoken critic of polarized Republican politics, is pushing for a ballot initiative this fall that would replace party primaries with a single, nonpartisan primary. The top vote-getters would then face off in a ranked-choice vote in the general election. Jones says the initiative would take power away from the fringes and put a premium on appealing to all voters.
Attack on libraries can backfire
The outcomes also offered a partial verdict on one of the most explosive issues in America’s culture wars.
Idaho’s GOP last year held a no-confidence vote against 14 legislators statewide who in 2023 failed to support letting parents sue libraries over books considered “harmful to minors.” (The no-confidence vote also swept in Idaho’s Republican governor.) Nine of the 14 survived the GOP primary.
Kettler said the state and local Republican Party members who condemned incumbents over the library issue might be “more ideologically extreme” than most voters.
Idaho GOP Chair Dorothy Moon did not respond to interview requests from ProPublica. According to the Idaho Statesman, Moon said in her election night speech, “I think we’re fighting for the heart and soul of the party and the heart and soul of Idaho.”
The Idaho Public Policy Survey — the survey of about 1,000 residents conducted in November — found overwhelming support for libraries. About 62% of the 374 self-identified Republicans who responded said they trust the choices of libraries and librarians.
Of the lawmakers who survived the primary despite their party’s censure of their library vote, about half were from East Idaho.
“My view is that, in eastern Idaho, the voters were sick and tired of all of the culture war fighting,” said Jones.
Jury on public education is still out
One of the highest-profile losses for incumbents was a Boise-area Republican who thwarted tax-funded vouchers that would allow parents to send their children to private school using public funds — a central policy goal of right-wing purists who describe it as “school choice.”
Julie Yamamoto led Idaho’s House Education Committee when it rejected voucher legislation. Challenger Kent Marmon, who embraces school choice, painted Yamamoto as a liberal.
A Virginia-based political action committee called Make Liberty Win produced fliers saying Yamamoto voted to support “porn in school libraries being shown to minors,” Idaho Education News reported, a claim she called “garbage.”
The losses for voucher foes like Yamamoto weren’t uniform. The Senate’s education chair, who has questioned the benefits of voucher proposals, retained his seat. And the Senate lost a key voucher supporter in Herndon, the North Idaho Republican; his challenger has spoken out against public support for private education, according to Idaho Education News.
It is unclear what the outcome portends for Republicans when they take up school spending issues next year.
Idahoans regularly list public education as a top priority. In sparsely populated parts of Idaho, which often lack private schools, the public schoolhouse is a gathering place for football games or performing arts — the “heart of the community,” as Jones says.
But advocates for “school choice” in Idaho appear to be finding an audience.
The recent state policy survey found that 60% of Republicans favored letting Idaho parents use $8,000 of public school money to enroll their student in private or religious school. About twice as many Republicans said they “strongly favor” that idea as “strongly oppose” it.
Kettler said national conservative groups seized on that sentiment and spent heavily on Idaho’s primary races this year, seeing Idaho as a place to advance conservative school policies such as vouchers.
These groups decided, Kettler said, that “it’s worth investing.”
This story was republished with permission from ProPublica.
Idaho
“Mamas know best”: Idaho Fish and Game Warns against interfering with spring baby animals – LocalNews8.com
POCATELLO, Idaho (KIFI) – Springtime in Eastern Idaho means warmer weather and recreational activities in nature for residents. It also means baby animals are out and about, sometimes with no mother in sight. Idaho Fish and Game (IDFG) wants to warn people against interfering with nature and the abilities of mother animals to care for their young, recalling an incident last year when a group of citizens dropped off a young fawn in a box at an Idaho Fish and Game (IDFG) office.
“The weather is wonderful, and of course we have the chance to see wildlife moms with their babies, which makes it extra fun,” said Jennifer Jackson, Regional Communications Manager for Idaho Fish and Game in Eastern Idaho. “But it’s also a time to be aware of protective mothers and give them space on the trails.”
“Trust that the mom’s going to come back”
While exploring nature areas or unmarked trails, people may encounter baby moose, fawns, goslings, ducklings and more. Residents may also find these species right in their own backyards.
“We’ve had situations where people see a little fawn curled up under a tree and think the mom’s not in the picture,” she said. “They think they need to pick up the animal and take it to Fish and Game. The reality is, much of the time a baby animal has been left where it’s at because the mom put it there.”
Mother animals, particularly deer, may leave their children behind while they forage for food, drawing predators away from the babies. By stealing from nature and grabbing a baby animal, people are taking it away from it’s mother and putting it in more danger.
“If you encounter a situation where you’ve found a little baby, don’t assume it’s orphaned. Rather, keep your distance and trust that mom’s going to come back,” Jackson said.
When Fish & Game Steps In
In some cases, people may have real concerns about the condition of a young animal. For those situations, IDFG encourages you to call their local office so they can investigate the situation.
Jackson said that IDFG has stepped in on special occasions when conditions are met to help save young wildlife. A few years ago, two moose calves were orphaned when the mother moose was hit by a car in southeast Idaho. In collaboration with Zoo Idaho in Pocatello, IDFG was able to transport the calves and locate a facility with the capacity to permanently and properly care for them.
She also said to beware of hiking with your dog, as mother moose and bear can see the dogs as threats to their children and may try to engage or charge. In that situation, it’s best to back up and move away.
“If you do have a concern about a situation you’re seeing, if you think it’s an orphaned animal, just give us a call,” Jackson said. “We deal with wildlife species here in the state of Idaho, and so it’s really under our purview to make those calls.”
She said most times, they’ll tell you to leave the animal where it is, and the mother will likely be back to take care of it, and is aware of its location. By putting it in a box and bringing it to Idaho Fish and Game, it removes the baby from its home and potentially from necessary parental care.
“They’re doing it because they love wildlife. They care about the animals, and they want what’s best for that animal,” Jackson said. “We like to tell them sometimes what’s best is leaving those animals right where they’re at.”
If you’re concerned about an animal situation, call the Southeast Idaho Regional Fish and Game office at 208-232-4703.
Idaho
Meet the candidates in Idaho’s biggest legislative primaries
The May 19 primary election will have a big impact on Idaho’s Legislature, with moderate and hardline Republicans facing off across the state.
Over the past two months, Idaho EdNews profiled 14 of the most significant races for education policy. Here they are in one place.
Follow our coverage on election night, with real-time results and breaking news updates. Click here for information on how to vote and find your sample ballot.
North Idaho
- Who is running: Three-term Sen. Jim Woodward, R-Sagle, faces a fourth primary election against Scott Herndon.
- Why it matters: This matchup is one of the most expensive primaries this year. Woodward is a “middle of the road” Republican who sits on the Joint Finance-Appropriations Committee. Herndon is a more hardline Republican who wants to eliminate property taxes.
- Who is running: Two-term Rep. Elaine Price, R-Coeur d’Alene, faces Christa Hazel for District 4 House Seat B.
- Why it matters: This race is a proxy fight in the war between the hardline Kootenai County Republican Central Committee (Price) and the moderate North Idaho Republicans (Hazel).
- Who is running: Three-term Sen. Dan Foreman, R-Moscow, faces Rep. Lori McCann, a Lewiston Republican who has left her seat in the House for a Senate run.
- Why it matters: Foreman is a hardline Republican who faced criticism from the right this year for holding in committee a bill to rein in teachers’ unions. McCann said she’s challenging him over his refusal to collaborate and communicate.
West Idaho
- Who is running: Four-term legislator Sen. Christy Zito faces a three-way primary with two former legislators in the district: former House Majority Leader Megan Blanksma and five-term Rep. Terry Gestrin.
- Why it matters: Zito is a member of the hardline Gang of Eight and sits on the Senate Education committee. Republicans in the House ousted Blanksma from leadership in 2024. She says Zito isn’t representing her district. Gestrin said he wants to get back into the Statehouse to solve problems for folks in the large, rural district.
- Who is running: First-term Sen. Camille Blaylock faces a rematch with retired Marine and former legislator Chris Trakel.
- Why it matters: Blaylock sponsored a $5 million high-needs fund for special education this year. Trakel sued the Idaho Home Learning Academy in 2025, claiming the virtual school discriminated against his constitutional right to free exercise of religion. A judge dismissed the suit.
- Who is running: Two young Democrats with backgrounds in education are running for the wide-open District 16 House Seat A. Megan Woller leads the Idaho Head Start Association and Jeffrey Watkins is a West Ada public school teacher and union rep.
- Why it matters: Watkins and Woller are running to replace Rep. Soñia Galaviz, a public school teacher and House Education member, in the reliably blue district. Woller said she has the diplomacy and negotiation skills to be a legislator. Watkins said Democrats need to be “incredibly vocal” in opposition to bills that harm Idahoans.
- Who is running: First-term legislator Rep. Chris Bruce, R-Kuna, faces a rematch with Melissa Durrant for District 23 House Seat A.
- Why it matters: School choice groups like the American Federation for Children are focusing on this race, supporting Bruce and opposing Durrant. Bruce believes state funding should follow the child whether they attend public, private or home schools. Durrant opposed an early version of the Parental Choice Tax Credit because there was no priority for lower income families.
Magic Valley
- Who is running: Two-term Sen. Glenneda Zuiderveld, R-Twin Falls, faces Twin Falls County Commissioner Brent Reinke.
- Why it matters: Zuiderveld is a prominent member of the hardline Gang of Eight and routinely opposes budget enhancements, including additional funding for the College of Southern Idaho. Reinke has decades of experience as a public servant and says Zuiderveld isn’t representing the district.
- Who is running: First-term Rep. Clint Hostetler, R-Twin Falls, faces attorney Alexandra Caval for District 24 House Seat A.
- Why it matters: In his first week as a legislator, Hostetler in 2025 introduced a $250 million private school tax credit bill. Caval said she hopes the primary election will be a “course correction” for the Magic Valley after Hostetler won two years ago.
East Idaho
- Who is running: Two-term Rep. Rick Cheatum faces a three-way rematch with day trader James Lamborn and Air Force veteran Mike Saville for District 28 House Seat A.
- Why it matters: Cheatum last year voted against the $50 million Parental Choice Tax Credit. Lamborn, a strong school choice supporter, said District 28 deserves a conservative, constitutional, Christian Republican. Saville has run for office as a Democrat, an independent and a Republican. He said he supports the country first, not the party.
- Who is running: First-term Rep. Ben Fuhriman faces a rematch with former legislator Julianne Young for District 30 House Seat B.
- Why it matters: Fuhriman sponsored the $5 million high-needs special education fund bill this year and opposed a bill to rein in teachers’ unions. Young is a social conservative who has worked on culture war bills, such as defining genders and prohibiting public funds for gender transition procedures.
- Who is running: Four-term Rep. Rod Furniss faces former legislator Karey Hanks for District 31 House Seat B.
- Why it matters: Furniss has worked on legislation to make it easier for districts to pass bonds and find funding to build schools. Hanks, a school bus driver, wants to get back into the Statehouse to protect children from the “woke” agenda. The two share similar views on social issues and support the transgender bathroom bill.
- Who is running: Four-term Rep. Barbara Ehardt faces a challenge from firefighter Connor Cook.
- Why it matters: Ehardt is a staunch social conservative who said the transgender community started the culture war, not the Idaho Legislature. Cook, a union member, says Idaho has “gone rogue” and is using social issues as a distraction from the budget.
- Who is running: First-term Rep. Mike Veile faces former legislator Chad Christensen in District 35 House Seat A.
- Why it matters: Veile, a former Soda Springs trustee, sits on the House Education Committee. He opposes private school tax credits and said Idaho doesn’t have enough funding to support multiple education systems. Christensen supports school choice and would like to explore school district consolidation.
Idaho
Idaho Supreme Court says new law could delay adoption, parental termination cases
A recent Idaho law could slow the process for some child custody disputes and even adoption cases, the Idaho Supreme Court found in a ruling this week.
The law, created in 2025 through Senate Bill 1181, means some Idaho parents who can’t afford legal representation won’t have state-provided defense attorneys in cases that could risk them permanently losing their kids, the court found.
In the opinion, the court alluded to an essentially unenforceable right to public defense in some parental rights termination cases brought by private parties, rather than the state Department of Health and Welfare. That’s because courts can’t require the state’s public defenders to represent parents in those privately brought cases, the Idaho Supreme Court found.
“This gap created by Senate Bill 1181 is vitally important matter that needs to be addressed by the Idaho Legislature. If constitutionally required representation cannot be provided in private termination cases, it will likely result in serious delays or even dismissals of cases affecting Idaho’s children and parents,” Chief Justice G. Richard Bevan wrote in the opinion published Tuesday. “It may mean that children awaiting adoption cannot be adopted.”
The decision comes more than a year after the Legislature passed the bill over the objections of child welfare attorneys, who warned about the bill’s impact on parents’ right to legal counsel. The bill was pitched as a way to control the workload of public defenders as the state overhauled its public defense system.
Attorney says this is the ‘conundrum’ she warned Idaho Legislature about
There are two ways parental rights termination cases can be brought: By the state — often initiated by a state Department of Health and Welfare, or by a private party, such as one parent wanting to end the rights of another parent.
For over 60 years, Idaho law gave parents deemed legally indigent — essentially those who can’t pay legal bills — and who were facing parental rights’ termination cases “with a categorical right to an attorney at public expense,” Bevan explained in the opinion.
But in 2025, he wrote all of that changed when the Legislature passed Senate Bill 1181.
The bill was meant to control the workloads of public defenders as the state consolidated public defense from counties into one statewide office. But at the time, two child welfare attorneys warned the law might inadvertently end the right to legal counsel in privately brought parental right termination cases, the Idaho Capital Sun reported.
One of the attorneys who testified on the bill, Mary Shea from Pocatello, said in an interview that the court described “exactly the conundrum” that she was trying to warn the Legislature about.
“It’s an invitation to the Legislature to fix this, and to provide some kind of a funding mechanism so that those private terminations and adoptions can continue to proceed,” she said. “Because we do have a shortage of attorneys in this state. It is very difficult for us to provide the low-income and pro bono needs for the entire state.”
Sen. Todd Lakey, a Nampa Republican who was the bill’s original sponsor, said in an interview that the Legislature could take up clarifications next year.
“I personally am reluctant to have the taxpayers fund legal costs in a private party termination,” Lakey said on Wednesday. “That said, I recognize that there is a certain situation where it’s constitutionally required, and I want to make sure we’re limiting the burden on the taxpayers to only those situations, where it’s fundamentally required constitutionally. I think as the court noted, that’s kind of a case by case basis, depending on the circumstances.”
Rep. Dustin Manwaring, a Pocatello Republican who also cosponsored the bill, said in an interview that he already has ideas for legislation to address that issue flagged in the ruling.
“When representation is appointed and is constitutionally required, then we need to clarify who’s picking up the tab for that. So, we will do that. And I will personally commit to taking that on and making sure we get that done,” he said.
How the Idaho Supreme Court ruled
The bill, Bevan wrote, requires the State Public Defender’s Office only to represent parents deemed legally indigent in parental rights’ termination cases brought by the state — not by private parties.
“That begs the question: if representation is constitutionally required in a private termination case, who would provide it?” Bevan asked.
Parents in private parental termination cases sometimes still have due process rights to public defense counsel, Bevan wrote, pointing to precedent in the U.S. Supreme Court. But since Idaho courts can no longer order the State Public Defender’s Office or counties to pay for that defense, he wrote that the courts effectively can’t appoint public legal representation in those cases.
“If neither the (State Public Defender’s Office) nor the counties can be required to provide representation, a private termination proceeding may fail to comply with the requirements of due process,” Bevan wrote. “The legislature has eliminated the options available to courts for appointment of counsel at public expense.”
Some parents who are entitled to representation won’t get it, he wrote.
“We have little doubt that, so long as the representation gap created by Senate Bill 1181 exists, at least some indigent parents who constitutionally require representation will not get it,” Bevan wrote.
Idaho State Public Defender Office spokesperson Patrick Orr said in a statement that the agency hasn’t been assigned any private termination cases since the court took up the case in October.
“Our view is the same now as it was last year. Our office provides indigent defense representation – and representation for parents in Child Protective Act cases where the state seeks to interfere with a parent-child relationship,” he said. But, he added, “we can’t provide legal representation in a private termination case.”
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