Idaho
Idaho's last democratic governor left office 30 years ago. A look at left-wing leadership in a red state – East Idaho News
IDAHO FALLS – Cecil Andrus emerged victorious in a rematch with his political opponent in Idaho’s gubernatorial election.
It was Nov. 3, 1970 and the 39-year-old Orofino man was elected to be Idaho’s 26th governor, the first democrat elected to the position since 1947. He beat his Republican challenger, Don Samuelson, with 52% of the vote (128,004 total votes), according to voting records.
RELATED | How a Rexburg man became the first Latter-day Saint to serve as Idaho’s governor
He ran for governor four years earlier while serving as a state senator. He filed to run after the Democratic nominee, Charles Herndon, was killed in a plane crash near Stanley about six weeks before the election. Andrus was narrowly defeated by Samuelson that year, but had now secured a victory.
Andrus’s inauguration on Jan. 4, 1971 kicked off a 24-year period of Democratic leadership in the Gem State. He was re-elected by a wide margin in 1974. His second term was cut short in 1977 when President Jimmy Carter appointed him U.S. Secretary of the Interior.
RELATED | How a Malad banker became the second Latter-day Saint Democrat to serve as Idaho’s governor
Lt. Governor John Evans, a democrat from Malad, served the rest of Andrus’s term. Evans remained in office for 10 years before Andrus entered the race again in 1986. He won by less than one percentage point against Republican David Leroy. Andrus was re-elected in 1990, making him Idaho’s only four-term governor to date and the second to serve nonconsecutive terms.
RELATED | How a journalist from Arco became the first Idaho governor to serve nonconsecutive terms
Since Andrus left office in 1995, Idaho has consistently been led by a Republican governor and the GOP has been the dominant political party.
Today, Idaho is the fifth most Republican state in the U.S., according to an independent polling organization.
“Generally, people in Idaho are concerned with fiscal issues, such as budget deficits and lower government spending, leading to a conservative way of thinking,” the report says.
Idaho’s history of electing democratic leaders got us wondering why Idahoans voted that way at the time?
Why Andrus appealed to Idaho voters
Andrus passed away in 2017 at age 85, but his granddaughter, Monica Church, who is vying for a seat in the Idaho House, tells EastIdahoNews.com there are several reasons why he was appealing to voters.
“He appealed to Idaho voters because he was Idaho,” Church says. “He was a lumberjack, a union man with three small children living in a rural community who wanted what was best for his family and his neighbors.”
Logging, mining and the railroad were major industries in Idaho at the time, Idaho Secretary of State Phil McGrane says. Unions associated with those industries were popular and that drove a lot of the support for Andrus’s campaign.
Education was a huge focus for Andrus, Church says, and during his first years in office, he brought kindergarten to Idaho and increased school funding.
But what endeared him to voters was his public opposition to a mining claim during his 1970 campaign. A New York-based company wanted to open a mine at the base of Castle Peak in the White Clouds Mountains. Andrus was an avid hunter and fisherman, like many Idahoans, and wanted to protect Idaho’s public lands. In an essay about Andrus, Stephen Shaw says his opposing stance earned him additional votes and a reputation as a “quality of life” politician.
In 2018, seven months after Andrus’s death, Congress renamed the White Clouds wilderness area after him.
Andrus’s efforts to block nuclear waste shipments to Idaho in 1973 further solidified voter support for him and helped him get re-elected in 1986. Congress wanted to make Idaho a longterm repository for nuclear waste. Andrus responded by banning waste shipments and ordered an Idaho State Police trooper to park across the railroad tracks in Blackfoot to prevent a delivery.
In a 2016 interview with the Spokesman-Review, Andrus admitted he didn’t have the authority to do that “but the federal government flinched.”
Idaho filed a lawsuit and won. It resulted in the 1995 settlement agreement requiring all radioactive waste on the desert west of Idaho Falls to be removed by 2035 and taken to a national repository site yet to be identified.
Richard Stallings, a Pocatello democrat who represented Idaho in Congress from 1985-1993, says Andrus’s personality was another reason voters liked him so much.
“He and I worked very closely together. He was a wonderful, empathetic person. Once you met him, you were drawn to him. He had a magnetic personality,” says Stallings.
Andrus remains a beloved political figure in Idaho, Church says, and the fact that people from both parties have fond memories of him is a testament to his leadership.

Other noteworthy Democrat victories in Idaho
Andrus certainly wasn’t the first democrat to get elected in Idaho.
Since becoming a state in 1890, 12 of Idaho’s governors have been democrats, according to the book “Idaho’s Governors.” The first was Frank Steuenberg. The Caldwell man was the state’s fourth governor and was in office from 1897 to 1901. Labor unrest between miners and mine owners during his administration led him to declare martial law, which remained in effect for months. Four years after leaving office, a disgruntled miner assassinated him.
In 1933, Idaho’s first democratic Congressional delegates went into office. Walt Minnick is the last democrat to represent Idaho in Congress. He served in the House of Representatives from 2009-2011.
The last time a democratic presidential candidate carried Idaho was in 1964. Lyndon B. Johnson had 50.92% of the vote that year, according to voting records, compared to 49.08% for Republican Barry Goldwater.
“Idaho was one of 44 states carried by incumbent President Lyndon B. Johnson. However, it was Johnson’s narrowest victory in the election. He carried the state by a margin of 5,363 votes, or 1.83%, making Idaho about 20.75% more Republican than the nation,” one report says.
Since then, no Democrat running for president has been able to get 40% of Idaho’s popular vote.
Stallings remembers that election and he attributes Johnson’s victory in Idaho to Goldwater’s “radical” political views. Civil rights were an issue in that election, which LBJ supported and Goldwater opposed. Pocatello had the largest black community in the state at the time due to the railroad, he says, and racism was a problem in some areas.
Racial hostilities made the 1964 presidential election a close race in Idaho, Stallings says.
“The memory of Kennedy’s assassination was still pretty strong. Idaho didn’t vote for him in 1960, but LBJ (who served as Kennedy’s vice president) benefitted from that and won by association,” says Stallings.
Voting across party lines
In 1986, C.L. “Butch” Otter was elected for the first time as Idaho’s Lt. governor. It’s not entirely clear why Idahoans elected the Caldwell Republican to serve under Andrus, but it wasn’t the first time a republican and a democrat led the state together. Republicans Phil Batt and David Leroy both served as Lt. governor at different times under John Evans. During the 1960s, Democrat W.E. Drevlow was a Lt. governor under a Republican governor.
Church says both Andrus and Otter were “authentic” Idahoans who represented Idaho values, and that resonated with voters.
“Both men represented different parts of the West and the culture Idaho embodies,” says Church. “Cecil was — you saw him out there. He was cutting down trees into his 70s, and Butch as well. He (Otter) was sort of that Robert Redford cowboy and was authentically Idaho.”
Otter could not be reached for comment, but Church says the pair worked well together and had a mutual trust and respect for each other because they didn’t focus on party politics.
“I remember my grandfather saying many times that he never had to worry when he left the state. He trusted (Butch),” Church explains. “We look back at them as being a republican and a democrat but that wasn’t the way they saw it. They were principled men who took an oath to Idaho and they did their jobs.”
WATCH OUR INTERVIEW WITH CHURCH IN THE VIDEO ABOVE.
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Idaho
Meet the candidates in Idaho’s biggest legislative primaries
The May 19 primary election will have a big impact on Idaho’s Legislature, with moderate and hardline Republicans facing off across the state.
Over the past two months, Idaho EdNews profiled 14 of the most significant races for education policy. Here they are in one place.
Follow our coverage on election night, with real-time results and breaking news updates. Click here for information on how to vote and find your sample ballot.
North Idaho
- Who is running: Three-term Sen. Jim Woodward, R-Sagle, faces a fourth primary election against Scott Herndon.
- Why it matters: This matchup is one of the most expensive primaries this year. Woodward is a “middle of the road” Republican who sits on the Joint Finance-Appropriations Committee. Herndon is a more hardline Republican who wants to eliminate property taxes.
- Who is running: Two-term Rep. Elaine Price, R-Coeur d’Alene, faces Christa Hazel for District 4 House Seat B.
- Why it matters: This race is a proxy fight in the war between the hardline Kootenai County Republican Central Committee (Price) and the moderate North Idaho Republicans (Hazel).
- Who is running: Three-term Sen. Dan Foreman, R-Moscow, faces Rep. Lori McCann, a Lewiston Republican who has left her seat in the House for a Senate run.
- Why it matters: Foreman is a hardline Republican who faced criticism from the right this year for holding in committee a bill to rein in teachers’ unions. McCann said she’s challenging him over his refusal to collaborate and communicate.
West Idaho
- Who is running: Four-term legislator Sen. Christy Zito faces a three-way primary with two former legislators in the district: former House Majority Leader Megan Blanksma and five-term Rep. Terry Gestrin.
- Why it matters: Zito is a member of the hardline Gang of Eight and sits on the Senate Education committee. Republicans in the House ousted Blanksma from leadership in 2024. She says Zito isn’t representing her district. Gestrin said he wants to get back into the Statehouse to solve problems for folks in the large, rural district.
- Who is running: First-term Sen. Camille Blaylock faces a rematch with retired Marine and former legislator Chris Trakel.
- Why it matters: Blaylock sponsored a $5 million high-needs fund for special education this year. Trakel sued the Idaho Home Learning Academy in 2025, claiming the virtual school discriminated against his constitutional right to free exercise of religion. A judge dismissed the suit.
- Who is running: Two young Democrats with backgrounds in education are running for the wide-open District 16 House Seat A. Megan Woller leads the Idaho Head Start Association and Jeffrey Watkins is a West Ada public school teacher and union rep.
- Why it matters: Watkins and Woller are running to replace Rep. Soñia Galaviz, a public school teacher and House Education member, in the reliably blue district. Woller said she has the diplomacy and negotiation skills to be a legislator. Watkins said Democrats need to be “incredibly vocal” in opposition to bills that harm Idahoans.
- Who is running: First-term legislator Rep. Chris Bruce, R-Kuna, faces a rematch with Melissa Durrant for District 23 House Seat A.
- Why it matters: School choice groups like the American Federation for Children are focusing on this race, supporting Bruce and opposing Durrant. Bruce believes state funding should follow the child whether they attend public, private or home schools. Durrant opposed an early version of the Parental Choice Tax Credit because there was no priority for lower income families.
Magic Valley
- Who is running: Two-term Sen. Glenneda Zuiderveld, R-Twin Falls, faces Twin Falls County Commissioner Brent Reinke.
- Why it matters: Zuiderveld is a prominent member of the hardline Gang of Eight and routinely opposes budget enhancements, including additional funding for the College of Southern Idaho. Reinke has decades of experience as a public servant and says Zuiderveld isn’t representing the district.
- Who is running: First-term Rep. Clint Hostetler, R-Twin Falls, faces attorney Alexandra Caval for District 24 House Seat A.
- Why it matters: In his first week as a legislator, Hostetler in 2025 introduced a $250 million private school tax credit bill. Caval said she hopes the primary election will be a “course correction” for the Magic Valley after Hostetler won two years ago.
East Idaho
- Who is running: Two-term Rep. Rick Cheatum faces a three-way rematch with day trader James Lamborn and Air Force veteran Mike Saville for District 28 House Seat A.
- Why it matters: Cheatum last year voted against the $50 million Parental Choice Tax Credit. Lamborn, a strong school choice supporter, said District 28 deserves a conservative, constitutional, Christian Republican. Saville has run for office as a Democrat, an independent and a Republican. He said he supports the country first, not the party.
- Who is running: First-term Rep. Ben Fuhriman faces a rematch with former legislator Julianne Young for District 30 House Seat B.
- Why it matters: Fuhriman sponsored the $5 million high-needs special education fund bill this year and opposed a bill to rein in teachers’ unions. Young is a social conservative who has worked on culture war bills, such as defining genders and prohibiting public funds for gender transition procedures.
- Who is running: Four-term Rep. Rod Furniss faces former legislator Karey Hanks for District 31 House Seat B.
- Why it matters: Furniss has worked on legislation to make it easier for districts to pass bonds and find funding to build schools. Hanks, a school bus driver, wants to get back into the Statehouse to protect children from the “woke” agenda. The two share similar views on social issues and support the transgender bathroom bill.
- Who is running: Four-term Rep. Barbara Ehardt faces a challenge from firefighter Connor Cook.
- Why it matters: Ehardt is a staunch social conservative who said the transgender community started the culture war, not the Idaho Legislature. Cook, a union member, says Idaho has “gone rogue” and is using social issues as a distraction from the budget.
- Who is running: First-term Rep. Mike Veile faces former legislator Chad Christensen in District 35 House Seat A.
- Why it matters: Veile, a former Soda Springs trustee, sits on the House Education Committee. He opposes private school tax credits and said Idaho doesn’t have enough funding to support multiple education systems. Christensen supports school choice and would like to explore school district consolidation.
Idaho
Idaho Supreme Court says new law could delay adoption, parental termination cases
A recent Idaho law could slow the process for some child custody disputes and even adoption cases, the Idaho Supreme Court found in a ruling this week.
The law, created in 2025 through Senate Bill 1181, means some Idaho parents who can’t afford legal representation won’t have state-provided defense attorneys in cases that could risk them permanently losing their kids, the court found.
In the opinion, the court alluded to an essentially unenforceable right to public defense in some parental rights termination cases brought by private parties, rather than the state Department of Health and Welfare. That’s because courts can’t require the state’s public defenders to represent parents in those privately brought cases, the Idaho Supreme Court found.
“This gap created by Senate Bill 1181 is vitally important matter that needs to be addressed by the Idaho Legislature. If constitutionally required representation cannot be provided in private termination cases, it will likely result in serious delays or even dismissals of cases affecting Idaho’s children and parents,” Chief Justice G. Richard Bevan wrote in the opinion published Tuesday. “It may mean that children awaiting adoption cannot be adopted.”
The decision comes more than a year after the Legislature passed the bill over the objections of child welfare attorneys, who warned about the bill’s impact on parents’ right to legal counsel. The bill was pitched as a way to control the workload of public defenders as the state overhauled its public defense system.
Attorney says this is the ‘conundrum’ she warned Idaho Legislature about
There are two ways parental rights termination cases can be brought: By the state — often initiated by a state Department of Health and Welfare, or by a private party, such as one parent wanting to end the rights of another parent.
For over 60 years, Idaho law gave parents deemed legally indigent — essentially those who can’t pay legal bills — and who were facing parental rights’ termination cases “with a categorical right to an attorney at public expense,” Bevan explained in the opinion.
But in 2025, he wrote all of that changed when the Legislature passed Senate Bill 1181.
The bill was meant to control the workloads of public defenders as the state consolidated public defense from counties into one statewide office. But at the time, two child welfare attorneys warned the law might inadvertently end the right to legal counsel in privately brought parental right termination cases, the Idaho Capital Sun reported.
One of the attorneys who testified on the bill, Mary Shea from Pocatello, said in an interview that the court described “exactly the conundrum” that she was trying to warn the Legislature about.
“It’s an invitation to the Legislature to fix this, and to provide some kind of a funding mechanism so that those private terminations and adoptions can continue to proceed,” she said. “Because we do have a shortage of attorneys in this state. It is very difficult for us to provide the low-income and pro bono needs for the entire state.”
Sen. Todd Lakey, a Nampa Republican who was the bill’s original sponsor, said in an interview that the Legislature could take up clarifications next year.
“I personally am reluctant to have the taxpayers fund legal costs in a private party termination,” Lakey said on Wednesday. “That said, I recognize that there is a certain situation where it’s constitutionally required, and I want to make sure we’re limiting the burden on the taxpayers to only those situations, where it’s fundamentally required constitutionally. I think as the court noted, that’s kind of a case by case basis, depending on the circumstances.”
Rep. Dustin Manwaring, a Pocatello Republican who also cosponsored the bill, said in an interview that he already has ideas for legislation to address that issue flagged in the ruling.
“When representation is appointed and is constitutionally required, then we need to clarify who’s picking up the tab for that. So, we will do that. And I will personally commit to taking that on and making sure we get that done,” he said.
How the Idaho Supreme Court ruled
The bill, Bevan wrote, requires the State Public Defender’s Office only to represent parents deemed legally indigent in parental rights’ termination cases brought by the state — not by private parties.
“That begs the question: if representation is constitutionally required in a private termination case, who would provide it?” Bevan asked.
Parents in private parental termination cases sometimes still have due process rights to public defense counsel, Bevan wrote, pointing to precedent in the U.S. Supreme Court. But since Idaho courts can no longer order the State Public Defender’s Office or counties to pay for that defense, he wrote that the courts effectively can’t appoint public legal representation in those cases.
“If neither the (State Public Defender’s Office) nor the counties can be required to provide representation, a private termination proceeding may fail to comply with the requirements of due process,” Bevan wrote. “The legislature has eliminated the options available to courts for appointment of counsel at public expense.”
Some parents who are entitled to representation won’t get it, he wrote.
“We have little doubt that, so long as the representation gap created by Senate Bill 1181 exists, at least some indigent parents who constitutionally require representation will not get it,” Bevan wrote.
Idaho State Public Defender Office spokesperson Patrick Orr said in a statement that the agency hasn’t been assigned any private termination cases since the court took up the case in October.
“Our view is the same now as it was last year. Our office provides indigent defense representation – and representation for parents in Child Protective Act cases where the state seeks to interfere with a parent-child relationship,” he said. But, he added, “we can’t provide legal representation in a private termination case.”
Copyright 2026 KMVT. All rights reserved.
Idaho
Idaho silversmiths craft wearable works of art inspired by the West
From artisan jewelry to cowboy boot spurs, women silversmiths in Idaho turn raw metal into works of art. As part of a special Expressive Idaho series, we are revisiting a gathering of Idaho artisans called the “Cowgirl Congress.”
This story was made to be heard. Click or tap the ‘Listen’ button above for the full audio.
Transcript:
CERISE: I wanted every piece to be hand forged and individual and unique. It’s very rare that I make two pieces that are exactly the same. My name is Mary Cerise and I am the owner of Hanging Moon Silver, which is a silver company. I make fine and very wearable art out of sterling and fine silver. I am not originally from Salmon, but it’s been my home for 16 years and I really enjoy that little kind of nook of the world that is off the beaten path. And it is definitely a destination.
Arlie Sommer
/
Idaho Commission on the Arts
WANGSGARD: I’m Annie Wangsgard and I live in Milad, Idaho. And I’m a silversmith and I’ve been silversmithing for 12 years, I think, right around there. My favorite part about probably the whole process of anything that I make is the design, you know, the design process, and trying to come up with something that has never been done before, I guess I rate my success on whether I’m able to take the image in my brain and the idea and then bring it to life. And if I can do that, then it’s success.
CERISE: I use a lot of opals and turquoise. I’m very particular about my sourcing of stones, so I use very ethically sourced, I know all of my miners and my lapidary cutters, and that’s very important to me that I’m buying right from the guys who dig it out of the ground.
WANGSGARD: When I first got started, I was really drawn to rings. I, a little bit got branded as a ring maker, you know, a western ring maker, which is great, I’ll make lots of different things. I’ve made spurs. And I’ve made a bit. And um, it’s definitely a lot different than just silversmithing. Working with steel is a lot dirtier than working with silver.
Arlie Sommer
/
Idaho Commission on the Arts
CERISE: This Idaho Cowgirl Congress. And there’s something about being with other makers, even if they’re not silversmiths, maybe they’re not metal workers, they’re leather workers or fiber artists, fine artists. We travel along the same path a lot. I love the opportunity for collaboration, and I just want to continually learn. That’s my definition of success, is continually striving to learn more and push harder. Some of the hardest days give me the best pieces of work because usually those are the most beautiful times. We have similar difficulties with or challenges that we face, right? Having these businesses and being an artist. And we also have big successes, and those are the people that celebrate your successes. So I would say, it feels like coming home.
This Expressive Idaho episode was produced by Lauren Paterson, with interviews recorded by Arlie Sommer and edited by Sáša Woodruff. Music by Lobo Loco.
The web article was written and edited by Katie Kloppenburg and Lacey Daley.
Expressive Idaho is made in partnership with the Idaho Commission on the Arts’ Folk and Traditional Arts Program. This program is supported in part by the National Endowment for the Arts.
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