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Are stadium food and beer prices too high? Colorado lawmakers unveil bills targeting costs.

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Are stadium food and beer prices too high? Colorado lawmakers unveil bills targeting costs.


Colorado Democrats unveiled a trio of proposals Monday aimed at wrenching down rising prices that they blamed on corporate greed — and at forestalling newer attempts at varying pricing for different customers.

The proposals include a measure that would require price transparency for what might be considered “captive consumers,” including at sporting events or airports. Another would prohibit wholesalers from giving preferential pricing to large groups. And a third would ban companies from using consumers’ personal data to set prices or wages.

“Affordability isn’t this abstract concept. Everyone has experienced the $20 beer at a Nuggets game, the $10 water at the airport or the $80 Tylenol at the emergency room,” state Rep. Yara Zokaie, a Fort Collins Democrat, said during a news conference at the state Capitol. “When people are forced to pay more, simply because they’re trapped, that isn’t the free market. It’s exploitation.”

Only the proposal to require more price transparency has been formally introduced, as House Bill 1012. Supporters expect the other measures to be introduced in the coming weeks.

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Democrats framed the proposals as necessary to preserve the free market against large monopolies that have undue power to set prices — including by harvesting user data — and to force out competition.

The proposal is already facing stiff opposition from business groups. Three dozen lobbyists, including those representing the Colorado Hospital Association, the Colorado Bankers Association and various chambers of commerce, have registered outright opposition. Uber and DoorDash, whose delivery services would also be affected by the bill, have registered amend positions, signalling they will seek changes.

“The Colorado Chamber opposes the bill due to feedback from our members that it’s overreaching, creating new operational and legal costs for businesses across multiple industries statewide, with little benefit to consumers,” said Meghan Dollar, the senior vice president of governmental affairs for the Colorado Chamber of Commerce.”

Gov. Jared Polis has underscored the need for affordability but also regularly voices business-oriented concerns, making him a wild card. Spokeswoman Shelby Wieman said Monday that he “is generally skeptical of these types of policies because they are not consistent with the laws of economics,” and he will monitor its progress.

The price transparency bill builds off a 2025 law passed by legislators against so-called junk fees charged by landlords. This iteration would prohibit businesses from charging “unreasonably excessive prices to a captive consumer.” Think sports fans whose only food options at a game are at stands all operated by the same big concessionaire.

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The bill would also require businesses that sell delivery goods, such as grocery delivery providers or DoorDash, to list a comparison of the delivery price versus the regular price if the goods were to be bought in-person at the store.

“Our economy is failing working people because corporations have been allowed to extract, overcharge and consolidate power with no real accountability,” Zokaie said. “They have found new and unique ways to squeeze every last cent from working people. Today, we are drawing a hard line against that system.”

The anti-price gouging measure, as written, would declare it an unfair or deceptive trade practice if a business charges a higher price than the average for a similar good or service within the same county. So that $20 beer, if it costs half that at a bar down the street, might run afoul of the proposed law unless the seller can show the price is not unreasonably excessive.

The bill would task the state’s attorney general with establishing the guidelines to determine unreasonably excessive prices for captive consumers, such as at airports, hospitals, sporting events, large festivals or in correctional facilities.

Lawmakers say the onus for preventing pricing abuses is on the state since the Trump administration has largely retreated from business regulations and has sought to dismantle the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, or CFPB.

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The federal agency was tasked with creating and enforcing rules to protect consumers from abusive practices across a range of financial institutions. Some Republicans have assailed the agency as overregulating industry. President Donald Trump said early in his second term that the bureau was set up to destroy people.”

Sen. Mike Weissman, an Aurora Democrat, said the bills would rely on the Colorado Attorney General’s Office for enforcement, using powers from the state Consumer Protection Act.

“Historically, you’ve had maybe the prospect of state and federal enforcement,” Weissman said. “But as we live now, there isn’t a functional CFPB anymore. It’s been put through the wood chipper. It’s mulch now. So state enforcement through the Colorado attorney general will be important.”

The bill that would restrict the use of consumer data to set prices and wages also steps into regulations on algorithmic decision-making, which is part of the thrust of lawmakers’ long-debated, and still in flux, regulations on artificial intelligence.

Weissman said this bill was designed to stand alone.

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“We are playing against a supercomputer when we walk into a grocery store,” said Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat. “We are playing against a supercomputer when we go to buy clothes.”



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Contamination, climate change and political drama stall clean water for Colorado’s Arkansas Valley – High Country News

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Contamination, climate change and political drama stall clean water for Colorado’s Arkansas Valley – High Country News


The western stretch of the Arkansas River, which flows from its headwaters in the Rocky Mountains across the plains of southeastern Colorado, is in trouble. That trouble is compounded by uncertainty about what, exactly, is polluting and drying the river, and how such problems can be fixed. 

Overshadowed by the ongoing political brawl over the Colorado River, the Arkansas River Valley rarely appears in national news. But since Dec. 30, when President Donald Trump vetoed a bipartisan bill that would have secured favorable terms for funding to complete a $1.39 billion, 130-mile water pipeline, the region has become the stage for yet more drama about water in the Western U.S.

The Arkansas Valley Conduit is part of a decades-long effort to replace the dwindling, contaminated water in this stretch of the Arkansas Valley with clean water from Colorado’s Western Slope and the Pueblo Reservoir. If completed, it will supply water to roughly 50,000 valley residents, many of whom can no longer count on municipal supplies for safe drinking water.

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Pundits portrayed Trump’s veto as retaliation against Colorado politicians: Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert, who helped force the November vote for the release of the Epstein files, and Democratic Gov. Jared Polis, who has resisted pressure to pardon Tina Peters, a county clerk in western Colorado convicted of tampering with voting machines during the 2020 election. Sens. Michael Bennet and John Hickenlooper, both Democrats, condemned the administration for “putting personal and political grievances ahead of Americans.” The Salida-based Ark Valley Voice declared a “Reign of Retribution Punishing Deep Red Southeastern Colorado.” The New York Times, emphasizing the same irony, observed that “A Trump Veto Leaves Republicans in Colorado Parched and Bewildered.” 

For those managing the project, the veto is a setback but not a showstopper. The first dozen miles of the conduit have already been completed, and enough capital is on hand for at least three more years of construction. “Some (coverage) has been saying it’s the end of the project, which is totally false,” said Chris Woodka, senior policy and issues manager of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District. “It’s still being built; the veto was not for any reason that had anything to do with the project, and we’re working in every way we can to make this affordable.” 

For valley residents, the issue is personal. This rural region is more culturally aligned with western Kansas than with Front Range cities. Like people throughout the Great Plains, the local residents are grappling with eroding social services and the rising cost of living. The scarcity of safe water magnifies uncertainty. “If you don’t have clean water,” said Jack Goble, general manager of the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District and a sixth-generation rancher, “you really don’t have anything.”

A resident prepares to fill jugs with purified water at the Rocky Ford Food Market in Rocky Ford, Colorado. The town’s water supply is contaminated with unsafe levels of radium and uranium. Credit: Michael Ciaglo
Lawrence Armijo, maintenance operator for the town of Manzanola’s water treatment plant. While the plant filters out most toxins, it is not equipped to remove radium and uranium from the groundwater.
Lawrence Armijo, maintenance operator for the town of Manzanola’s water treatment plant. While the plant filters out most toxins, it is not equipped to remove radium and uranium from the groundwater. Credit: Michael Ciaglo

“HOW EASY IT IS,” wrote William Mills in his 1988 book The Arkansas, “to take a river for granted.” 

The Arkansas Valley of Colorado is the ancestral homelands of the Plains Apache, Comanche, Kiowa, Cheyenne and Arapaho peoples. A geographical corridor across the Southern Plains, it was a route for incursions and ethnic cleansing by non-Native fur trappers, traders, military expeditions, hide hunters, railroad developers and settlers. Those settlers include my ancestors; I grew up in southwest Kansas, where generations of my family farmed and ranched along the dry Cimarron River. The Arkansas Valley, with its dwindling water and flatlands, feels like home.

By 1900, settlers had diverted the Arkansas into a maze of ditches. Irrigation and migrant labor supported sugar beet factories, vegetable cultivation and Rocky Ford’s famous melons. Such practices remade the riverbed, increased salinity, and reduced flow. As with the Colorado River, water rights were assigned partly on wishful thinking. Today, the Arkansas Valley is one of the region’s most over-appropriated basins, and the river’s annual flow has dramatically declined. A short distance past the Kansas line, the river is entirely dry.

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The Arkansas is being drained in new ways. Climate change and a record-breaking snow drought are intensifying the scarcity. Over the last half-century, growing Front Range cities have purchased water rights from farmers in the valley. Exchange agreements allow cities to swap these rights for ones farther upstream, leaving the downstream flow diminished and dirtier. Between 1978 and 2022, nearly 44% of the irrigated farmland in the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District was taken out of production.

Critics call it “buy-and-dry.” They say the removal of water has disastrous consequences for an agricultural region. “If you take all of that water out of an economy that completely depends on it,” Goble said, “it just breaks a community.” Faced with the prospect of litigation from local water districts, cities like Aurora claim to be developing more sustainable arrangements.

“If you don’t have clean water, you really don’t have anything.”

THE ARKANSAS’ WATER is changing, too. The river is diverted into dozens of canals and fields. What doesn’t evaporate or get absorbed returns as runoff or sinks through the alluvial gravels that connect to the riverbed. Each time a drop of water returns, it carries more dissolved minerals. As the river’s volume lessens, the concentration increases in what is left. By the time the river reaches the Kansas border, the water regularly contains 4,000 milligrams or more per liter — making it about eight times saltier than a typical sports drink and unsuitable for growing many crops.

Minerals are not the only problem. The river basin and alluvial gravels are also contaminated with radium and uranium. Last year, a study by the Colorado Geological Survey found that the levels of radioactivity in more than 60% of the private wells sampled in the valley exceeded federal standards. 

The radionuclides are called “naturally occurring.” But natural uranium usually stays locked in rock. In the valley, irrigated agriculture sets it into motion. Uranium is mobilized by complex interactions between oxygen, sediments, water, microbes and nitrate. Nitrate is a common fertilizer. One study found that valley farmers had over-applied it for decades. This pulls out radionuclides, turns them loose, and flushes them into the river’s shallow aquifer. Levels rise as the river moves east through agricultural lands.

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Contamination is not news in the valley. People have worked on cooperative solutions for decades. To meet safe water standards while the conduit is under construction, the towns of La Junta and Las Animas installed filtration systems. But cleaning the water creates hyper-contaminated wastewater, which is currently diluted and poured back into the river.  “The only true solution,” said Bill Long, president of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District board, “is a new source.”

Orlando Rodriguez, Pate Construction foreman, climbs out of a hole where sections of the Arkansas Valley Conduit will be connected.
Orlando Rodriguez, Pate Construction foreman, climbs out of a hole where sections of the Arkansas Valley Conduit will be connected. Credit: Michael Ciaglo

THE CONDUIT WOULD PROVIDE safe water to a region too often disregarded. But the project also raises questions about what can truly be bypassed and what cannot, and about the fate of the river itself.

Near Cañon City, upstream from the conduit, the Lincoln Park/Cotter Superfund site contains a former uranium mill, millions of tons of radioactive waste, coal mineworks and tailing ponds. The site sits less than two miles from the Arkansas River. It is known to be contaminated with the same compounds — radionuclides, selenium, sulfates — that affect communities downstream.  

Local residents have worked for decades to raise awareness and hold a revolving cast of agencies, regulators and owners accountable for the pollution. “It has taken us a lifetime,” said Jeri Fry, co-chair of Colorado Citizens Against Toxic Waste. “As the years have gone by, we have been the ones holding the memory.” 

“The only true solution is a new source.”

Without memory, they say, contamination is normalized as background, treated as an isolated issue, or denied. “We’ve been stonewalled on many of our legitimate concerns,” said Carol Dunn, vice-chairperson of the Lincoln Park/Cotter Community Advisory Group. She believes state regulators avoid testing for fear of uncovering inconvenient facts.

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The most inconvenient would suggest connections between contamination in the valley and industrial pollution upstream, which affects not only Cañon City but the communities of Leadville, Pueblo and Fountain Creek. For Fry, all of the known and unknown pressures on the river point to the same fundamental problem. “We are not treating our water as though it is a sacred thing,” she said. “And it is. It’s got to be.” 

Russell Van Dyk, owner of Lloyd’s Ice and Water in Rocky Ford, Colorado, closes up his store at the end of the day. The residents of Rocky Ford and surrounding towns rely on purified drinking water because the area’s groundwater has been contaminated by uranium and radium.
Russell Van Dyk, owner of Lloyd’s Ice and Water in Rocky Ford, Colorado, closes up his store at the end of the day. The residents of Rocky Ford and surrounding towns rely on purified drinking water because the area’s groundwater has been contaminated by uranium and radium. Credit: Michael Ciaglo

We welcome reader letters. Email High Country News at editor@hcn.org or submit a letter to the editor. See our letters to the editor policy.

This article appeared in the May 2026 print edition of the magazine with the headline “The absence of clean water.”   

This story is part of High Country News’ Conservation Beyond Boundaries project, which is supported by the BAND Foundation and the Mighty Arrow Family Foundation.

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2026 Rockies’ good, bad and tradeable at the season’s quarter mark

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2026 Rockies’ good, bad and tradeable at the season’s quarter mark


By almost every measure, the 2026 Rockies are better than the ’25 Rockies. And, by almost every measure, the Rockies have a long way to go to become a contending big-league baseball team.

After getting bludgeoned by Kyle Schwarber and shut down by ace lefty Cristopher Sanchez in a 6-0 loss at Philadelphia on Sunday, the Rockies are 16-25 with one-quarter of the season in the books.

Schwarber hit solo home runs in the first and second innings off right-hander Tomoyuki Sugano, who gave up five runs on seven hits over five innings. Sanchez dominated Colorado for seven innings, giving up six hits, striking out seven, and walking none. He reduced his ERA to 2.11.

It was a step back for Colorado, but a week ago, Paul DePodesta, president of baseball operations, said, “We’re certainly encouraged by a lot of what’s going on, but at the same time, far from satisfied.”

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Here’s a look at the state of the Rockies at the quarter pole:

• On pace: The Rockies’ .390 winning percentage has them pointed toward a 63-99 record. That would be a 20-game improvement over their 119-loss season in 2025 and enable them to avoid the infamy of being the first team since the 1961-64 Washington Senators to post four consecutive 100-loss seasons.

• White Sox meter: Chicago’s Southsiders lost a major league record 121 games in 2024. At the quarter pole last year, they were a miserable 12-29, but they eventually finished with a 60-102 record. That was a 19-game improvement.

• Road conditions: Colorado was laughably bad on the road last season, going 18-63, averaging just 2.81 runs per game, and getting outscored by 213 runs. The ’26 Rockies no longer look like automatic roadkill. They are 8-14 away from Coors Field but 6-4 over their last 10 games. They are averaging 3.95 runs per game on the road.

• Rotation in motion: The ’25 Rockies finished with a starters ERA of 6.65, the worst in the majors since ERA became an official statistic in 1913. This season’s starters own a 5.27 ERA, still the worst in the majors, but an improvement. Toss out the innings thrown by “openers” and the starters’ ERA is 5.11.

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• Ace in the making? Right-hander Chase Dollander, who has the pure best stuff on the staff, is exponentially better this season than last — 3.35 ERA vs. 6.98 ERA as a rookie. On Friday, he held the Phillies to two runs and three hits in 5 2/3 innings, but walked five in the Rockies’ wild, 9-7, 11-inning victory. Dollander’s command was not sharp, but he didn’t implode as he might have last season.

“Every outing is different, for everybody,” Rockies manager Warren Schaeffer told MLB.com. “Today, for Chase, he had to battle command issues, but his stuff is so good that he was able to stay in it. He competed, and he kept grinding without his best command.”

Colorado Rockies’ Chase Dollander pitches during the first inning of a baseball game against the Philadelphia Phillies, Friday, May 8, 2026, in Philadelphia. (AP Photo/Matt Rourke)

Trade material: Except for Dollander, Colorado’s four other starters are all veterans in the final year of their contracts. That makes them possible trade candidates at the Aug. 3 deadline, if not before.

However, after a strong start to the season, the starters are beginning to fade. Lefty Kyle Freeland (1-4, 6.00 ERA) has a vesting option worth $17 million for 2027, but he needs to pitch 170 innings to activate that option, and it’s doubtful he will. There is a $9 million team option for right-hander Michael Lorenzen, but considering that he is 2-4 with a 6.92 ERA and a 3.56 batting average against, it’s doubtful the Rockies would pick up his option. But are either Lorenzen or Freeland tradeable?

That leaves lefty Jose Quintana (1-2, 3.90 ERA) and Sugano (3-3, 4.07 ERA) as the most attractive trade pieces. And throw in reliever Antonio Senzatela (2-0, 1.11 ERA), too, because he’s also in the final year of his contract.

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Somehow, someway, the Rockies are going to have to restock their pitching cupboard for next season and beyond. It’s a predicament that DePodesta and company will have to solve.

Men of mystery: The hope was that this would be corner outfielder Jordan Beck’s breakout season, and that centerfielder Brenton Doyle and shortstop Ezequiel Tovar would bounce back. It’s early, but it’s not happening.

After going 1 for 3 on Sunday, Beck is hitting .169 with a .490 OPS. Doyle (.196, .529, 33.6% strikeout rate) is showing signs of rebounding, as is Tovar (.197, .277, 28.6%), who had two singles on Sunday. Still, the trio is underperforming. Beck and Doyle are often supplanted in the lineup by Mickey Moniak and newcomers Troy Johnston and Jake McCarthy.

The Rockies' Mickey Moniak heads up the first base line after hitting a triple off New York Mets relief pitcher Craig Kimbrel in the eighth inning of a baseball game Monday, May 4, 2026, in Denver. (AP Photo/David Zalubowski)
The Rockies’ Mickey Moniak heads up the first base line after hitting a triple off New York Mets relief pitcher Craig Kimbrel in the eighth inning of a baseball game Monday, May 4, 2026, in Denver. (AP Photo/David Zalubowski)

After a 1-for-4 performance on Sunday, Moniak is hitting .303 with a 1.004 OPS and leads the Rockies with 11 home runs. Moniak has had hot streaks before with the Angels, but then faded. However, the Rockies believe he can sustain his success.



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Colorado man sentenced to over 40 years in prison for murder of ex-girlfriend

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Colorado man sentenced to over 40 years in prison for murder of ex-girlfriend


A Boulder County man was sentenced to 48 years in prison for murdering his ex-girlfriend and dumping her body in 2024.

The Boulder County Sheriff’s Office said Christine Barron Olivas’s body was discovered in a remote area of unincorporated Boulder County on Sept. 14, 2024. She was last seen leaving the neighborhood with her boyfriend, Carlos Dosal, the week prior.

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Boulder County Sheriff’s Office


The coroner’s office determined the cause of her death was strangulation.

In Feb. 2026, Dosal pleaded guilty to second-degree murder as a crime of domestic violence in her death. On Saturday, the judge sentenced him to 48 years in the Colorado Department of Corrections.

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