Texas
Texas avoided election violence. Advocates say voters still need more protection.
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After two years of fears of electoral dysfunction and violence, voting rights advocates breathed bated sighs of aid this week as Texas completed a comparatively calm midterm election cycle.
“It was a little bit bit higher than I assumed, however I additionally had very low expectations,” mentioned Anthony Gutierrez, govt director of the voting rights group Frequent Trigger Texas. “We had been actually involved about violence on the polls, and most of that was fairly restricted.”
However he’s not celebrating.
Citing hundreds of voter complaints obtained all through the midterm cycle, Frequent Trigger and different voter advocacy teams need the Texas Legislature to bolster voter safety and training measures and revisit not too long ago handed legal guidelines that empowered partisan ballot watchers.
The complaints ranged from lengthy strains, malfunctioning machines and delayed ballot web site openings to harassment, intimidation, threats and misinformation. Frequent Trigger obtained a minimum of 3,000 such complaints on its tipline, Gutierrez mentioned, and many of the harassment, misinformation and intimidation allegations got here from voters of coloration, sparking fears that there have been focused efforts to quell election turnout in 2022 and future contests.
Different voting rights teams mentioned this week that they noticed the same variety of complaints. They warned that even remoted incidents can have reverberating results on voter confidence or exacerbate political tensions which can be already at harmful ranges.
“It might be chilling to hundreds and hundreds of voters,” mentioned Emily Eby, senior election safety legal professional for the Texas Civil Rights Venture. “We will’t underestimate the impression of worry coming into the voting equation.”
The 2022 cycle was the primary main electoral contest for the reason that passage of Senate Invoice 1, a package deal of voting legal guidelines that the Texas Legislature pursued partly on account of unfounded claims of widespread fraud within the 2020 presidential election. The laws tightened mail-in voter identification necessities, banned drive-thru and 24-hour voting and curtailed early-voting hours.
It additionally enhanced partisan ballot watchers’ entry to polling locations, giving them “free motion” at websites and permitting for misdemeanor costs to be pursued towards election officers accused of obstructing them “in a way that may make commentary not fairly efficient.”
Voting and civil rights teams warned on the time that the brand new legislation — coupled with rising election denialism — would disproportionately disenfranchise voters of coloration in Texas. In 2020, Texas had probably the most Black eligible voters within the nation, the second-largest variety of Hispanic eligible voters and the third-largest variety of Asian eligible voters, in response to Pew Analysis Middle. Texas has routinely ranked among the many nation’s most restrictive for voting on account of, amongst different issues, its tight guidelines on mail-in and absentee ballots. This yr, Texas ranked forty sixth out of fifty states for ease of voting, in response to the Election Legislation Journal’s annual Value of Voting Index.
In the meantime, election fraud issues have continued to flourish since 2020 — notably amongst Republicans — and native election workplaces have been inundated with harassment, overbearing info requests from activists and threats of violence that led to an unprecedented mass exodus of longtime election officers throughout the state.
A lot of these points continued by way of Election Day. In Dallas, Black voters reported that they had been requested handy over their telephones and smartwatches earlier than coming into polling locations — which isn’t Texas coverage and raised suspicions about intimidation.
In Beaumont, a federal choose issued an emergency order on Monday that prohibited partisan ballot watchers at one web site from shadowing voters. The order adopted a lawsuit by the native NAACP that mentioned Black voters had been being harassed whereas voting.
“White ballot employees all through early voting repeatedly requested in aggressive tones solely Black voters and never White voters to recite, out loud inside the earshot of different voters, ballot employees, and ballot watchers, their addresses, even when the voter was already checked in by a ballot employee,” the go well with claims. “White ballot employees and White ballot watchers adopted Black voters and in some circumstances their Black voter assistants across the polling place, together with standing two ft behind a Black voter and the assistant, whereas the voter was on the machine casting a poll.”
And in Hays County, election officers mentioned they needed to have a handful of partisan ballot watchers eliminated as a result of they had been intimidating voters and election employees. The ballot watchers had been already identified to officers there due to their ties to election-denial activist campaigns which have more and more focused Hays County.
“For probably the most half every part was tremendous,” mentioned Jennifer Doinoff, the county’s Republican election administrator. “We had just a few (ballot watchers) that did not actually perceive their position. … However there have been additionally just a few whose demeanor was aggressive and intimidating. I feel they felt a little bit extra empowered on this election.”
Whereas voting rights teams mentioned Texas could have prevented the worst of their fears — these of wide-scale violence and harassment — they mentioned there have been sufficient incidents to immediate lawmakers to rethink elements of SB1 once they convene early subsequent yr.
“If I really feel nervous that my life might change into extra sophisticated if I forged a poll, I’m much less prone to forged a poll,” mentioned Eby.
Christina Das, an legal professional with the NAACP’s Authorized Protection Fund, mentioned additionally they heard a whole lot of complaints that didn’t contain ballot watchers however had been nonetheless regarding as a result of they improve fears of retaliation or political violence by personal actors.
“Most individuals do not know that voter intimidation doesn’t have to resort to bodily violence or threats,” she mentioned. “Intimidation is something that chills voters from going to the poll field.”
Among the many a whole lot of different incidents reported to voting rights teams: Threatening letters left on the properties of Beto O’Rourke voters, calling them “enemies of the state” and saying they “don’t have a gun to guard your self and your loved ones;” folks sporting clothes with “Cease the Steal” and “Let’s go Brandon” (a slogan supposed to insult President Joe Biden) that had been allowed into polling locations regardless of bans on political garb; studies of a Travis County precinct chair who knocked on doorways to accuse folks of unlawful voting; mailers despatched to predominantly Black and Hispanic neighborhoods with inaccurate details about the place to vote; and what Das mentioned had been “racially charged” insults that made some voters worry for his or her security at polling locations.
“One voter mentioned she was dropped at tears and needed to depart the road to throw up,” Das mentioned. “It was horrible to listen to — there have been circumstances of visceral, palpable hate at polling locations.”
Voting rights teams are nonetheless gathering and analyzing ideas, however say there may be already ample proof that the state ought to overhaul a few of its voting processes, together with by increasing on-line voter registration, curbing the prison penalties for election officers which can be allowed below SB1 and bolstering voter training and outreach to fight misinformation.
Gutierrez, of Frequent Trigger, prompt the state permit election officers to evaluate notes taken by partisan ballot watchers to quell fears that they may observe and harass voters afterward.
Teams additionally prompt that Texas undertake a evaluate of intimidation and misinformation within the 2022 contest. Texas Secretary of State John Scott didn’t reply to a request for remark, nor did Texas Home Speaker Dade Phelan or different lawmakers who helped push by way of Senate Invoice 1, reminiscent of state Sen. Bryan Hughes, R-Mineola.
Voting rights advocates additionally mentioned the Legislature ought to higher fund elections workplaces and increase voting choices so Texas can keep away from the lengthy strains and machine points which have for years been a function of American elections. These delays have at instances given oxygen to voter fraud conspiracies.
For instance, in Harris County, a rash of points led to a one-hour extension of voting, which prompted a court docket problem that pressured Harris County to separate provisional ballots forged after the preliminary 7 p.m. deadline. The quantity and standing of these ballots had been nonetheless unclear as of Thursday, although officers have mentioned they don’t anticipate them to alter the result of any races.
Eby, of the Texas Civil Rights Venture, mentioned that avoiding such dysfunction is essential to stemming mistrust within the electoral course of extra broadly — and earlier than it results in threats, intimidation or violence.
“Lots of the misinformation points come from reliable issues which have occurred with machines,” she mentioned. “If we’re funding our election workplaces adequately, then it’s more durable to unfold that misinformation as a result of that misinformation received’t be primarily based on a grain of reality.”
“The extra that we fund counties, the extra they’ll act as a safety measure,” she mentioned.
Whereas Texas prevented widespread chaos this yr, Gutierrez agreed that there’s nonetheless a lot room for enchancment — notably forward of a 2024 presidential election that many anticipate to be contentious.
“Most of what we noticed this yr had been fairly widespread issues in Texas,” he mentioned. “However it’s value remembering that loads of the issues we’ve got in Texas are as a result of Texas doesn’t put money into infrastructure or training.”
Disclosure: Frequent Trigger and Texas Secretary of State have been monetary supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan information group that’s funded partly by donations from members, foundations and company sponsors. Monetary supporters play no position within the Tribune’s journalism. Discover a full listing of them right here.
The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit statewide information group devoted to maintaining Texans knowledgeable on politics and coverage points that impression their communities. This election season, Texans across the state will flip to The Texas Tribune for the data they want on voting, election outcomes, evaluation of key races and extra. Get the most recent.
Texas
Questions surround QB Quinn Ewers as Texas faces must-win game against A&M
AUSTIN, Texas (KTRK) — The Texas Longhorns clinched a 10-win season over the weekend, thanks to the win over Kentucky.
There’s a constant conversation about QB-1 and whether he has what it takes to lead the Longhorns to a National Championship.
The Houston Chronicle’s Kirk Bohls joined Eyewitness News to analyze Quinn Ewers’ performance under center and preview the Lonestar Showdown.
Bohls said despite an ankle injury Ewers received in the game against Kentucky, he expects Ewers will be healthy enough to start for the Longhorns against Texas A&M on Saturday.
Despite a shaky performance against Vanderbilt and the loss to Georgia, Bohls argued that Ewers doesn’t get the respect his talent deserves. He has led the Longhorns to back-to-back 10-win seasons and a playoff appearance last season. This season, he’s thrown for over 2,000 yards with 23 touchdowns and six interceptions. Bohls said he’s among the top five quarterbacks the Longhorns have had.
Texas sits at the top in The Houston Chronicle’s SEC Power Rankings, but the upcoming Lonestar Showdown is a must-win.
The SEC Championship is on the line for the Longhorns and the Aggies.
Bohls said it will come down to whether Texas’ offensive weapons can break through a tough Aggie defensive line. He also predicted that Arch Manning could get playing time if Ewers isn’t at the top of his game.
You can watch the Lonestar Showdown on ABC13 on Saturday night. Kickoff is set for 6:30 p.m.
For updates on this story, follow Briana Conner on Facebook, X and Instagram.
Copyright © 2024 KTRK-TV. All Rights Reserved.
Texas
Texas vs. Texas A&M football picks: What the oddsmakers say
A classic college football rivalry returns after more than a decade and with plenty on the line as Texas visits Texas A&M on Saturday night. Here’s what the oddsmakers are predicting for the game.
Texas improved to 6-1 in SEC play and stayed atop the conference standings after knocking off Kentucky, and needs to win this game in order to earn a place against Georgia in the SEC title bout.
Likewise for the Aggies, but they’re coming off a four-overtime loss against Auburn that dropped the team to 8-3 overall and 5-2 in conference games.
What do the wiseguys expect as the Longhorns and Aggies meet this weekend?
Let’s check in with the early predictions for Texas vs. Texas A&M in this Week 14 college football game, according to the oddsmakers.
Texas is a 6 point favorite against Texas A&M, according to the updated lines posted to FanDuel Sportsbook.
The book set the total at 48.5 points for the game.
And it lists the moneyline odds for Texas at -230 and for Texas A&M at +195 to win outright.
Texas: -6 (-110)
Texas A&M +6 (-110)
Over 48.5 points: -110
Under 48.5 points: -110
Texas is 6-5 against the spread (54.6%) overall this season …
Texas A&M is 3-8 (27.3%) ATS in ‘24 …
Texas is 2-2 against the spread in road games …
Texas A&M is 2-5 ATS at home …
Texas is 1-4 against the spread in its last 5 games …
A&M is 2-6 ATS in its last 8 home games …
Texas is 4-1 against the spread in its last 5 games played in Week 14 …
The total went over in 5 of Texas A&M’s last 6 games …
The total went under in 6 of Texas’ last 7 games and 7 of its last 9 road games …
A&M is 3-10 ATS in its last 13 games on a Saturday …
A plurality of bettors expect the Longhorns will take care of the Aggies on the road, according to the spread consensus picks for the game.
Texas is getting 63 percent of bets to win the game and cover the narrow point spread.
The other 37 percent of wagers project Texas A&M will either win outright in an upset or keep the game under a touchdown margin in a loss.
The game’s implied score suggests a narrow victory for the Longhorns over the Aggies.
When taking the point spread and total into consideration, it’s implied that Texas will defeat Texas A&M by a projected score of 28 to 22.
Our early pick: Texas A&M +6 … Strange things can happen at Kyle Field under the lights, especially as this intense rivalry game is resurrected, and with so much on the line, so asking for a greater than touchdown margin might be too much, and this is a game the Aggies can outright win.
When: Sat., Nov. 30
Where: College Station, Tex.
Time: 6:30 p.m. Central
TV: ABC network
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Game odds refresh periodically and are subject to change.
If you or someone you know has a gambling problem and wants help, please call 1-800-GAMBLER.
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More college football from SI: Top 25 Rankings | Schedule | Teams
Follow College Football HQ: Bookmark | Rankings | Picks
Texas
Should States Like Texas Be Allowed to Grade Their Own Highway Homework? — Streetsblog USA
In late October, protestors in Houston watched as officials wheeled a trough out into the middle of St. Emanuel Street and each scooped out a ceremonial shovelful of sand.
The officials were ostensibly there for a symbolic groundbreaking for the North Houston Highway Improvement Project, which will widen or rebuild around 25 miles of Interstate 45 in the heart of Texas’s largest city. For the protesters, though, the bulldozers that loomed in the background of that photo-op were a very real threat of the harm soon to come to St. Emanuel Street, and the estimated 1,079 homes, 344 businesses, five places of worship and two schools that will be razed to make way for the highway.
“Half of that street is going to be gone,” added Erin Eriksen, an organizer with Stop TxDOT I-45. “Half of those businesses are going to be torn down. And TxDOT was basically thumbing its nose at these places that were going to be destroyed because of this project.”
According to official analyses, though, the destruction of St. Emanuel Street and so many like it isn’t enough of an “environmental impact” to justify canceling the I-45 project, even though it will dramatically exacerbate pollution, flooding, and inequality in the disproportionately low income communities of color through which the expansion will largely run.
And that’s probably because the Texas Department of Transportation wrote those official analyses itself.
‘A fox guarding a hen house”
Thanks to a little-known loophole in federal law known as the “NEPA assignment” program, DOTs from Texas and six other states — Alaska, Arizona, California, Florida, Ohio, and Utah — are temporarily “assigned” the responsibility of conducting what are normally federally overseen environmental assessments (the states must reapply every five years when their authority expires. Texas’s authority expires this year, and members of the Texas Streets Coalition are urging advocates to comment on whether it should be rescinded before Dec. 9.)
In theory, NEPA assignment is supposed to help responsible state DOTs build projects quickly, without having to wait on a single understaffed federal agency to work through a backlog of proposals from across the country before giving the green light on simple repaving or repair. Some argue that it also gives environmentally progressive states an opportunity to conduct an even more thorough analysis than the feds would do on their own.
In car-dominated Texas, though, NEPA assignment is essentially a “fox-guarding-the-henhouse situation” — and its consequences shouldn’t be surprising to anyone, argues Heyden Black Walker of Reconnect Austin.
In Walker’s native Austin, for instance, advocates say that Texas DOT misleadingly “segmented” the expansion of a single intestate known as I-35 into three smaller projects along the exactly same road, hiding the staggering impacts the expansion would have for the region on the whole — and, advocates say, violating federal law. Walker says the “9,000 pages” of official documents about the project also didn’t adequately consider the highway’s impacts on air pollution, and failed to study whether railway investments could address the same problems the expansion was meant to solve.
That the I-35 expansion received even that degree of scrutiny, though, is something of an outlier.
Texas activists found that between 2015 and 2022, only six TxDOT projects receive a full-blown “environmental impact statement,” an exhaustive process that details exactly how the agency will mitigate the harm it will cause. A staggering 130 projects, by comparison, only received a far-simpler “environmental assessment,” all of which resulted in a “finding of no significant impact,” or FONSI, which is pronounced like the shark-jumping character on “Happy Days.”
Cumulatively, though, those “insignificant” projects displaced a stunning total of 477 homes and 376 businesses, and consumed $24 billion. And advocates say that lack of oversight is particularly damning for a state that would rank eighth in the world for carbon dioxide emissions if it were a country, and that polluted nearly twice as much as second-ranked California in 2019.
“The things that NEPA was intended to protect us from — from inordinate displacement, from worse air quality — Texas is failing on all of those metrics,” said Peter Eccles, director of policy and planning at LINK Houston, a transportation advocacy group. “Since TxDOT entered NEPA assignment in 2014, displacements have skyrocketed across Texas, dwarfing the national average in terms of how many households are displaced for freeway projects, as well as the number of counties that are no longer in attainment for criteria pollutants. … It’s not working as intended.”
If the federal government was conducting the NEPA process, advocates argue that Texas might face stricter parameters for what constitutes a “significant” impact of a highway project, rather than letting the state write off families losing their homes and residents getting sick as unfortunate but necessary evils. And maybe, bad projects might even be stopped before they start.
“TxDOT is setting up its own environmental reviews, setting its own parameters, and then self-grading its own performance by the parameters that it sets,” said Bobby Levinski, an attorney with the Save Our Springs Alliance. “And we don’t have that federal oversight that used to exist where, if you did have a disagreement over what the current state of the science is, [you might have] a technical expert at the federal level who could say, ‘No, you didn’t quite do a good enough job looking at, say, this air quality aspect.’
“That check no longer exists,” he continued. “And at the end of the day, they’re going to give themselves an ‘A.’”
NEPA Assignment Under Trump
Levinski and the rest of the coalition acknowledge that some might be wary of handing environmental power back to the federal government — especially with Trump returning to the White House.
Project 2025, which many believe will serve as the incoming president’s playbook, promises to restore regulations limiting environmental review that Trump put in place the last time he was in office, as well as “frame the new regulations to limit the scope for judicial review of agency NEPA analysis and judicial remedies.”
Advocates in Texas, though, say they’re already living in a world where NEPA has been badly watered down — and because of their state’s special authority, Washington was powerless to intervene. Restoring federal oversight, they argue, is a critical first step to making things right, followed by voting in a presidential administration that takes NEPA seriously.
“Here in Texas, we’ve been facing basically a mini-Trump administration, anyway, with our governor,” said Katy Atkiss, facilitator for the Texas Streets Coalition, referring to Gov. Greg Abbott. “He appoints the Texas Transportation Commission, which is basically five old white men — none with transportation experience. So I feel like we’ve been working in a similar environment anyway. We’ve had several conversations with DOT and other federal representatives throughout the course of of the year, and while they are extremely sympathetic, basically, they said, ‘We believe you, but there’s nothing we can do.’”
Until Texas’s NEPA assignment is revoked, all advocates can do is sue to stop bad projects — though with the president picking many of the judges, that’s an increasingly bleak prospect, too.
“With Trump being in office, the courts aren’t getting easier either,” added Levinski. “[And] making the public be the enforcer of NEPA, I think, puts a big onus on the residents of Texas to go up against the giant Goliath that is TxDOT on every single case. … We need some sort of measure of oversight. You can’t just write off the entire state of Texas.”
The members of the Texas Streets coalition acknowledge that getting their state’s NEPA assignment revoked won’t be easy — and if it can’t be done, they hope USDOT will at least make some common-sense changes.
The state might still be allowed do its own environmental assessments, but not on massive highway projects that displace hundreds of residents. The feds also might force the DOT to wait at least 30 days to collect public comment after they make changes to their plans, or submit to “an annual NEPA compliance audit” to ensure they’re not flouting federal laws. At a minimum, they could acknowledge that granting states like Texas the ability to do their own environmental review even as they’re suing to hide their greenhouse gas emissions from the public seems like a pretty obvious flaw in the system.
At the end of the day, though, advocates say we need to address the shortcomings of NEPA itself, which still doesn’t factor in the power of induced demand — and still offers all states too many opportunities to build destructive highways, even when the federal government is grading their projects.
“I think that NEPA assignment and its abuses by TxDOT are a symptom of the larger failings of NEPA as a whole,” added Eccles. “NEPA was very well intentioned at the time [it was written], but certain states like TxDOT have gotten very good at gaming it to rubber stamp projects that they want to do regardless. Contrast that with the NEPA burden that the Federal Transit Administration puts on transit projects; it’s much more rigorous, and it ends up slowing down those projects significantly. We need to have a clearer picture of what projects benefit the environment and which projects harm it.”
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