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'Fear has been sown.' Street vendors and other workers in L.A.'s massive informal economy react to Trump

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'Fear has been sown.' Street vendors and other workers in L.A.'s massive informal economy react to Trump

As Mario Ramos pushes his ice cream cart through the city, worries course through his mind.

A street vendor in Los Angeles for 20 years, Ramos now carries with him a small red card outlining his constitutional rights in case immigration officers approach him as part of President Trump’s vow to carry out mass deportations. He scours the news for information on enforcement operations and has even cut back the hours he spends on the streets to limit his exposure.

“The street vending community is shaking,” Ramos said. “This is the era of fear for us.”

Ramos, 52, who is in the U.S. illegally, is among the hundreds of thousands of immigrants in the region who lack official work authorization and instead find jobs in the vast informal economy. Often working for cash and well below the minimum wage, their labor has become an economic linchpin, encompassing work in vital industries and including jobs such as child care, caregiving for the elderly, construction and harvesting, preparing and selling food.

“People forget how significant the undocumented labor force is in our state’s economy,” said Manuel Pastor, director of the Equity Research Institute at USC, who has long researched immigrant labor.

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“What part of your daily life doesn’t involve contact with someone who is undocumented, whether you know it or not?” Pastor asked. “Did you get food today? Did your house cleaner come?”

The labor and financial implications are particularly pronounced in L.A. County, where undocumented immigrants contributed close to $18 billion to the economy in local, state and federal taxes, as well as spending power in 2021, according to the most recent data from the California Immigrant Data Portal, a project of USC’s Equity Research Institute.

If Trump does carry out large-scale deportations, Pastor said, it would drastically rewire the social fabric of a region where nearly 1 in 5 people is either undocumented or living with a family member who is. It would also create significant disruptions in industries such as construction and food preparation and service, he said, and ultimately lead to higher costs for consumers.

A welder builds a cart at the Food Truck Group in Sylmar on Friday. The company rents out food trucks and carts and helps vendors get permits.

(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)

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“It’s going to be a lot harder to rebuild from the Eaton Canyon and Palisades fires,” he said. “Your prices are going to rise at the grocery store. It’s going to be the opposite of cheaper eggs.”

And the broader economic ripple effects, Pastor said, would be far reaching.

“Behind every software engineer or entertainment industry lawyer is an army of nannies and food services workers and gardeners,” Pastor said. “They may not see their mutual dependence, but it is a fact of life in our economy.”

Although the true scale of deportations remains to be seen, particularly in so-called sanctuary cities such as L.A., which forbids city employees or resources from going toward federal immigration enforcement, the Trump administration has already taken an aggressive stance, including rescinding a policy that prohibited immigration agents from making arrests in hospitals, schools and churches.

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And the chilling effect has already begun.

Rodrigo, a construction worker who asked to be identified only by his first name because he is in the country illegally, said fellow workers have started swapping messages of caution, including specific urges to look for ICE immigration agents outside Home Depot locations.

“The fear has been sown,” he said.

The 64-year-old, who arrived in the U.S. nearly four decades ago, runs a small construction company that does electrical, plumbing and carpentry work. In recent weeks, he said, his six employees, undocumented workers from Guatemala, Mexico and El Salvador, who all arrived in recent years, have told him they’re fearful of traveling to certain areas for jobs.

“We’re going to San Clemente today,” he recalled telling the workers recently.

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“I’m not going there,” one worker told him. “There is too much immigration.”

He tries to calm their nerves but also reminds them to behave cautiously in public — if you’re going to drink, Rodrigo tells them, do it at home. He warns them that even if they’re doing nothing wrong, a drunk guy at the bar might throw punches, drawing the police to the location, and he worries that anyone detained for any reason could be swiftly deported.

For now, Rodrigo said, he isn’t personally too scared — he’s taking a wait-and-see approach. But to be cautious, he said, he will avoid traveling to either Texas or Arizona, states where he said he expects more harsh crackdowns.

“But with work, I don’t really have time to travel anyway,” he said, noting that he expects business to pick up soon with requests to rebuild after the wildfires.

Kimberly Tapia, who along with her mother, Maria Ponce, started the Food Truck Group, an L.A. company that rents out food trucks and helps street vendors get permits, said fears about deportations have already begun to shift demands at the company.

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Two women check out a grill cart

This grill cart at the Food Truck Group in Sylmar has health permits for handling raw meat. The company is run by Maria Ponce and daughter Kimberly Tapia.

(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)

The business has recently seen an influx of new clients looking to get permits in hopes of avoiding attention from immigration agents, as well as more inquiries from current clients who want to trade in their food carts for trucks so there is a physical barrier in case agents approach them.

Those with permits “want the ability to lock the door, close up and not feel vulnerable to being taken away,” Tapia said. “They’re worried that because of the color of their skin, someone is going to swing by and say I don’t care if you’re permitted or not.”

Ramos, the ice cream vendor, said a creeping sense of unease has become a constant for him and fellow vendors. The start of Trump’s second term feels different than his first, Ramos said, especially with Republicans now in control of both the House and the Senate.

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“There’s a lot of fear of not returning home and knowing that my children will ask, ‘Where is Dad? He never came back,’” he said. “I want people to know it will be four years of fear, four years of uncertainty, four years of sadness.”

It has put a painful damper on a job that has brought Ramos years of fulfillment.

He started selling ice cream years ago, seeing it as a way to bring the flavors of his first home in Puebla, Mexico, to his new one in L.A. And like many other vendors, he is proud to be an entrepreneur.

“We’re not waiting for jobs. We start our businesses and pay our taxes,” he said. “They don’t see how much we contribute to the economy or the taxes we pay.

“If we’re not acknowledged, at least our children who are citizens, they will always know that we were good for this country.”

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.

As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.

Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.

Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.

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That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.

“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”

The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.

The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.

“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.

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“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”

SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.

The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.

City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.

There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.

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“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.

Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.

California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.

That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.

In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.

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Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

Dear Mr. Pelley:

I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.

Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.

Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.

Sincerely,

Nick Bilton

Executive Producer, 60 Minutes

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