Texas
Fewer Texans sentenced to death, executed amid “evolving standards of decency”
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In 1982, Texas was the first in the world to execute an inmate by lethal injection, its first execution since the U.S. Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976. Quickly, the state became the United States’ top executioner and is among the top three in imposing death sentences.
At the turn of the century in 2000, the population on Texas’ death row reached a record high of 459 inmates and officials carried out 40 executions, the most in a single year. Decades later, the state’s interest in capital punishment appears to have cooled, according to available data, influenced by cultural shifts, legal updates and what some experts have called “evolving standards of decency.”
In 2022, the death row population dropped to under 200 inmates for the first time in almost three decades, and by the start of 2025, there were 174 people on Texas’ death row. Still, Texas has executed more people than the next four states combined since 1982, a trend largely upheld by a few urban counties — the top three of which are responsible for more than 40% of the state’s executions.
“The death penalty is no longer an American story, it’s really a local story,” said Robin Maher, executive director of the Death Penalty Information Center. “It’s about which local jurisdictions are using it, and those decisions that are being made by their local elected officials.”
Five men were executed by Texas in 2024, the sixth year in a row in which there were less than 10 executions. A little more than half of those sentenced to death in Texas — almost 600 of more than 1,100 inmates — have been executed since 1977. Since 2020, almost as many people on death row in the state have had their sentences reduced or convictions overturned as those executed, with 24 executions and 22 sentence reductions, most due to intellectual disability. Nine men also have died on death row before their execution date since 2020.
The slowdown in death sentences isn’t something that can be attributed to one thing but rather a buildup of legal and social factors, said Kristin Houlé Cuellar, executive director of the Texas Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty, a grassroots advocacy group whose focus is on death penalty education and abolition.
One of the most significant reasons for the decline was the state adopted life sentences without parole as an option to capital punishment in 2005. Texas was the last state with the death penalty to do so, according to the coalition’s 2024 report.
“That has given prosecutors and juries more discretion in terms of how they handle capital cases,” Houlé Cuellar said. “So what we’ve seen is that in the vast majority — and by vast majority, I would say 99-point-something-percent of capital cases — prosecutors in Texas are not pursuing the death penalty as a sentencing option.”
The financial costs of a death sentence to counties is also a factor prosecutors, specifically in rural counties, must consider when seeking the death penalty.
After the capital murder trials of three men who dragged James Byrd Jr., a Black man, for 3 miles and left his body outside an African American church in 1998, Jasper County was forced to raise its property taxes by more than 8% because of the cost to the county — $1.1 million of its $10 million budget. Two of the three men, who were self-admitted white supremacists, were executed, one in 2011 and the other in 2019, and the case led to new state and federal hate crime laws. The third man is serving a life sentence.
The moment a district attorney chooses to seek the death penalty on a capital murder charge, the cost increases as those trials often require a more expensive jury selection process, expert witnesses from out of state and a separate trial to determine if execution is warranted. Those costs are incurred by the counties, but long periods of incarceration on death row and yearslong appeals processes are costs the state pays.
“All of this adds up to a very expensive system, and that meter starts running the minute the district attorney decides that [they’re] going to seek the death penalty,” Houlé Cuellar said.
Other significant developments adding to the decline of death penalty convictions occurred in 2017 and 2019 when U.S. Supreme Court rulings originating from Harris County mandated that the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals update its standards on disqualifying death sentences based on intellectual disability. Executions of those with intellectual disabilities are considered cruel and unusual punishment under the Eighth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, and 18 people have been removed from death row since 2017 based on evidence of intellectual disability.
Despite the decades-long decrease, 2024 had the highest number of new sentences in five years, with six people receiving the death penalty, three alone out of Tarrant County — its first since 2019. Houlé Cuellar said all three trials falling in 2024 is somewhat unintentional because the charges were brought across a three-year period, but the fact the death penalty was pursued at all speaks to a mindset some prosecutors have.
“I think the fact that all three trials happen this year is somewhat random, but the decision to seek the death penalty was very deliberate and reflects a very … aggressive use of the death penalty out of a county that really seems to be going in the opposite direction from the rest of the state,” Houlé Cuellar said.
Tarrant County District Attorney Phil Sorrells said in a statement to the Texas Tribune that choosing to levy the death penalty against anyone is “never an easy decision,” but clarified the juries in all three cases in 2024 agreed with the sentencing.
“We don’t often ask for the death penalty,” Sorrells said in the statement. “But in 2024, we asked juries three times to convict capital murderers and give them the death penalty. Three times they agreed.”
Dallas and Harris counties lead in the number of death sentences handed down, but Tarrant County’s three cases in 2024 placed it ahead of Bexar County for third highest in the state. The four counties together represent more than half of all executions in the state, as Harris remained the top county in the U.S. for executions with 135 since 1977, two of which were in 2024.
Public opinion on the death penalty has also split between older and younger Americans. National support for the sentence has dwindled to its lowest since 1972, having dropped more than 10% since 2000, according to an October Gallup poll. And while 53% of U.S. adults overall were in favor of the death penalty in 2024, less than half of Gen Z and Millennial adults supported the sentence.
“As the death penalty has been used less in terms of new death sentences and executions have become fewer, the death penalty is really fading from the minds of many voters to the point that some may conclude it’s simply not necessary,” Maher said.
Ten executions are currently scheduled nationally for 2025, four of which are in Texas. Those four scheduled do not include Robert Roberson, whose execution has not yet been rescheduled after it was temporarily blocked by the Texas Supreme Court in October. Roberson’s case has received national attention because of the contention around his innocence and a bipartisan effort within a Texas House of Representatives committee to halt his execution.
Steven Lawayne Nelson, who was convicted of suffocating a pastor with a plastic bag and assaulting a woman during a church robbery in Arlington, is scheduled to be Texas’ first execution in 2025 on Feb. 5.
Texas
Cal Pulls Young Linebacker From Texas A&M Out of the Portal
Tristan Jernigan, a Texas A&M sophomore linebacker who was a four-star prospect in high school, has signed with Cal out of the transfer portal.
Jernigan comes to Berkeley with three years of eligibility after seeing action in just two games this season. He played against Notre Dame without any stats and had three tackles, including one tackle for loss, against Samford.
He is the second members of the Aggies’ squad to join the Bears, following defensive end Solomon Williams, who signed last Sunday.
The 6-foot-1, 230-pounder from Tupelo, Miss., also drew interest from Tennessee, Memphis, Louisville, Ole Miss, Arizona State, Baylor and San Diego State.
Jernigan played eight games as a true freshman in 2024, primarily on special teams. He had 11 tackles, including five against McNeese State, and was named the team’s defensive scout team player of the year.
At Tupelo High School, Jernigan had 177 tackles with 11.5 sacks his final two seasons. Those teams compiled a two-year record of 22-4 with a Class 6A state semifinal appearance as a junior in 2022.
He was rated by 247 Sports as the No. 28 linebacker prospect in the class and the No. 9 recruit in the state of Mississippi.
He is not related to former Cal linebacker Myles Jernigan, who was from Grand Prairie, Texas, and spent five years in Berkeley through the 2023 season.
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Texas
American Airlines to start serving Texas BBQ on select flights
DALLAS – Starting in February, some American Airlines passengers will have the option of eating authentic Texas barbecue as their in-flight meal.
The airline said they’ll be partnering with Pecan Lodge restaurant to serve Texas barbecue on board.
American Airlines to serve Texas BBQ
The meals will be available to first-class passengers on flights from DFW International Airport to LaGuardia Airport and John F. Kennedy International Airport.
The meals will be available for preorder starting on Jan. 11 through aa.com or American’s mobile app.
What they’re saying:
“As we celebrate American’s centennial anniversary in 2026, we’re looking forward to delighting our customers in new ways that honor unique regional tastes, beginning right here in our home state through one of the most beloved barbecue restaurants in Texas,” said Rhonda Crawford, American’s SVP of Customer Experience Design and Strategy. “Our customers deserve nothing but the best, and Pecan Lodge is certainly that.”
Pecan Lodge meals
February offering: Pecan Lodge barbecue platter
Smoked brisket and smoked sausage, paired with creamy mac and cheese, crisp coleslaw and a side of pickles, onions and barbecue sauce
March offering: Smoked chopped brisket sandwich
Chopped brisket on a fresh brioche bun, served with roasted green beans, creamy potato salad and a side of pickles, onions and barbecue sauce
The Source: Information in this article comes from American Airlines.
Texas
John Cornyn makes campaign stop at Texas-Mexico border
HIDALGO — During a visit to the border Friday, U.S. Sen. John Cornyn said changes in immigration laws should wait until the border is completely secure, a contrast from Republican lawmakers who are willing to explore legal status for immigrant workers to address labor shortages prompted by enforcement efforts at work sites.
Cornyn was part of a group of Republican U.S. senators and Senate hopefuls who flocked to the Rio Grande Valley to praise President Donald Trump’s border policies as they attempt to promote their achievements and shape political narratives ahead of November’s midterm elections.
Aggressive enforcement by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has prompted some unauthorized workers to stay clear of job sites, leading to labor shortages in construction and restaurants. The Valley has been among the areas hardest hit by the worker shortage, prompting a group of local builders to call for solutions to economic struggles in their industry.
U.S. Rep. Monica De La Cruz, an Edinburg Republican, met with the group and expressed support for a visa program for construction workers, akin to the H-2A visa program that allows foreign nationals to work in the agriculture sector.
Cornyn, though, said it was too early to consider such an option.
“The first thing we need to do is secure the border,” Coryn said during a news conference along the border in the city of Hidalgo. “There is no way that the American people, and certainly my constituents in Texas, would allow us to take another stab at reforming our immigration laws until we’ve got the border secure.”
After securing the border, he said, the next step would be to remove people who “never should have been here in the first place.” Only after that had been accomplished, Cornyn said, should lawmakers delve into changing immigration laws.
Much of Trump’s border policy has been set by executive action. The Republican Congress passed $170 billion in funding for immigration and border enforcement through 2029, making ICE the best-funded law enforcement agency in the country and giving the agency unprecedented recruitment, enforcement, deportation and detention powers. But the effort did not codify many of Trump’s changes to border practices.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune, who stood beside Cornyn during Friday’s news conference, said he was open to legislation that would address the need for qualified workers but also said the first priority was to secure the border.
“I think we can work in a constructive way on how we come up with a mechanism whereby people who come to this country legally can contribute and be members of our work force,” said Thune, R-South Dakota.
ICE activity at construction sites has intimidated workers — those unauthorized to live in the U.S. and those with legal authorization — from accepting work, builders say. This labor shortage has prompted construction delays that economists suggest will drive up housing costs.
Absent a change in immigration laws, Cornyn suggested job sectors would benefit from cuts to assistance like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and Medicaid, saying it would encourage people to work.
“If you are an able-bodied young adult, you can’t qualify for food stamps, you can’t qualify for welfare benefits like Medicaid and the like, in order to encourage more people to get off the couch,” Cornyn said. “That’s good for them, good for their families, good for their communities.”
For Cornyn, who is locked in an expensive primary race with Attorney General Ken Paxton and U.S. Rep. Wesley Hunt of Houston, the news conference was also an opportunity to tout a major provision from Republicans’ 2025 mega-bill — reimbursement for Operation Lone Star.
Cornyn publicly stated during spring negotiations that his vote in support of the package was contingent on reimbursing Texas for Gov. Greg Abbott’s border security initiative. Ultimately, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, passed in July with support from nearly all Republicans and no Democrats, included $13.5 billion in two funds to reimburse states for border security spending.
Abbott had requested $11.1 billion, and the vast majority of the bill’s money is expected to go to Texas. But six months after the bill’s passage, the Trump administration has yet to allocate funding. State Republicans, led by Cornyn, U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz and U.S. Rep. August Pfluger, sent a December letter asking the departments of Homeland Security and Justice to prioritize Texas in the disbursement.
“That money will now soon be flowing into the coffers of the state of Texas, to the tune of roughly $11 billion, to do justice — which is to reimburse Texas taxpayers for stepping up and filling the gap when the federal government simply refused to do so,” Cornyn said Friday. “That would not have happened without the leadership of the majority leader and the whip and the direction of the president of the United States, to whom I am very grateful.”
The Cornyn campaign and allied groups have spent more than $40 million in advertising, helping to close Paxton’s initial polling lead. Polls have shown no candidate close to the 50% threshold needed to avoid a runoff in the March 3 primary.
Cornyn has the backing of Thune and OneNation, a group aligned with the Senate Republican leader that organized Friday’s border trip after spending millions in pro-Cornyn advertising.
Thune on Friday praised Cornyn, whom he beat out to become majority leader in 2024.
“He has been such an advocate through the years on the issue of border security — foremost expert on it,” Thune said. “Most of us, what we know about the border, we know from him.”
Part of Cornyn’s campaign strategy has been to emphasize his support for Trump in ads and on social media. Thune, Cornyn, other Republican senators and Senate hopeful Michael Whatley, former chair of the Republican National Committee from North Carolina, praised Trump’s border actions, with Cornyn expressing his gratitude for Trump’s leadership in getting the One Big Beautiful Bill passed and for his Border Patrol leadership appointments.
The president’s endorsement — or lack of, thus far — has factored heavily into the state’s Senate primary. It is one of a handful of Republican contests for Senate where Trump has yet to put his thumb on the scale, and the president has said that he likes both Cornyn and Paxton.
Cornyn and Thune have appealed to Trump for his endorsement.
The border trip was also an opportunity for Cornyn’s opponents to press their cases.
Paxton preemptively criticized Cornyn’s visit in a Thursday statement that noted the senator said a border wall “makes no sense” in a February 2017 speech in Weslaco, among other instances of wall skepticism in early 2017. At the time, Cornyn said technology and personnel are more effective than physical barriers in some areas. On Friday, Cornyn praised the border wall and its outfitting with cameras, sensors and other technology.
“His 40-plus year career has been spent fighting for amnesty for illegals, cutting deals with Democrats, trying to stop President Trump, and standing in the way of building the wall,” Paxton said in the statement. “Texans aren’t going to forget how Cornyn’s betrayed our country, and no last minute trip to the border to try and act tough is going to change that.”
Hunt posted an ad on X criticizing Cornyn’s previous apprehension for a border wall.
“Now that Trump’s secured our border, John Cornyn wants to take the credit for the wall he tried to block,” the ad said.
Reporting in the Rio Grande Valley is supported in part by the Methodist Healthcare Ministries of South Texas, Inc.
Disclosure: Methodist Healthcare Ministries of South Texas, Inc. has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
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