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Were the Kennedy Files a Bust? Not So Fast, Historians Say.

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Were the Kennedy Files a Bust? Not So Fast, Historians Say.

In June 1973, a C.I.A. employee wrote a memo at the request of William E. Colby, the agency’s director, listing various ways the C.I.A. had, to put it delicately, “exceeded” its charter over the years.

The seven pages matter-of-factly described break-ins at the French Consulate in Washington, planned paramilitary attacks on Chinese nuclear facilities and injections of a “contaminating agent” in Cuban sugar bound for the Soviet Union. The memo ended with an offhand aside about John A. McCone, the agency’s former director.

“Finally, and this will reflect my Middle Western Protestant upbringing, McCone’s dealings with the Vatican, including Pope John XXIII and Pope Paul VI, would and could raise eyebrows in certain quarters,” the author wrote.

It was just one paragraph in the roughly 77,000 pages the National Archives posted online this week as part of the latest — and supposedly final — release of its vast collection of documents related to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

But for some of the scholars who immediately started combing through the documents, the brief passage, seen unredacted for the first time, raised eyebrows for sure.

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“This opens a door on a whole history of collaboration between the Vatican and the C.I.A., which, boy, would be explosive if we could get documents about it,” said Peter Kornbluh, a senior analyst at the National Security Archive, an independent research center at George Washington University.

“Which of course,” he added, “we will now try to do.”

The document drop may have been a disappointment for those hoping for juicy revelations about the Kennedy assassination. But for scholars steeped in the history of intelligence agencies and the secret side of American foreign policy, there have been revelations aplenty.

They include information about C.I.A. involvement in various attempted coups, election interference in countries around the world and connections that ran to the top of some foreign governments. To see the documents all drop suddenly, without redactions, was remarkable to scholars.

“I didn’t think I’d live to see it,” Mr. Kornbluh said.

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That the release included so much material with no obvious connection to the assassination reflected the broad intentions of the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act, a 1992 law passed after the Oliver Stone film “JFK” prompted a resurgence of conspiracy theorizing.

The law ordered that all government records related to the assassination and various investigations be gathered in one place and released within 25 years, with some exceptions for grand jury secrecy, tax privacy and concern for “identifiable harm” to national security.

And the law defined “assassination-related record” broadly, taking in a swath of documents related to the inner workings and covert operations of the C.I.A. and F.B.I., including many gathered by the Senate’s Church Committee, established in 1975 to investigate abuses by the intelligence agencies.

Before this week, 99 percent of the roughly six million pages in the collection had already been made public. Only several thousand documents remained redacted, and as few as 50 withheld in full, according to past statements from the archives.

Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, said this week that only a few documents, which remained under a court seal because of grand jury rules, were still secret. The federal government is working to get those documents unsealed.

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The release of the newly unredacted material had long been opposed by the C.I.A. because it would give up the names of its sources. But equally important to the agency was the desire to protect its mid-20th-century tradecraft: how well it had penetrated the Egyptian government’s communications, or the depth of its contacts in France.

Unredacted passages in the new documents revealed how the C.I.A. wiretapped phones in Mexico City in 1962. While that may be interesting in a Cold War spy movie kind of way, it has no bearing on whether American spy agencies can listen to a phone call made on an encrypted app on a modern cellphone.

But for historians, the agency’s closely guarded “sources and methods” are important to filling out the full historical picture. And some of the new material is startling, they said.

Fredrik Logevall, a Harvard historian who is working on a multivolume biography of Kennedy, said that it was remarkable to see a full version of an unredacted 1961 memo by Arthur Schlesinger Jr., an aide to Kennedy, written shortly after the Bay of Pigs fiasco, warning of the growing power of the C.I.A. and calling for it to be reorganized.

Newly visible passages revealed, among other things, that nearly half of the political officers in American embassies around the world were working for the C.I.A. “That’s astonishing,” Dr. Logevall said.

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He also cited a now-unredacted 41-page memo of minutes from meetings between 1962 and 1963 of the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, which included many suggestive new details, including some related to surveillance of China’s efforts to develop a nuclear bomb.

There was also an unredacted 1967 report by the C.I.A.’s inspector general on the 1961 assassination of the Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo that now shows the names of all the C.I.A. agents involved in the plot.

“Without the 1992 law, all of this probably would have been under lock and key forever,” Dr. Logevall said.

The revelation of sources’ identities causes the C.I.A. deep angst, on principle and because it undermines efforts to recruit sources today.

“These relationships are secret for a reason,” said Nicholas Dujmovic, a retired C.I.A. historian. “If people don’t want others to know that they were cooperating with the C.I.A., for whatever reason, we have a moral obligation to keep these relationships secret, because that was the going in agreement.”

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Arturo Jimenez-Bacardi, a historian at the University of South Florida and researcher for the National Security Archive, said the documents also revealed efforts to interfere in elections in Finland, Peru and Somalia that had been rumored but undocumented, or entirely unknown. There was also new information, he said, about C.I.A. involvement in failed and successful coups in various countries, including Brazil, Haiti and what is now Guyana.

A 1964 C.I.A. inspector general report on the workings of the agency’s station in Mexico City was particularly significant, he said, because it contained one of the most detailed accounts available of how the agency organized its ground operations.

A heavily redacted version was released in 2022. But newly visible passages revealed that Adolfo López Mateos, the president of Mexico, had approved a joint surveillance operation against Soviets in Mexico.

The memo also described a “highly successful project” aimed at “rural and peasant targets,” led by a Catholic priest who had created an extensive network of youth groups, credit unions, agricultural co-ops and study centers — presumably, Dr. Jimenez-Bacardi said, to make sure people “don’t go on the Soviet path.”

The White House said on Thursday that all remaining classified documents in the collection are now open for research at the National Archives, with additional pages still set to be digitized and posted online “in the coming days.”

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Dr. Jimenez-Bacardi said he was eager to see the Church Committee interviews and depositions of former directors of the C.I.A., but had not yet found them.

Parts were included in previous releases. “But there are still secrets in those depositions,” he said.

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Greg Casar Pitches a ‘Resistance 2.0’ for Democrats in the Age of Trump

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Greg Casar Pitches a ‘Resistance 2.0’ for Democrats in the Age of Trump

When he was a 29-year-old on the Austin City Council, Greg Casar led a charge to repeal a ban on camping in the city so that homeless people would not rack up criminal records that could make it harder to find permanent housing.

Tent cities sprang up, conservatives protested and residents voted to reinstate the ban.

These days, Mr. Casar, 35, is the chairman of the House Progressive Caucus and a rising star in a Democratic Party struggling to find its footing during the second coming of President Trump. He has shifted his emphasis to respond.

“We can’t be known as the party of just the most vulnerable people,” Mr. Casar, the bilingual son of Mexican immigrants, said in a recent interview in an Uber en route to a town hall in Thornton, Colo. “This isn’t just about lifting up the poorest people, and that’s where the progressive movement has been.”

Mr. Casar’s goal now is winning back the working people who feel as though the Democratic Party is not for them anymore. He said that also means making economic matters, rather than cultural or identity issues, the party’s bread and butter.

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“I’m shifting and changing,” he said. “On immigration, for example, in 2017, I would say, ‘Immigrant rights are human rights.’ I still believe that, but I’m now saying, ‘We need to make sure that all workers have equal rights.’ ”

He and his team refer to it as Resistance 2.0, and Mr. Casar took it out for a test drive last week. On a school stage here in this city north of Denver, more than 900 miles away from his district, he stood beside a cardboard cutout of a Republican lawmaker whose feet had been replaced with chicken claws.

The rest of the cutout’s body depicted Representative Gabe Evans of Colorado, a hard-right lawmaker elected in November who has held just one town hall since being sworn in. So here was Mr. Casar instead, hoping to show Democrats that their leaders were working to fill the void and defeat politicians too scared to show their faces in their districts amid a public backlash against Mr. Trump’s policies.

It was Mr. Casar’s third town hall in a Republican district, and he pushed back on the idea espoused by veteran party strategists like James Carville that Democrats should simply keep a low profile and “play dead,” letting Mr. Trump’s unpopular agenda win elections for them. If Democrats don’t make vast changes, he said, they will pave the way for a President JD Vance.

“A corpse is not an inspiring political leader,” Mr. Casar said at the town hall. “We need to be out there picking a villain and saying, ‘Elon Musk is stealing your Social Security money for himself.’”

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Many attendees did not sound convinced that the Democratic Party was doing much inspiring at all. One after another, they lined up for questions and expressed general fear and pointed concern that the Democrats were not standing up to Mr. Trump in any real way. They demanded to know what, exactly, the plan was.

“I’d like some confidence that my Democratic votes are actually going to result in strengthening a system and protecting it,” Deb Bennett-Woods, a retired professor, told Mr. Casar.

“It’s frustrating when we feel like our Democrats — I’m sure they’re doing the work, but we don’t hear it,” another woman vented at the microphone.

As a young leader in his second term in Congress, Mr. Casar may be uniquely positioned to answer such angst. He is sprightly — in high school, he placed sixth at the Texas state championships in the mile and once ran a 4-minute, 17-second pace. Despite the anxiety of the current political moment, Mr. Casar presents as a sunny, happy warrior. And his roots are in the progressive populism of Senator Bernie Sanders, independent of Vermont, whom he endorsed early in the 2016 presidential campaign and introduced at Mr. Sanders’s first Texas rally of that campaign.

“Isn’t our party supposed to be working for the many against the few that are screwing them over?” Mr. Casar said in the interview.

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Ahead of the town hall on Thursday, Mr. Casar popped up at a Hyatt in downtown Denver to meet with workers fighting their employer for an extra dollar an hour in pay that they said they were promised in their last contract negotiation.

“You deserve a raise,” Mr. Casar told them, first in English and then in Spanish. “I’m here with you in this. I’m not here asking for your vote. Your vote is your business, but what I want is to make sure that we all push for other politicians to be out here with you. Workers in this country deserve a big raise.”

He then accompanied them to hand-deliver a letter outlining the pay raise request to the head of human resources at the hotel, who looked uncomfortable and begged the group not to film her.

Standing with the workers, he said, was the most fun he’d had all day.

“It feels a lot more productive,” Mr. Casar said. “I prefer to do this than just voting ‘no.’ So often in Washington, we just get trapped in these senseless meetings.” (He likes to kick off his own caucus meetings by playing Marvin Gaye and Aretha Franklin, hoping to distinguish them from the tedium.)

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Those workers, he noted in the car, may not have voted in past elections. Maybe this kind of outreach from a Democrat could change that in the next one.

Mr. Evans’ spokeswoman responded to Mr. Casar’s presence in Colorado’s Eighth District by calling him a “defund the police activist who wants to see socialism and transgenderism take over America.”

Mr. Casar rolled his eyes at that. But he said he had made a purposeful pivot to responding to the political crisis in which he finds himself and his party. It means fewer purity tests, and a bigger tent.

And it means allying himself with more moderate Democrats who represent competitive districts and emphasize their military backgrounds to get elected — the types who would never fight for urban camping rights for the homeless.

He is on a text chain with Representatives Pat Ryan of New York and Chris Deluzio in Pennsylvania, two Democrats representing swing districts who also want the party to focus on working people and make villains out of the billionaires benefiting from Mr. Trump’s policies.

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“We’re just talking about issues that are central: utility bills, health care bills, housing affordability,” Mr. Ryan said in an interview. “We can rebuild a broad American and patriotic coalition.”

Mr. Ryan does not love the “Resistance 2.0” framing, but he and Mr. Casar share a vision for what the party needs to be about.

“If we’re resisting something, we’re resisting harm to our constituents, from a big corporation or a billionaire or a corrupt government official,” he said.

Mr. Casar concedes that he has made some mistakes since taking over the Progressive Caucus, a group of nearly 100 lawmakers that is one of the largest in the House. It was his idea for Democrats to hold up signs that read “Musk Steals” and “Save Medicaid” during Mr. Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress. The signs were widely panned, and Mr. Casar now admits they were a bit dopey.

“Looking back on it, I think that just showing up and then leaving would have been better,” he said. “We get pressured into acting like we never make a mistake. I learned that some of the things we pushed for in 2017 became too-easy targets, so we’ve got to change. And I learned from that speech that when the president is just going to lie through the speech, it’s probably best just to walk out.”

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But he has been consistent since Election Day that economic populism is the right approach for his party.

After the election, when Democrats were bemoaning that incumbents worldwide lost because of inflation, Mr. Casar advised his colleagues to take a look at President Claudia Sheinbaum’s decisive victory in Mexico, where a representative of the incumbent party won on a populist economic agenda.

Since then, he has participated in a “Fighting Oligarchy” rally with Mr. Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democrat of New York. He sees himself as a team coach, and he refers to Ms. Ocasio-Cortez as “the No. 1 draft pick we’ve seen in my lifetime.”

Jetting around constantly can take a toll, especially on a young person attempting to have a normal life. He got dinged last year for skipping President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.’s address to House Democrats and going to a Joni Mitchell concert instead. It has also been tough at times on his partner.

“It’s really hard,” his wife, Asha, a philanthropic adviser, said of the realities of being married to an ambitious politician. “Greg is my favorite, but it’s not my favorite.”

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He knows this, but Mr. Casar uses the word “resolute” to describe his commitment to the job and the fight ahead.

“There is a level of anxiety across the country that did not exist under Trump 1,” Mr. Sanders said in an interview, referring to Mr. Trump’s first term. “Greg understands that the future of American politics is to do what the Democratic leadership does not understand. That is to start addressing the serious crises of working families.”

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Spain and Portugal hit by huge power outage

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Spain and Portugal hit by huge power outage

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Spain and Portugal were hit by a huge power cut on Monday that paralysed transport networks and disrupted mobile communications, with authorities warning that obstacles remained before electricity could be fully restored.

Hours after it began, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez said experts were looking for the cause of the outage, which immobilised the rail system, delayed flights and made traffic lights go dark.

Data from the Spanish electricity operator showed that consumption dropped by more than 10GW when the blackout hit shortly after 12.30pm local time, suggesting that it was one of the biggest in recent European history.

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Weather data showed that temperatures in southern Spain increased sharply between midday and 1pm local time. Higher temperatures can limit how much electricity cables can carry.

Eduardo Prieto, director of services at Spain’s operator, Red Eléctrica, said that a “very strong oscillation” in the network during that time had cut off Spain’s electricity grid from the rest of continental Europe, which had led to the collapse of the system.

Red Eléctrica said that by late afternoon power had been restored across northern and southern Spain — parts of the country that can be more easily supplied by France and Morocco respectively. But it cautioned that fully restoring supply to the whole country would take between six and 10 hours.

“We are going to go through some critical hours before we totally recover electricity,” Sánchez said after a crisis meeting with top government officials.

In an address to the nation he called on people to minimise travel, pay attention to official statements rather than social media, and restrict their use of mobile phones. He also noted the outage’s “tremendous impact” on everyday life as well as economic loss and “anxiety in millions of homes”.

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Sánchez, who said he was in contact with King Felipe, political leaders and the EU and Nato about the crisis, added that the technical experts were working to provide a solution as soon as possible.

By mid-afternoon, all of the country’s nuclear power stations remained offline, according to Montel, the energy data specialist, as they sought to respond to the disruption.

Metro stations in Madrid were closed during the power outage © Susana Vera/Reuters

Spain’s chief traffic authority called on people not to drive their cars, because traffic lights were out of operation due to the cut. The government added that medium- or long-distance rail transport would not resume during the day.

In Madrid, people spilled out on to the streets, as metro stations were evacuated and shops, restaurants and offices closed. Mobile phone coverage was also initially hit. Local media said some — but not all — hospitals were functioning as normal with the aid of backup generators.

Isabel Díaz Ayuso, the conservative leader of the Madrid regional government, called on Spain’s Socialist-led national administration to activate emergency plans “to allow the army to keep order, if necessary”.

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Alberto Núñez Feijóo, the head of Spain’s opposition People’s party, criticised Sánchez’s government for being slow to provide updates on the blackout. “We need timely information,” he said.

Nearly 400 flights were delayed at Madrid airport as of mid-afternoon, including more than half of scheduled departures, while at Lisbon airport, 171 flights were delayed and almost 200 flights cancelled.  

Aena, which runs Madrid airport and 45 others across Spain, said it was relying on backup power supplies to operate, adding that the extent of the delays would depend on whether crews and passengers could get to the airports.

Spain gets 43 per cent of its electricity from wind and solar power, but grid and storage capacity has not kept pace with the country’s rapid development of renewable energy.

The country has long lamented being an “energy island” due to its poor connections with France.

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French grid operator RTE said parts of France had been briefly affected by the outage but that power had been quickly restored.

Additional reporting by Philip Georgiadis and Andy Bounds

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Trump to sign executive order highlighting sanctuary cities fighting immigration enforcement

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Trump to sign executive order highlighting sanctuary cities fighting immigration enforcement


Trump’s executive orders will total more than 140 during his first 100 days in office, which press secretary Karoline Leavitt said was more than the Biden administration had in four years.

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  • One Trump order will ‘unleash’ law enforcement, press secretary Karoline Leavitt said.

WASHINGTON – President Donald Trump will sign two executive orders to bolster immigration enforcement and highlight which jurisdictions restrict cooperation with federal law enforcement, according to press secretary Karoline Leavitt.

The signings April 28 come on the 99th day of Trump’s second term in office. His Republican administration is promoting tougher border enforcement as one of his central priorities, with what border czar Tom Homan called “historic low” border crossings.

“It’s quite simple: obey the law, respect the law and don’t obstruct federal immigration officials and law enforcement officials when they are simply trying to remove public safety threats from the nation’s communities,” Leavitt told reporters during a morning White House briefing. “This administration is determined to enforce our immigration laws.”

DOJ, DHS to highlight sanctuary cities: Leavitt

The first order aims to “strengthen and unleash America’s law enforcement to pursue and protect innocent citizens,” Leavitt said.

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The second order calls on Attorney General Pam Bondi and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem to publish a list of the communities nicknamed “sanctuary” jurisdictions. Leavitt said the communities “obstruct the enforcement of federal immigration laws.”

Homan said he would visit Rochester, New York, on April 29 to support local law enforcement officers after several were disciplined for aiding a Homeland Security official who called for emergency assistance.

“Cops need to help cops, especially in an emergency situation. But they got disciplined,” Homan said. “I’m going up there to support the men and women of law enforcement.”

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Focus on sanctuary cities arrives amid court battles

The administration’s conflict with sanctuary cities and states is being fought in court. Leavitt’s announcement came after FBI agents arrested a local Wisconsin judge on April 18 for allegedly interfering with federal authorities trying to arrest an immigrant who didn’t have legal authorization to be in the country.

Milwaukee County Circuit Court Judge Hannah Dugan was charged with alleged interference with a federal law enforcement operation and unlawful concealment of an individual subject to arrest.

Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials and others were trying to arrest Eduardo Flores-Ruiz, a Mexican citizen previously removed from the U.S. and recently charged with multiple counts of domestic abuse-related battery. Dugan allegedly directed the federal authorities away from Flores-Ruiz after he appeared in her court.

Dugan had an initial appearance in court April 25 to be advised of her rights and her arraignment is scheduled May 15. Trump blasted the judge on April 27 as “terrible.”

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Lawsuits challenge validity of sanctuary cities

A group of 16 cities and counties filed a lawsuit against Trump’s policy withholding federal funding from so-called sanctuary jurisdictions that limit cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.

U.S. District Judge William Orrick in San Francisco blocked the policy on April 24 by ruling the government was unlawfully trying to force cooperation from jurisdictions such as Minneapolis, Portland, Santa Fe and Seattle.

The Trump administration isn’t always the defendant. Bondi sued Illinois, Chicago and Cook County alleging they “obstruct” federal authorities from enforcing immigration laws.

Bondi also sued New York state and its Department of Motor Vehicles for a “green-light” law that limits cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.

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“The American public doesn’t want illegal criminal aliens in their communities,” Leavitt said. “They made that quite clear on Nov. 5.”

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