Texas
Federal investigators were preparing two Texas housing discrimination cases — until Trump took over
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The findings were stark. In one investigation, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development concluded that a Texas state agency had steered $1 billion in disaster mitigation money away from Houston and nearby communities of color after Hurricane Harvey inundated the region in 2017. In another investigation, HUD found that a homeowners association outside of Dallas had created rules to kick poor Black people out of their neighborhood.
The episodes amounted to egregious violations of civil rights laws, officials at the housing agency believed — enough to warrant litigation against the alleged culprits. That, at least, was the view during the presidency of Joe Biden. After the Trump administration took over, HUD quietly took steps that will likely kill both cases, according to three officials familiar with the matter.
Those steps were extremely unusual. Current and former HUD officials said they could not recall the housing agency ever pulling back cases of this magnitude in which the agency had found evidence of discrimination. That leaves the yearslong, high-profile investigations in a state of limbo, with no likely path for the government to advance them, current and former officials said. As a result, the alleged perpetrators of the discrimination could face no government penalties, and the alleged victims could receive no compensation.
“I just think that’s a doggone shame,” said Doris Brown, a Houston resident and a co-founder of a community group that, together with a housing nonprofit, filed the Harvey complaint. Brown saw 3 feet of water flood her home in a predominantly Black neighborhood that still shows damage from the storm. “We might’ve been able to get some more money to help the people that are still suffering,” she said.
On Jan. 15, HUD referred the Houston case to the Department of Justice, a necessary step to a federal lawsuit after the housing agency finds evidence of discrimination. Less than a month later, on Feb. 13, the agency rescinded its referral without public explanation. HUD did the same with the Dallas case not long after.
The development has alarmed some about a rollback of civil rights enforcement at the agency under President Donald Trump and HUD Secretary Scott Turner, who is from Texas. “The new administration is systematically dismantling the fair housing enforcement and education system,” said Sara Pratt, a former HUD official and an attorney for complainants in both Texas cases. “The message is: The federal government no longer takes housing discrimination seriously.”
HUD spokesperson Kasey Lovett disagreed, saying there was precedent for the rescinded referrals, which were done to gather more facts and scrutinize the investigations. “We’re taking a fresh look at Biden Administration policies, regulations, and cases. These cases are no exception,” Lovett said in a statement. “HUD will uphold the Fair Housing Act and the Civil Rights Act as the department is strongly and wholeheartedly opposed to housing discrimination.”
The Justice Department did not respond to a request for comment.
The Harvey case concerns a portion of a $4.3 billion grant that HUD gave to Texas after the hurricane inundated low-lying coastal areas, killing at least 89 people and causing more than $100 billion in damage. The money was meant to fund better drainage, flood control systems and other storm mitigation measures.
HUD sent the money to a state agency called the Texas General Land Office, which awarded the first $1 billion in funding to communities affected by Harvey through a grant competition. But the state agency excluded Houston and many of the most exposed coastal areas from eligibility for half of that money, according to HUD’s investigation. And, for the other half, it created award criteria that benefited rural areas at the expense of more populous applicants like Houston.
The result: Of that initial $1 billion, Houston — where nearly half of all homes were damaged by the hurricane — received nothing. Neither did Harris County, where Houston is located, or other coastal areas with large minority populations. Instead, the Texas agency, according to HUD, awarded a disproportionate amount of the aid to more rural, white areas that had suffered less damage in the hurricane. After an outcry, GLO asked HUD a few days later to send $750 million to Harris County, but HUD found that allocation still fell far short of the county’s mitigation needs. And none of that money went directly to Houston.
HUD launched an investigation into the competition in 2021, ultimately finding that GLO had discriminated on the basis of race and national origin, thereby violating Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and possibly the Fair Housing Act as well.
“GLO knowingly developed and operated a competition for the purpose of allocating funds to mitigate storm and flood risk that steered money away from urban Black and Hispanic communities that had the highest storm and flood risk into Whiter, more rural areas with less risk,” the agency wrote. “Despite awareness that its course of action would result in disparate harm for Black and Hispanic individuals, GLO still knowingly and disparately denied these communities critical mitigation funding.”
GLO has consistently disputed the allegations. It contends that many people of color benefited from its allocations. The Texas agency has also argued that the evidence in the case was weak, citing the fact that, in 2023, the Justice Department returned the case to HUD. At the time, the DOJ said it wanted HUD to investigate further. The housing agency then spent more than a year digging deeper into the facts and assembling more evidence before making its short-lived referral in January.
Asked about the rescinded referral, GLO spokesperson Brittany Eck told ProPublica: “Liberal political appointees and advocates spent years spinning false narratives without the facts to build a case. Four years of sensationalized, clickbait rhetoric without evidence is long enough.”
The other HUD case involved Providence Village, a largely white community north of Dallas of around 9,000 people. Purported concerns about crime and property values led the Providence Homeowners Association to adopt a rule in 2022 prohibiting property owners from renting to holders of Section 8 Housing Choice Vouchers, through which HUD subsidizes the housing costs of poor, elderly and disabled people. There were at least 157 households in Providence Village supported by vouchers, nearly all of them Black families. After the HOA action, some of them began leaving.
The rule attracted national attention, leading the Texas Legislature to prohibit HOAs from banning Section 8 tenants. Undeterred, the Providence HOA adopted amended rules in 2024 that placed restrictions on rental properties, which HUD found would have a similar effect as the previous ban.
Throughout the HOA’s efforts, people peppered community social media groups with racist vitriol about voucher holders, describing them as “wild animals,” “ghetto poverty crime ridden mentality people” and “lazy entitled leeching TR@SH.” One person wrote that “they might just leave in a coroner’s wagon.”
The discord attracted a white nationalist group, which twice protested just outside Providence Village. “The federal government views safe White communities as a problem,” flyers distributed by the group read. “The Section 8 Housing Voucher is a tool used to bring diversity to these neighborhoods.”
In January, HUD formally accused the HOA, its board president, a property management company and one of its property managers of violating the Fair Housing Act. The respondents have disputed the allegation. The HOA has argued its rules were meant to protect property values, support well-maintained homes and address crime concerns. The property management company, FirstService Residential Texas, said it was not responsible for the actions of the HOA.
The HOA and FirstService did not respond to requests for comment. The property manager declined to comment. Mitch Little, a lawyer for the HOA board president, said: “HUD didn’t pursue this case because there’s nothing to pursue. The claims are baseless and unsubstantiated.”
The Providence Village and Houston cases stretched on for years. All it took was two terse emails to undo them. “HUD’s Office of General Counsel withdrew the referral of the above-captioned case to the Department of Justice,” HUD wrote to Pratt this month regarding one of the cases. “We have no further information at this time.” That was the entirety of the message; neither email explained the reasoning behind the decisions.
The cases may have fallen victim to a broader roll-back of civil rights enforcement at the Justice Department, where memos circulated in January ordering a freeze of civil rights cases and investigations.
The development is the latest sign that the Trump administration may dramatically curtail HUD’s housing discrimination work. The agency canceled 78 grants to local fair housing groups last month, sparking a lawsuit by some of them. HUD justified the cancellations by saying each grant “no longer effectuates the program goals or agency priorities.” (Pratt’s firm, Relman Colfax, is representing the plaintiffs in that suit.) And projections circulating within HUD last month indicated the agency’s Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity could see its staff cut by 76% under the new administration.
If HUD does not pursue the cases, the complainants could file their own lawsuits. But they may not soon forget the government’s about-face on the issue. “If there is a major flood in Houston, which there almost certainly will be, and people die, and homes get destroyed, the people who made this decision are in large part responsible,” said Ben Hirsch, a member of one of the groups that brought the Harvey complaint. “People will die because of this.”
Disclosure: Texas General Land Office has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
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Texas
A Judge Issued a Rebuke to the Texas GOP’s Claims About the East Plano Islamic Center
For more than a year, high-profile Texas Republicans have argued that Muslims are secretly plotting to take over Texas, centering their outrage on the East Plano Islamic Center, a mosque and Muslim community in North Texas known as EPIC. That hysteria resulted in a range of government enforcement actions last year, including a probe by the Texas Funeral Service Commission that barred EPIC from performing funeral rites. Last July EPIC sued the state, alleging Texas had violated its religious freedom. Late Wednesday, a federal judge in the Western District of Texas ruled that the mosque’s lawsuit can proceed despite the state’s attempt to dismiss it. In his ruling, the judge also issued a strong rebuke to claims made by Governor Greg Abbott and other state officials, writing that “no evidence has been presented” that EPIC intends to impose “Sharia law,” Islamic teachings based on the Quran and words of the Prophet Muhammad, on Texans.
The case stems from last March, when the funeral commission issued a cease and desist order that barred the mosque from performing traditional cleansing, shrouding, and prayer over bodies, on the grounds that EPIC may have been unlawfully conducting such rites without a license. (EPIC denies this allegation.) As Texas Monthly has reported, the agency was pushed to issue the order by some of Abbott’s closest advisers, who had made unsupported claims that EPIC and a proposed housing development it was affiliated with, EPIC City, was building a “no go zone” exclusive to Muslims (it was not).
EPIC sued the funeral commission in July 2025, arguing that the cease and desist order was an unconstitutional prohibition on religious practices. In Islam, preparing bodies for funerals stands as one of the most sacred rites; by the time of EPIC’s lawsuit, according to the petition, at least eleven congregants had been forced to receive rites elsewhere—away from their home mosque.
EPIC later amended its lawsuit to include former funeral commission chair Kristin Tips after text messages were released showing she had shared anti-Muslim messages and videos as the agency’s investigation unfolded. Among the examples was a graphic Tips had sent to the commission’s then–executive director, Scott Bingaman, that accused Islam of allowing child marriage and pedophilia. After sending it, Tips texted Bingaman a YouTube video with the title: “EPIC CITY TEXAS! Are Muslims planning a TAKEOVER?”
For nearly a year, the case has been locked in a procedural back-and-forth as Tips and the agency—represented by Attorney General Ken Paxton’s office—have pushed for the court to dismiss the case. Late Wednesday evening, Judge David Alan Ezra, a Ronald Reagan appointee, issued an order denying Tips’s attempt to dismiss the lawsuit. He also rejected Tips’s claim of qualified immunity, which can shield government officials from personal liability in civil cases. That rejection is rare in courts, such as this one, that appeal to the Fifth Circuit, which is one of the most conservative federal appellate courts in the country and is typically welcoming to government defendants.
In his ruling, Ezra cited the funeral commission’s deviation from historical norm in the EPIC case, as the agency has repeatedly asserted—first in 1987 and again in 2014—that Islamic religious organizations could conduct funeral and burial services without government oversight. The judge also affirmed that the alleged conduct—including the cease and desist order and Tips’s anti-Muslim messages—was seemingly “the result of religious discrimination” that violated EPIC’s clearly established religious rights under the Constitution’s Equal Protection Clause and other laws protecting religious liberty. In a rather remarkable footnote, the judge added that, based on the evidence offered, the court firmly rejected claims “suggesting that EPIC has applied, or intends to apply, ‘Sharia law’ in its practices.”
Though the case will now continue to wind through the courts, the judge’s ruling is a firm rebuke of the anti-Muslim political hysteria fueled by Abbott and his team of advisers. As Texas Monthly reported this month, the governor’s inner circle took an unusually active role in the funeral commission’s regulatory case against EPIC. After being looped into the agency’s pending investigation, which stemmed from an April 2024 complaint levied by a private individual, the governor’s attorneys, including Abbott’s general counsel, Trevor Ezell, edited the boilerplate cease and desist order the commission was ready to issue to make it more severe and punitive.
The original document, drafted by a funeral commission staffer, included a line warning that noncompliance would result in the agency taking “legal action.” Abbott’s team struck that line and suggested replacing it with a “criminal referral” to the Collin County district attorney—in what amounted to a hijacking of the agency’s usual independent regulatory process. At one point, a close adviser of Abbott even reported to a commission staffer that Abbott had texted him that after the cease and desist order was sent out, the funeral commission was his new favorite agency.
Over the following months, the governor’s advisers, including Ezell and a budget and policy adviser, Alex Aragon, weighed in often on the EPIC probe, requesting regular updates, coordinating public statements, and, at times, directing regulatory action. When the agency investigated other cases—such as a high-profile incident in which a Dallas funeral home allegedly accidentally shipped a stillborn baby to a Louisiana laundry facility—the governor’s team exhibited no similar interest. More than a year after the funeral commission’s cease and desist order, its investigation remains ongoing. No violations have been found.
Tips, the agency’s former chair, led the funeral commission until March 12, when, according to an email obtained by Texas Monthly, she “prayerfully” resigned, effective immediately, late in the night. While the circumstances around her departure remain unknown, she had spent months under fire for allegations that she had illegally lobbied for tort reform in her position as chair, which she denies. But in her absence, the governor’s pursuit of EPIC has continued. In March, the funeral commission issued a broad new subpoena to EPIC, seeking every record of funeral services that the mosque has on file.
After EPIC’s attorneys pushed back, arguing the order was too large in scope, Paxton’s office got involved—issuing a letter that demanded EPIC comply. Meanwhile, Abbott has continued his crusade against the mosque, going on Fox News earlier this week to deride EPIC and what he alleged were “multiple violations” of the law. The governor has touted that a dozen state agencies have investigated EPIC. To date, no criminal charges have been filed against the mosque, and a federal probe into EPIC by the the Department of Justice was dropped with no findings of malfeasance.
Texas
USDA reports screwworm spread in Texas
Texas
Why Texas? Explaining ins and outs of NHL exploring team for Houston or Austin
The NHL took the first step toward expansion in Texas earlier this week, agreeing to terms with billionaire Dan Friedkin and his family to explore the feasibility of putting a franchise in Houston or Austin.
Far enough from the Dallas Stars, who relocated from Minnesota in 1993, a new team would not interfere with their territorial rights. And the league has shown no fear of adding one team at a time, so No. 33 does not have to come with No. 34.
“Symmetry I don’t think should necessarily govern expansion,” Commissioner Gary Bettman said Tuesday. “You expand if you think it makes sense and enhances what the league has.”
What is behind the NHL’s interest in Texas
Money is the obvious answer. Bettman said the total investment of the project would be some $3.5 billion, which would include expansion fees paid to established owners along with the cost of building a new arena.
The Houston Rockets’ arena downtown is publicly owned but controlled by team owner Tilman Fertitta’s Clutch City Sports and Entertainment group. The home of the American Hockey League’s Texas Stars, in the Austin suburb of Cedar Park, has a capacity of 8,000 that is a little over half the size of the NHL’s smallest current rink (Winnipeg).
“I would be surprised if the NHL would be OK with an expansion team that does not have a new arena,” said Brian Mills, an associate professor at the University of Texas who teaches courses on sports economics and strategy. “The revenue potential with the luxury boxes and the way that they set those up and the money that they like to extract from the local cities is way too large to pass up.”
They are also huge markets. Houston at nearly 2.4 million is the fourth-most-populated U.S. city; Austin at just over 1 million is in the top 12.
“Obviously it makes sense if you’re a sports league to have a franchise in the nation’s fifth-largest metro area and one that is growing rapidly,” said Holy Cross professor Victor Matheson, an expert in sports economics. “Houston obviously makes sense in general as a destination for any league.”
Austin is smaller but has doubled its population since the mid-1990s and has seen an infusion of people over the past five years. Only eight of the NHL’s existing markets are bigger.
“It’s becoming more and more of a tech city, so I wouldn’t be surprised if there’s more hockey fans here than there used to be,” Mills said. “I would imagine there’s some market for the NHL here in Austin, particularly more than when it was a sleepy, small town capital of Texas 30 years ago.”
History of hockey in Houston and Austin
When hockey was picking up in popularity in the 1960s and ‘70s and the NHL went from six teams to 18, the rival World Hockey Association was founded and Houston got a franchise when the one in Dayton, Ohio, failed to get off the ground.
The Aeros’ inaugural season was in 1972-78, and they were best known for “Mr. Hockey” Gordie Howe playing for them along with sons Mark and Marty. They won four Avco World Trophies as WHA champions before folding.
An AHL team using the same name existed in Houston from 1994-2013. The Texas Stars have played in Austin since ’09.
“There’s some interest of hockey,” University of Houston economics professor Steven G. Craig said. “Houston is full of immigrants from around the country and around the world. And Austin is sort of similar in the sense of a pretty heterogeneous population.”
Pros and cons of a Houston or Austin NHL franchise
Growing the sport in another so-called non-traditional spot is a big benefit. Smashing successes in places like Las Vegas and Tampa, Florida, show what hockey can do across the Sun Belt when strong ownership is involved.
“Southern cities have been doing pretty well now these days in the NHL: the Lightning and the Panthers,” Mills said of the two teams in Florida. “You’ve got some pretty good hockey teams after some pretty miserable failures with some earlier expansion to the South.”
Abandoning the second try in Atlanta (the Thrashers from 2000-11) was more a failure of ownership than the market. The same could be said in Arizona, where a revolving door of owners led to arena miscues and eventually the Coyotes being sold and moved to Salt Lake City in 2024 to become the Utah Mammoth.
A 33rd team also means 20-23 more NHL players and hopefuls in the minors. The changing landscape of hockey development at the junior and college levels has the potential to churn more talent through the pipeline in North America than ever before, along with players coming from Europe.
“You do have a pretty big pool of players,” Matheson said. “I’m not particularly worried about diluting the talent there because I think there’s a lot of skill.”
What’s next and where the 34th team may be
After this six-month exploratory phase is complete, recent history suggests a season-ticket drive would be one of the subsequent steps. Ticket drives validated interest that led to the Vegas Golden Knights and Seattle Kraken.
The Board of Governors would need to approve moving forward in the process. No vote has yet been held, though the executive committee supported exploring Houston and Austin.
And while the NHL is comfortable with unbalanced Eastern and Western conferences, getting to 34 teams seems inevitable if it goes to 33. Bettman said the board on Tuesday was updated on situations in Atlanta and Arizona, and it would be no surprise if one of those places got another crack at it.
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