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Embryo loss is integral to IVF. Alabama’s ruling equating embryos with children jeopardizes its practice

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Embryo loss is integral to IVF. Alabama’s ruling equating embryos with children jeopardizes its practice


An embryo is one of the earliest stages of development of a multicellular organism. But according to the Supreme Court of Alabama, it is a person, too — an unborn child, entitled to the same legal protections as any minor.

The court ruled on Feb. 16 that a fertility clinic patient who accidentally destroyed other patients’ frozen embryos could be liable in a wrongful death lawsuit, writing in its opinion that “the Wrongful Death of a Minor Act applies to all unborn children, regardless of their location,” and that this includes “unborn children who are located outside of a biological uterus at the time they are killed.”

This has had immediate and profound consequences on the practice in vitro fertilization in the state, with many fertility clinics already deciding to interrupt their services for fear of legal repercussions, including the University of Alabama at Birmingham, which has paused its IVF treatments, as has Alabama Fertility Services.

But the implications may reach beyond Alabama’s border: 11 other states have fetal personhood laws, and in at least four of them — Alabama, Mississippi, Oklahoma, and South Carolina — such laws have already been used to prosecute pregnant women for child endangerment and neglect. Like Alabama, these states could interpret their wrongful death laws as applying to embryos, putting IVF clinics in legally vulnerable situations.

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“I’m sure there are a lot of lawyers across the country that are assessing the risk profile for their IVF provider clients, and with good reasons,” said Giudith Daar, a specialist in reproductive health law and dean at Chase City College of Law at Northern Kentucky University. “In the route to parenthood through assisted conception, embryo loss is a big part of that journey — it is a byproduct of IVF. So if the embryo loss is now associated with civil or criminal penalties, it’s understandable that providers would not want to move forward.”

In many ways, IVF is a game of numbers. Only about a quarter of fertilized eggs result in an embryo, and the chances an implanted embryo progresses into a viable pregnancy can be as low as 10% depending on a woman’s age. The more the fertilized eggs, the more embryos, and the greater the chance of a pregnancy. While embryos can be transferred without freezing, cryopreservation helps avoid transferring multiple embryos at once and allows for delayed transfer when, for instance, someone is undergoing medical treatments such as chemotherapy.

This means frozen embryos, as well as embryos that end up being lost because they aren’t implanted, are necessary parts of IVF. But based on the Alabama ruling, handling them could expose IVF clinic staff to criminal or civil charges. The decision doesn’t lay out scenarios in which someone may be prosecuted, but practitioners worry that any potential damage from the routine handling of frozen embryos could result in legal issues. And the ruling also raises risks for institutions that use embryos for stem cell research.

Estimates on how many frozen embryos exist in the U.S. vary significantly. According to the Society of Assisted Reproductive Technology, 400,000 embryos have been frozen since the 1970s. The Health and Human Services department estimates 600,000, while the National Embryo Donation Centers puts the figure close to 1 million.

“If the policy outcomes mandated under this decision stand, the consequences will be profound. Modern fertility care will be unavailable to the people of Alabama […]. Young physicians will choose not to come to the state for training or to begin their practice. Existing clinics will be forced to choose between providing sub-optimal patient care or shutting their doors,” wrote Paula Amato, president of the American Society for Reproductive Medicine, in a statement.

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This is the first time any federal or state U.S. court has adopted such a broad definition of personhood, though it’s not the first time such a definition threatened IVF practice. In May 2022, the Louisiana House of Representatives proposed a bill that would have considered an embryo a person, though it didn’t move forward after substantial opposition from IVF doctors and practices.

“This is the logical end to the legal personhood movement, which we knew was going to be the next frontier after Roe versus Wade was overruled,” said Seema Mohapatra, a professor of Health Law at Southern Methodist University’s Dedman School of Law.

Some anti-abortion groups, however, celebrated the decision.

“The IVF industry is poorly regulated and too rarely monitored, with numerous media stories illustrating problems. Even this case began with an allegedly sloppy operation that somehow allowed a client access to a sensitive storage area where embryos were accidentally destroyed, according to media reports,” said Kristi Hamrick, vice president of media and policy at Students for Life, an anti-abortion organization, in an email to STAT.

“We don’t focus on IVF policy per se, but we believe that a conversation on this topic is overdue given the life and death stakes,” she added, characterizing the IVF industry as one that “turns surrogates and children into commodities, and that has as a central premise, the goal of creating disposable children.”

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Experts noted that several couples moved their embryos to states with pro-choice legislatures in the wake of the Dobbs decision, driven by fear of the impact of abortion bans and personhood laws. And, just as with abortion bans, it may be the fear of legal consequences rather than actual prosecution that stops practices from offering fertility treatment.

“Medical providers tend, on the whole, to be fairly conservative in terms of financial and legal risks,” said Jessie Hill, a law professor at Case Western Reserve University. “Uncertainty in and of itself is a legal risk — you don’t need to wait around for a court to rule against you.”

For people looking to expand their families through IVF who live in states that either have or could adopt personhood definitions akin to Alabama’s, the impact of this decision could be devastating. The added uncertainty could lead providers who decide to remain in business to invest heavily in insurance protection, said Northern Kentucky University’s Daar, a cost that is likely to be passed down onto the patients, making IVF less affordable. Transporting embryos to states that don’t have fetal personhood laws would be an additional cost.

One way to limit IVF costs is to maximize the chances of success by creating as many embryos as possible from each egg retrieval. This typically means freezing embryos and running genetic testing that selects the most viable ones to limit the number of cycles. But taking this approach might now be legally risky, says Southern Methodist University’s Mohapatra. There are also situation in which it is nearly impossible to create and transfer one embryo at a time, which means treating the loss of an embryo as a wrongful death would all but eliminate the possibility to conceive for some people.

“It’s unfortunate because when we think about reproductive justice, it’s not just the idea that you should have a right not to have a child, but also the right to have a child,” she said.

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Experts note that the Alabama decision eliminates a longstanding contradiction in the arguments of anti-abortion groups in favor of the principle of personhood, irrespective of how unpopular that principle may be among voters or businesses.

“Anti-abortion groups often seem to be OK with IVF… even though they know that that process almost inevitably results in destruction of embryos,” said Hill. “[Pro-choice groups] have always been able to point to this tension and say, ‘You don’t really think it’s a person from conception because you’re OK with IVF.’”

But one way in which the battle for IVF may differ from that for abortion rights is financial. The IVF market is estimated at around $5 billion and growing at 7% yearly, according to market insight firm Allied Market Research.

“This is big business,” said Mohapatra. “And I think that, in some ways, having those business interests speak up and lobby might drive some public opinion, but also judicial and legislative opinion.”





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Alabama

Takeaways from The Associated Press' reporting on prison labor in Alabama

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Takeaways from The Associated Press' reporting on prison labor in Alabama


DADEVILLE, Ala. — No state has a longer, more profit-driven history of contracting prisoners out to private companies than Alabama. With a sprawling labor system that dates back more than 150 years — including the brutal convict leasing era that replaced slavery — it has constructed a template for the commercialization of mass incarceration.

Best Western, Bama Budweiser and Burger King are among the more than 500 businesses to lease incarcerated workers from one of the most violent, overcrowded and unruly prison systems in the U.S. in the past five years alone, The Associated Press found as part of a two-year investigation into prison labor. The cheap, reliable labor force has generated more than $250 million for the state since 2000 — money garnished from prisoners’ paychecks.

Here are highlights from the AP’s reporting:

Where are the jobs and what do they pay?

Most jobs are inside facilities, where the state’s inmates — who are disproportionately Black — can be sentenced to hard labor and forced to work for free doing everything from mopping floors to laundry. But in the past five years alone, more than 10,000 inmates have logged a combined 17 million work hours outside Alabama’s prison walls, for entities like city and county governments and businesses that range from major car-part manufacturers and meat-processing plants to distribution centers for major retailers like Walmart, the AP determined.

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While those working at private companies can at least earn a little money, they face possible punishment if they refuse, from being denied family visits to being sent to high-security prisons, which are so dangerous that the federal government filed a lawsuit four years ago that remains pending, calling the treatment of prisoners unconstitutional.

Turning down work can jeopardize chances of early release in a state that last year granted parole to only 8% of eligible prisoners — an all-time low, and among the worst rates nationwide — though that number more than doubled this year after public outcry.

What is oversight like for the prisoners?

Unlike many states, those working among the civilian population include men and women with records for violent crimes like murder and assault. Many are serving 15 years or longer.

It’s not unusual for Alabama prisoners to work outside their facilities without any correctional oversight. And in some cases, there is no supervision of any kind, which has led to escapes, often referred to as “walkaways.”

Kelly Betts of the corrections department defended the work programs, calling them crucial to the success of inmates preparing to leave prison. But she acknowledged that even those sentenced to life without the possibility of parole are eligible for so-called work release jobs.

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“Each inmate’s situation is unique, and each inmate is evaluated on his or her own record,” Betts said.

Most companies did not respond to requests for comment, Those that did said they had policies against the use of forced labor and prison labor and would investigate.

How much money does this involve?

As part of its investigation, the AP analyzed 20 years of Alabama corrections department monthly statistical reports to calculate the more than $250 million generated for the state since 2000 — money taken in via contracts with private companies and deductions taken out of prisoners’ paychecks.

Reporters also parsed information from more than 83,000 pages of data obtained through a public records request, including the names of inmates involved in Alabama’s work programs. Over the past five years, prisoners were hired by public employers — working at landfills and even the governor’s mansion — and by around at least 500 private companies. That information was cross-referenced with an online state database, detailing the crimes that landed people in prison, their sentences, time served, race and good-time credits earned and revoked.

What do prisoner advocates say?

Few prisoner advocates believe outside jobs should be abolished. In Alabama, for instance, those shifts can offer a reprieve from the excessive violence inside the state’s institutions. Last year, and in the first six months of 2024, an Alabama inmate died behind bars nearly every day, a rate five times the national average.

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But advocates say incarcerated workers should be paid fair wages, given the choice to work without threat of punishment, and granted the same workplace rights and protections guaranteed to other Americans.

Prisoners nationwide cannot organize, protest or strike for better conditions. They also aren’t typically classified as employees, whether they’re working inside correctional facilities or for outside businesses through prison contracts or work release programs. And unless they are able to prove “willful negligence,” it is almost impossible to successfully sue when incarcerated workers are hurt or killed.

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AP data journalists Arushi Gupta and Larry Fenn contributed to this report.

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The Associated Press receives support from the Public Welfare Foundation for reporting focused on criminal justice. This story also was supported by Columbia University’s Ira A. Lipman Center for Journalism and Civil and Human Rights in conjunction with Arnold Ventures. The AP is solely responsible for all content.



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Alabama signee Keelon Russell shows off Gatorade National POY jacket at Dallas Mavericks game

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Alabama signee Keelon Russell shows off Gatorade National POY jacket at Dallas Mavericks game


American Airlines Center played host to the Dallas Mavericks and Los Angeles Clippers on Thursday night. A few big-time stars were in the arena as well, watching what eventually turned into a win for Los Angeles. One was Alabama signee Keelon Russell, who was recently named the Gatorade National Player of the Year.

Multiple perks come with winning the award but one of the best may be a custom letterman jacket. The Mavericks posted a video of Russell in the jacket on their Instagram page, something only he can own.

On the right side of his chest, POY is there. Russell then turns over a little bit and shows the Gatorade logo. You can even see his No. 12 on the bottom half, a number he will likely continue to wear once arriving in Tuscaloosa to play for Kalen DeBoer.

You can check out the full video via the Mavs’ Instagram here, it’s the third slide.

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Russell played high school football at Duncanville (TX), where he was a Five-Star Plus+ prospect. He was the No. 2 overall recruit in the 2025 cycle, according to the On3 Industry Ranking, a weighted average that utilizes all four major recruiting media companies.

The stats throughout the 2024 season were incredible, throwing for 4,177 yards, 55 touchdowns, and just four interceptions while completing 69.5% of his throws. Nearly 300 yards per game in a senior season very few quarterbacks across the country can compete with.

The season just ended for Russell, with Duncanville losing in the 6A-DI semifinals to North Crowley. Getting to and winning another state championship game was the goal but the Panthers fell a couple of games short. Instead, North Crowley will face Austin (TX) Westlake for the crown in Texas’ top classification at AT&T Stadium.

Now, all focus is on getting to Tuscaloosa and getting his college career started with Alabama. DeBoer flipped Russell from SMU over the summer and has only seen his stock soar.





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UNC, Bill Belichick land ex-Alabama offensive tackle

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UNC, Bill Belichick land ex-Alabama offensive tackle


Not many will get to say they played for Nick Saban and Bill Belichick in college.

In fact, Miles McVay might end up being the only one.

McVay, the second-year offensive tackle, will transfer to UNC after spending two seasons with the Crimson Tide, McVay told On3.

McVay is a former four-star offensive tackle in the 2023 recruiting class from East St. Louis, Illinois. He is listed at 6-6, 342 pounds.

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McVay saw time in four games as a freshman in 2023, in which he ultimately redshirted. Then in his second season for Alabama, McVay played in all 12 games, primarily on special teams. But he also received some offensive snaps against Western Kentucky, Wisconsin, Missouri, LSU and Mercer.

The transfer portal opened Dec. 9 and will remain open for about another week for all of college football.

Nick Kelly is an Alabama beat writer for AL.com and the Alabama Media Group. Follow him on X and Instagram.





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