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Black Leaders on Why They’ve Turned Against Eric Adams

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Black Leaders on Why They’ve Turned Against Eric Adams

The speech by Mayor Eric Adams of New York City, in the closing week of Black History Month, seemed to be hitting all the right historical notes.

He outlined the lineage tying together Nat Turner, Marcus Garvey, Rosa Parks and Barack Obama and connected the dots between David Dinkins, the city’s first Black mayor, and himself, the city’s second.

Then Mr. Adams reached for a comparison of biblical contortion.

“When Jesus was on the cross, he said, ‘God, forgive them for they know not what they do,’” Mr. Adams said earlier this week, drawing a murmur of recognition from the invited audience at Gracie Mansion. “All these Negroes who were asking me to step down, God, forgive them. Are, are you stupid?”

Mr. Adams, the only mayor in the city’s modern history to be charged in a federal indictment, has often framed his mayoralty in us-versus-them terms, portraying himself as a working-class Black leader subject to unfair, race-tinged criticism from the political elite in New York.

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He has continued to do so in the face of assertions that he agreed to a quid pro quo with the Trump administration: In exchange for the Justice Department’s moving to drop his case, Mr. Adams would help the president enforce his immigration policies.

Yet as the mayor seeks to rally support behind his uphill re-election bid this year, many Black leaders in New York have turned against Mr. Adams, saying that his crises have not only jeopardized his future, but also threaten the political prospects of other Black leaders.

Donovan Richards, the borough president of Queens, warned that Mr. Adams could harm the Black community. “You can set people back,” he said, “if you don’t manage with integrity.”

Adrienne Adams, the speaker of the City Council, called for the mayor to resign, saying the city had “endured enough scandal, selfishness and embarrassment.” Ms. Adams, who is not related to the mayor, has been drafted by other Black leaders and is now considering entering the mayoral race.

Andrea Stewart-Cousins, the first Black woman to lead the State Senate, said it was time for the mayor to “move aside” for the sake of the city.

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Crystal Hudson, a Black city councilwoman from Brooklyn who is considered a leading candidate to become council speaker next year, said that the actions of one Black person do not reflect on all Black people. But she nonetheless spoke of the “collective embarrassment” among Black elected officials over the mayor’s troubles.

Hakeem Jeffries, the leader of Democrats in the House, has withheld judgment on Mr. Adams but said that it appeared that the Trump administration had the mayor on a “short leash.” (His brother, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, a professor at Ohio State University, was far less restrained in a social media post, using colorful terms to criticize the mayor.)

The disappointment among some Black leaders was heightened by the sense of how Mr. Adams might have squandered an opportunity to bolster New York’s growing base of Black political leadership.

Brian Cunningham, a Black assemblyman from Brooklyn who is the son of Jamaican immigrants, said that he and other Black leaders had been rooting for Mr. Adams to succeed even if they didn’t agree with him politically because of “what he symbolized” for the next generation.

“I don’t know if white voters, other voters who don’t identify as Black and even some Black voters, will trust a Black person with this level of power,” Mr. Cunningham said. “This is not what we wanted.”

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Mr. Adams has seemed to make things worse through his efforts to have his federal corruption indictment dropped. By appearing to partner with President Trump, Mr. Adams, who denies wrongdoing, has left himself vulnerable to accusations that he has placed himself in a subservient position.

That image was reinforced after he participated in a joint Fox News interview with the federal border czar, Thomas D. Homan. At one point, Mr. Homan said that if Mr. Adams did not “come through” on his promise to cooperate with President Trump’s immigration agenda, “I’ll be in his office, up his butt, saying where the hell is the agreement we came to.”

One elected official after another condemned the interview as further proof that Mr. Adams had agreed to a quid pro quo, humiliating the city in the process. For some Black leaders, the moment carried a deeper heaviness.

“There is a particular sensitivity Black New Yorkers have watching Eric Adams be embarrassed on national television by Trump’s border czar,” said Zellnor Myrie, an Afro Latino state senator who is running for mayor and who represents Mr. Adams’s former district.

Mr. Myrie, the son of Costa Rican immigrants, had no trouble listing his range of emotions. “Shame that the second Black mayor in our city’s history can so obviously be played for a fool for the country to see, disappointment in his lack of integrity in this moment and pain knowing how far back this sets Black leadership.”

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Mr. Richards likened the interview to a “reminder of the way white segregationists would talk to Black leaders” in the past. “As an African American, I felt disrespected,” he said. “I felt so belittled watching that man talk to him that way.”

Mr. Adams has even lost some support from among his most faithful supporters, members of the Black clergy. The Rev. Al Sharpton, one of the mayor’s most important allies, said that Mr. Adams and the city were being held “hostage” by President Trump.

A group of four pastors representing congregations in Brooklyn, Harlem and Southeast Queens, crucial parts of the mayor’s winning electoral coalition, said that Mr. Adams could “no longer be trusted to speak up, speak out, and fight for the Black and Brown communities across this city who need him most.”

Amaris Cockfield, a spokeswoman for Mr. Adams, said that Black leaders are often held to unfair double standards that create false narratives and hinder the advancement of Black leadership.

“Many Black leaders in New York today stand on his shoulders,” Ms. Cockfield said. She then cited Mr. Adams’s work to improve education and policing, create one of the most diverse administrations in city history, award minority contracts and reduce Black unemployment.

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“No mayor has done more for people of color in New York City history than Mayor Adams,” Ms. Cockfield said.

Not every Black elected leader has abandoned the mayor. Several Black state legislators, including Assemblywoman Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn, chairwoman of the Brooklyn Democratic Party, wrote to Gov. Kathy Hochul to urge her not to exercise her constitutional power to remove Mr. Adams from office. The legislators cited “double standards” and said “our communities would never forget it” if Mr. Adams was forced out.

Ms. Bichotte Hermelyn, one of Mr. Adams’s strongest allies, said that the mayor’s willingness to find common ground with Mr. Trump should not be mistaken for fealty. “Eric having a conversation with the president doesn’t mean he believes in those things,” she said.

In a potential sign that Mr. Adams was not beholden to Mr. Trump, the administration recently announced that the city would sue the federal government to retrieve $80 million that had been suddenly snatched from its bank account. The money, allocated by Congress, was from dedicated Federal Emergency Management Agency funds to help pay for the influx of migrants to the city.

Still, there was broad skepticism about the mayor’s stance toward the president and his antagonistic attitude to his opponents.

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The mayor was recently grilled about his use of the word “Negro” to apparently target Black leaders who criticized him. (Mr. Adams also used the term while speaking to congregants at a Black church in Queens in February, saying, “If you’re not going to be with the brother, Negro, shut up.”)

“So anybody who’s Black who calls for you to step down, they need help from God?” Curt Menefee, a Fox 5 anchor who is Black, asked the mayor during an interview on Fox 5 on Wednesday.

The mayor said he was referring to anyone who wanted his “flame to prematurely be extinguished” by calling for his resignation or dismissal.

“I have not been convicted of a crime,” Mr. Adams continued. “I’ve moved the city forward. I’ve done the job that New York is asking me to do. And so when you have those that are trying to usurp the power of the voting rights of the people, that is not democracy and God forgive them.”

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Vote on the 17 Ways Mamdani Could Improve NYC

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Vote on the 17 Ways Mamdani Could Improve NYC

A new mayor, a fresh start — you know the drill. There are as many ideas out there for how Zohran Mamdani can now improve New York’s urban environment as there are New Yorkers.

I canvassed a few dozen planners, architects, academics, community leaders, neighborhood organizers, developers, housing and transit experts and former city government officials. I gave them no budgets or time lines. They gave me a mayoral to-do list of ideas big, small, familiar, deep in the weeds, fanciful and timely.

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What follows is a small selection, with some kibitzing by me. You can vote “love it” or “skip it” below and help determine the ranking of priorities. Feel free to leave eye rolls and alternative proposals in the comments section.

Check back in the coming days to see how the ranking has changed and we will let you know the ultimate results on Jan. 13.

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Get your votes in before polls close on Jan. 12, 2026.

1

Create many thousands more affordable housing units by converting some of the city’s public golf courses into mixed income developments, with garden allotments and wetlands.

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2

Deck over Robert Moses’s Cross Bronx Expressway and create a spectacular new park.

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3

Devise a network of dedicated lanes for e-bikes and electric scooters so they will endanger fewer bicyclists and pedestrians.

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4

Pedestrianize Lower Manhattan. Not even 10 percent of people there arrive by car.

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5

Build more mental health crisis centers citywide.

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6

Provide more clean, safe public pay toilets that don’t cost taxpayers $1 million apiece.

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7

Convert more coastline into spongy marshes, akin to what exists at Hunter’s Point South Park in Queens, to mitigate rising seas and floods.

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8

Dedicate more of the city budget to public libraries and parks, the lifeblood of many neighborhoods, crucial to public health and climate resilience. The city devotes barely 2 percent of its funds to them now.

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9

Follow through on the Adams administration’s $400 million makeover of once-glamorous Fifth Avenue from Central Park South to Bryant Park, with wider sidewalks, reduced lanes of traffic, and more trees, restaurants, bikes and pedestrian-friendly stretches.

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10

Do away with free street parking and enforce parking placard rules. New York’s curbside real estate is priceless public land, and only a small fraction of residents own cars.

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11

Open the soaring vaults under the Brooklyn Bridge to create shops, restaurants, a farmers’ market and public library in nascent Gotham Park.

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13

Persuade Google, JPMorgan or some other city-vested megacorporation to help improve the acoustics as well as Wi-Fi in subways, along the lines of Citibank sponsoring Citi Bikes.

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14

Overhaul freight deliveries to get more 18-wheelers off city streets, free up traffic, reduce noise, improve public safety and streamline supply chains.

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15

Rein in City Hall bureaucracy around new construction. The city’s Department of Design and Construction is full of good people but a longtime hot mess at completing public projects.

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16

Convert more streets and intersections into public plazas and pocket parks. Like the pedestrianization of parts of Broadway, this Bloomberg-era initiative has proved to be good for businesses and neighborhoods.

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17

Stop playing Russian roulette with a crumbling highway and repair the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway before it collapses.

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Congestion pricing after one year: How life has changed.

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Congestion pricing after one year: How life has changed.

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Since congestion pricing began one year ago, about 11 percent of the vehicles that once entered Manhattan’s central business district daily have disappeared.

This may not seem like a lot. But it has changed the lives — and bank accounts, bus rides and travel behavior — of many.

“There’s less traffic and more parking.”

“I only drive if I have to move something large or heavy.”

Sometimes I skip lunch at work to make up for the driving tax.”

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“I visit my elderly parents less often.”

“I complain to myself every time I have to pay the fee and I’m STILL 100% in favor of it.

“I am returning my leased car six months before the lease expires.”

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One year after the start of congestion pricing, traffic jams are less severe, streets are safer, and commute times are improving for travelers from well beyond Manhattan. Though these changes aren’t noticeable to many, and others feel the tolls are a financial burden, the fees have generated hundreds of millions of dollars for public transportation projects. And it has probably contributed to rising transit ridership.

The program, which on Jan. 5, 2025, began charging most drivers $9 during peak travel times to enter Manhattan below 60th Street, has quickly left its mark.

To assess its impact, The New York Times reviewed city and state data, outside research, and the feedback of more than 600 readers with vastly different views of the toll.

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Some groused about high travel costs. Others cheered for a higher toll. Many shared snapshots from their lives: quieter streets, easier parking, costlier trips to the doctor.

Many findings from a Times analysis a few months into the experiment have held up. The program so far has met nearly all of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s goals, although more evidence is needed on some measures. And one question remains unresolved: whether a federal judge will decisively shield the program from efforts by the Trump administration to end it.

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“Despite the threats to shut it down,” Gov. Kathy Hochul said in an interview, “the cameras are still on, and business is still up, and traffic is still down. So it’s working.”

Here’s the evidence one year in:

1. Fewer vehicles

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About 73,000 fewer vehicles are entering the central business district each day, a number that has added up in the first year to about 27 million fewer entries. The decline, compared with traffic trends before the toll, has been remarkably stable across the year:

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Average daily entries to the central business district

The central business district includes the congestion tolling zone and adjacent highways excluded from the tolls. Source: M.T.A.

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All other consequences of congestion pricing flow from this one — that fewer people are choosing to enter the area by private vehicle.

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“I never drive into the city anymore. I only take the subway. It’s a relief.”

Philip Zalon Brooklyn

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“I’m much more aware of driving into Manhattan and avoid it unless I have to haul a lot of stuff like a car load of Girl Scout cookies.”

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Jacob White Queens

By influencing that one decision, the policy can also affect commute times, transit reliability, road safety, street life and more (as we’ll get to below).

One clear sign that behaviors are changing: Every weekday, there is now a spike in vehicles entering the zone right before the toll kicks up to $9 at 5 a.m., and right after it declines to $2.25 at 9 p.m.

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Personal vehicle entries into the central business district

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Average weekday entries from Jan. 5 through Nov. 30, 2025, by 10-minute intervals. Source: M.T.A.

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“I’ve decided to get up earlier to get the lower price.”

Eric Nehs Manhattan

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“It is exhausting to plan the trip to cross the line at 9 p.m.

Paul S. Morrill Manhattan

2. Faster traffic

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The first consequence of those fewer vehicles is that traffic is now moving faster for the drivers who remain, and for the buses that travel those same roads. And this turns out to be true inside the congestion zone, near the congestion zone, and even much farther away.

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Change in vehicle speeds, 2024-25

Speeds from January through November of each year during peak toll hours. Source: M.T.A., HERE Traffic Analytics.

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“Taking my kid to [doctor’s] visits in 2024 was a nightmare, every time. … After congestion pricing, it’s been noticeably less aggravating.”

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Josh Hadro Brooklyn

Many readers, however, told us they didn’t believe they could see the benefits; the changes aren’t always easy to perceive by the naked eye. Readers also frequently said they believed the gains from congestion pricing were more apparent in the first months of the year and had waned since. The city’s speed data generally suggests that these improvements have been sustained, although some of the largest gains were recorded in the spring.

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Average vehicle speeds in the congestion zone

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Source: M.T.A., HERE Traffic Analytics.

But for some travelers, the speed gains have been much larger, particularly those who cross through the bridge and tunnel chokepoints into and out of Manhattan:

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Speeds are for the inbound direction of travel. Source: M.T.A., HERE Traffic Analytics.

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“Traffic approaching the [Holland] tunnel has saved me 15-30 minutes on the rides back to New York and given me hours of my time back.”

Salvatore Franchino Brooklyn

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“On a typical 8 a.m. commute, there is so little traffic into the [Lincoln] tunnel that it looks like a weekend.”

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Lisa Davenport Weehawken, N.J.

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“I haven’t used the Lincoln Tunnel all year, probably will never use it again.”

Steven Lerner Manhattan

Improvements have also been more notable for commuters who take longer-distance trips ending in the congestion zone. That’s because those 73,000 vehicles a day that are no longer entering the zone have disappeared from surrounding roads and highways, too.

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Commuters from farther out are seeing accumulating benefits from all these sources: faster speeds outside the congestion zone, much faster speeds through the tunnels and bridges, and then the improvements inside Manhattan. And people who travel roads outside the congestion zone without ever entering it get some of these benefits, too.

An analysis by researchers at Stanford, Yale and Google confirmed this through the program’s first six months. Using anonymized data from trips taken with Google Maps, they found that speeds improved after congestion pricing more on roads around the region commonly traveled by drivers heading into the central business district. That’s a subtle point, but one many readers observed themselves:

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“Noticeably fewer cars driving, even way out in Bensonhurst!”

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Charles Haeussler Brooklyn

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Even across the river in Bergen County, I feel that we benefit.”

Michelle Carvell Englewood Cliffs, N.J.

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“I supercommute weekly from Kingston by bus. Each week, my bus round trip is 30-60 minutes faster than it was before congestion pricing.”

Rob Bellinger Kingston, N.Y.

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3. More transit riders

Public transit will benefit from congestion pricing as its proceeds are invested in infrastructure upgrades; in the first year, the toll is projected to raise about $550 million after accounting for expenses, $50 million more than the M.T.A. originally predicted. But transit also stands to benefit as bus speeds improve on decongested roads and as more commuters shift to transit.

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On bus routes that cross through the congestion zone, speeds increased this year, in notable contrast to the rest of the city. These improvements follow years of declining bus speeds in the central business district coming out of the pandemic.

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Change in bus speeds, 2024-2025

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Local bus routes

Express bus routes

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“The crosstown buses are faster than they used to be, even during peak commuting times.”

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Marc Wieman Manhattan

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“Have gratefully noticed that they’re more on-time.”

Sue Ann Todhunter Manhattan

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“It has significantly improved my bus trips from N.J., cutting about 20 minutes of traffic each way.”

John Ruppert New Jersey

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Paid transit ridership is up this year compared with 2024 across the subway, M.T.A. buses, Long Island Rail Road and Metro-North Railroad as transit has continued its recovery from pandemic declines. About 300,000 more people are riding the subway each day — far more than the 70,000 cars that have been taken off the road in the congestion zone. So while congestion pricing is probably contributing to rising transit ridership, it’s not the main driver of it.

All of these added transit riders do, however, help explain why congestion pricing has not dampened activity in the busiest parts of the city, as critics feared. People are still coming, just not necessarily by private car.

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“I finally taught myself to use the subway. Between the tunnel toll, congestion pricing and parking, I’m saving an enormous amount of money, time and inconvenience.”

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Daniel Ludwig Weehawken, N.J.

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“It’s made using the bus for short trips a more appealing option.”

John Buckholz Brooklyn

In fact, overall visits to the business district aren’t down — they were up by about 2.4 percent over the previous year, according to the city’s Economic Development Corporation. And restaurant reservations on the platform OpenTable were up inside the zone as well, by the same amount as the increase citywide.

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Tom Harris, the president of the Times Square Alliance, which represents 2,600 businesses, said he had initially received complaints from some businesses. But he was pleasantly surprised that they soon stopped.

“We’re thrilled we have not seen negative impacts to local businesses,” he said. “It seems like it has been absorbed.”

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4. Better quality of life

These primary shifts — fewer cars, less congested roads, more transit riders — have in turn produced a number of other effects that might more broadly be thought of as changes to qualify of life. Readers described experiencing safer crosswalks, less stressful bike rides and what feels like cleaner air.

In city data, the number of complaints to 311 for vehicle noises like car honking has declined significantly inside the congestion zone, compared with the rest of Manhattan.

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Change in vehicle noise complaints, 2024-25

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From Jan. 5 to Nov. 30 in each year. Source: N.Y.C. 311 data.

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“Sometimes it’s almost — dare I say it? — quiet.”

Daniel Scott Manhattan

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“Midtown is so much quieter now.

Melanie DuPuis Manhattan/Hudson Valley

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“It turns out that mostly when people say ‘New York is noisy’ they really mean ‘cars are noisy.’”

Grant Louis Manhattan

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And the perception that roads have gotten safer is also borne out by crash data. The number of people who were seriously injured in a car crash decreased citywide, but the improvement was more pronounced in the congestion relief zone.

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Change in number of people seriously injured in a crash, 2024-25

Number of people who were seriously injured in a crash from Jan. 1 through Nov. 30 of each year. Source: Sam Schwartz Transportation Research Program/Hunter College analysis of N.Y.P.D. crash data.

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“Nobody’s trying to run me over.”

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Alice Baruch Manhattan

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Fewer cars honking, fewer cars running red lights, fewer cars blocking crosswalks.”

Charlie Rokosny Brooklyn

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“The number of blocked crosswalks have gone down significantly!”

Samir Lavingia Manhattan

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Amid these positive changes, however, other readers described distinct declines in their quality of life, often stemming from the cost of the toll. These deeply personal observations have no corresponding measures in public data. But they make clear that some of those 27 million fewer driving trips weren’t simply replaced by transit or forgone as unnecessary — they’re missed.

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“Sadly Manhattan is no longer an option for many things we once enjoyed.”

Linda Fisher Queens

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“Congestion pricing has made my world much smaller.”

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Justine Cuccia Manhattan

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“I’m more careful about choosing events to attend, so I go to fewer of them.

Karen Hoppe Queens

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“I will not use doctors in Manhattan, limiting my health care choices.”

David Pecoraro Queens

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One final aim of congestion pricing — improved air quality — has the potential to benefit everyone in the region. But the data remains inconclusive so far. A recent study from researchers at Cornell found a 22 percent improvement in one air quality measure over six months. But another analysis, by the Stanford and Yale authors, found little to no effect on air quality using local community sensors and comparing New York with other cities. And the M.T.A.’s own analysis of the program’s first year found no significant change in measured concentrations of vehicle-related air pollutants.

That doesn’t mean benefits won’t become clearer with more time and data. But the open questions about air quality underscore that even one year in, even with all the evidence gathered, there are still some effects we don’t fully understand.

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“As an asthmatic, I can also palpably feel improvements in the air quality.”

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Rob Hult Brooklyn

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“It’s allowed me to believe that perhaps America can change for the better.”

Hanna Horvath Brooklyn

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“As a car owner myself, I think it’s fair that the cost of driving is now being passed from city residents onto the drivers.”

Vincent Lee The Bronx

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“I don’t like the cost but I also can’t deny its effectiveness.”

Jon Keese Queens

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Read the Indictment Against Nicolás Maduro

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Read the Indictment Against Nicolás Maduro

intentionally and knowingly combined, conspired, confederated, and agreed together and with each other to violate Title 18, United States Code, Section 924(c).
35. It was a part and an object of the conspiracy that NICOLÁS MADURO MOROS, DIOSDADO CABELLO RONDÓN, RAMÓN RODRÍGUEZ CHACÍN, CILIA ADELA FLORES DE MADURO, NICOLÁS ERNESTO MADURO GUERRA, a/k/a “Nicolasito,” a/k/a “The Prince,” and HECTOR RUSTHENFORD GUERRERO FLORES, a/k/a “Niño Guerrero,” the defendants, and others known and unknown, during and in relation to a drug trafficking crime for which they may be prosecuted in a court of the United States, to wit, for MADURO MOROS, CABELLO RONDÓN, and RODRÍGUEZ CHACÍN, the controlled substance offenses charged in Counts One and Two of this Superseding Indictment, and for FLORES DE MADURO, MADURO GUERRA, and GUERRERO FLORES, the controlled substance offense charged in Count Two of this Superseding Indictment, knowingly used and carried firearms, and, in furtherance of such crimes, knowingly possessed firearms, and aided and abetted the use, carrying, and possession of firearms, to wit, machineguns that were capable of automatically shooting more than one shot, without manual reloading, by a single function of the trigger, as well as destructive devices, in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Sections 924(c)(1)(A) and 924(c)(1)(B)(ii). (Title 18, United States Code, Sections 924(o) and 3238.)

36.

FORFEITURE ALLEGATIONS

As a result of committing the controlled substance offense charged in Count One of this Superseding Indictment, NICOLÁS MADURO MOROS, DIOSDADO CABELLO RONDÓN, RAMÓN RODRÍGUEZ CHACÍN, the defendants, shall forfeit to the United States, pursuant to Title 21, United States Code, Sections 853 and 970, any and all property constituting, or derived from, any proceeds the defendants obtained, directly or indirectly, as a result of the offenses, and any and all property used, or intended to be used, in any manner or part, to commit,

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