Massachusetts
‘It’s inexcusable’: As overdose deaths mount, millions in opioid settlement funds go unspent in Massachusetts – The Boston Globe
“I was dumbfounded,” said Jesi, a retired executive. “How do you let this money sit there in a bank while people are dying?”
The Middleton example is hardly an anomaly. Less than 5 percent of the $50 million that Massachusetts communities received from the opioid settlements so far has been spent on addiction-related services and overdose prevention efforts, according to a Globe analysis of municipal spending reports.
More than 90 percent of the 247 communities that submitted financial reports to the state hadn’t spent a single penny in the fiscal year that ended June 30, 2023. That includes most of the largest cities, all hard hit by the overdose crisis: Boston, Cambridge, Springfield, and New Bedford, which each received more than $1 million in settlement funds.
The money has sat unused while the decades-long opioid epidemic has entered a perilous new phase — marked by the rapid spread of fentanyl and other toxic substances throughout the illicit drug supply. More than 3,500 people in Massachusetts have died from drug overdoses since municipalities began receiving payouts in July 2022 — the first of about $400 million that drug companies will pay to cities and towns in the state over the next 18 years.
(Another 98 cities and towns were not required to submit reports because they received payments of less than $35,000 a year.)
“It’s inexcusable,” said Senator John Velis, a Westfield Democrat and chair of the Senate’s Mental Health, Substance Use and Recovery committee. “This should be an ‘all-hands-on-deck’ moment. This is a public health crisis . . . and we need every dollar out there to minimize harm and save lives.”
Municipal officials and groups that monitor opioid settlements say the money is being held up by local disputes over competing priorities, accounting red tape, and protracted efforts to collect community input. While the legal settlements came with clear spending guidelines, some town and city officials said they were still unsure of how to spend the money effectively and equitably, given the complexity and persistence of addiction. Others said they were moving cautiously to gather ideas from residents, including treatment specialists and those with experience living with addiction, to make sure they are making the best decisions on their behalf.
Boston, which received $6 million as of December, announced plans late last month to use some of the money for supportive housing and for financial aid for residents who have lost loved ones to overdoses.
Dr. Bisola Ojikutu, executive director of the Boston Public Health Commission, said the city preferred a “very thoughtful, deliberative, and inclusive” approach that included a public survey and listening sessions in communities particularly hard hit by the opioid epidemic. The city expects to receive more than $1 million annually in settlement money through 2038.
“We will move as quickly as possible, but we’ll also be deliberative and make sure that we’re doing the right things with the money,” Ojikutu said.
The influx of opioid settlement money has been described by some public health experts as a once-in-a-generation opportunity to change how local governments address substance abuse and possibly even reverse the scourge of overdose deaths.
Yet the sluggish pace of spending is frustrating some lawmakers and families who have lost loved ones to overdoses and are demanding faster action. Some of the grieving families played a pivotal role in the legal cases that led to the multibillion-dollar settlements, and they have emerged as the most outspoken voices for dispersing the money more quickly.
“Those of us serving a life sentence of grief over the loss of our loved ones do not want that money sitting in a bank account,” said Cheryl Juaire, who lost two sons to fatal overdoses and lives in Marlborough, which has yet to spend more than $160,000 in settlement money.
Marc McGovern, a city councilor and vice mayor of Cambridge, said administrators have only themselves to blame for why his city has failed to spend $1.9 million in settlement funds. They spent too much time, he said, deliberating over whether to fund existing harm-reduction programs or to tackle broader issues such as the shortage of supportive housing for people with substance use disorder.
“There are a lot of ideas,” he said. “What we need is a sense of urgency.”
Cambridge so far has decided to use some of the money to buy a medical outreach van.
New Bedford’s Health Department has been meeting with public health officials across the state and is still working on “detailed, long-term action plans” for using the settlement funds to address the opioid crisis and its root causes, the city said. Lynn organized public focus groups and gave away gift cards to encourage residents to attend.
Not every city has been slow to act.
Worcester is among nearly a dozen that spent all their settlement money. Its initiatives include $500,000 on mobile crisis teams to respond to emergency calls involving substance use and mental health. Teams of purple-shirted social workers are dispatched in vans to crisis calls to help steer people to treatment programs and other services.
Other programs in Worcester include a new office of maternal health, which will provide support to pregnant or postpartum mothers struggling with substance use, and recovery counseling for people who are homeless or incarcerated. “It’s an awful epidemic . . . and we need programs in place that can be long-lasting and self-sustaining,” said Dr. Matilde “Mattie” Castiel, Worcester’s commissioner of health and human services.
Policy makers are determined to avoid the mistakes of the Big Tobacco settlement of 25 years ago, when much of the billions in payments to states plugged budget holes and funded public infrastructure projects instead of nicotine-prevention programs. Under the statewide opioid settlements, cities and towns must use the dollars on substance abuse prevention, treatment, and recovery programs, as well as harm-reduction strategies that seek to mitigate the deadly risk of using drugs.
Massachusetts expects to receive almost $1 billion over 18 years from settlements with opioid manufacturers and distributors. Of that, 40 percent is going to municipalities based on such factors as the number of opioid-related overdose deaths and US Drug Enforcement Agency data on the amount of opioids shipped into local communities. The remaining 60 percent goes into the state’s Opioid Recovery and Remediation Fund.
The payments do not include the settlement with Purdue Pharma, producer of OxyContin, which is undergoing court review.
The state has been far more decisive with its share, about $100 million thus far, funding three mobile programs for delivering methadone and addiction teams to consult at 15 hospitals, among other efforts.
The state Department of Public Health said it plans to sponsor a conference this spring to help municipalities better understand how to use the funds, including whether to team up with neighboring communities..
Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff
“Town government is picturesque and nice, but many towns are not large enough to have a public health function,” said David Rosenbloom, a professor of public health at Boston University and a member of a state advisory council on the Opioid Recovery and Remediation Fund. “Something like this [opioid epidemic] comes along and they don’t know how to respond.”
As for Jesi, the Middleton retiree turned his frustration over the unused settlement money into action. Since his visit to Town Hall, the retired executive organized a series of monthly meetings that involved the local Fire Department, public health nurses, and addiction treatment specialists. The town has since tapped about $8,000 of its settlement money to install opioid overdose “rescue kits” equipped with free Narcan in dozens of local restaurants, Dunkin’ shops, and public buildings throughout Middleton.
“Every parent who’s lost a child . . . wants to see that money out there saving lives,” said Jesi, after stopping at Middleton’s public library to check on one of the kits. “If we can save one life, then it’s worth every cent.”
Chris Serres can be reached at chris.serres@globe.com. Follow him @ChrisSerres.
Massachusetts
Markey wins Mass. Dems’ endorsement as Moulton clears ballot hurdle in Senate race
U.S. Rep. Seth Moulton, a moderate Massachusetts Democrat, secured enough delegate support Saturday to appear on the state’s primary ballot as he challenges incumbent U.S. Sen. Ed Markey in this year’s Senate race.
Yet even though Moulton cleared a key hurdle to continue his Senate bid, it was Markey who won the party’s endorsement after winning more than 50% of the delegation’s support.
“You have a choice, you have to decide what the future looks like and what you’re going to demand,” Markey said Saturday in front of more than 4,000 delegates.
Markey won nearly 73% of the delegates’ support, while Moulton won nearly 27% of the vote. Massachusetts Democratic Party rules require statewide candidates to get at least 15% of delegate support to appear on primary ballots.
In heavily Democratic Massachusetts, the Senate primary contest is one of the most closely watched in the country as Moulton, 47, has centered his campaign on changing the status quo and demanding a generational shift in leadership.
If reelected, Markey would be 80 before his third six-year term would begin. While Markey has touted his stamina and embrace of progressive policies, questions about age have continued to swirl around Democratic candidates as they fight to take back control of Congress.
Incumbent Sen. Ed Markey is leading Rep. Seth Moulton, but if Rep. Ayanna Pressley were to enter the Democratic primary, it would change the picture, according to a new poll from Suffolk University and The Boston Globe.
In his nomination speech, Moulton argued that the Democratic Party needed more than “incremental change” and needed to start anew.
“It’s time for the generation that grew up with the internet, and will have to live for decades with AI, to lead our way through it,” Moulton said.
Moulton only addressed his opponent briefly during his nomination speech, giving a passing nod on not waiting another six years for generational change and later calling on Markey to participate in multiple debates before the September primary. Currently, the two candidates have agreed to participate in one debate later this summer.
Markey, instead, took a more critical approach by attacking Moulton’s previous comments about transgender kids and accepting corporate PAC money.
“Massachusetts deserves better than a senator who scapegoats trans kids,” Markey said to loud cheers.
In 2024, Moulton caught flak from some members of his party for saying he didn’t want his daughters playing in sports against transgender girls. Critics said Moulton echoed Trump’s talking points against allowing transgender athletes in girls’ and women’s sports.
Moulton has since said his intent with that statement “was to point out that, as a party, we need to be willing to have difficult conversations.”
Moulton, who enlisted in the Marines after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks and served four tours of duty in Iraq, was first elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 2014. He briefly launched a 2020 presidential campaign, but he dropped that bid after a few months.
Markey served as a Massachusetts congressman for nearly 40 years before winning the Senate seat in 2013. He fended off a challenge in 2020 from Rep. Joe Kennedy III in the Senate primary by turning to his progressive allies to overcome a challenge from a younger rival from America’s most famous political family.
The Massachusetts primary is Sept. 1.
Massachusetts
Randolph woman wins $1M lottery prize, plans to use winnings for home improvements
RANDOLPH, Mass. (WWLP) – A Randolph resident has won a $1 million prize through the final drawing of the Massachusetts State Lottery “$4,000,000 Monopoly Doubler” instant ticket game.
Brenda Mellor of Randolph claimed the game’s tenth and final $1 million prize.
She selected the cash option and received a one-time payment of $650,000 before taxes. Mellor said she plans to use the winnings to pay for home improvements, including renovations to her roof and pool.
The winning ticket was purchased at The Variety Store at 2 Mazzeo Drive in Randolph. The retailer will receive a $10,000 bonus for selling the ticket.
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Massachusetts
Mass. is getting more granny flats. But it’s still hard to build them. – The Boston Globe
Massachusetts took a big step in 2024 when the Legislature legalized so-called “accessory dwelling units” statewide as part of an effort to rein in the state’s housing crisis. More than a year later, it’s clear that the law is working — but that it also needs tweaks before accessory units can meet their full potential.
These small units, nicknamed “granny flats,” can be constructed in someone’s backyard, or they can simply be renovated third floors, garages, or basements. They’re a popular option for seniors seeking to downsize and families looking for some rental income.
Prior to the state law, some communities allowed accessory units, but many did not. Even among those cities and towns that did tolerate accessory dwelling units, zoning often varied from one municipality to the next, making it difficult for builders who needed to decode each municipality’s rules. Some towns also included unreasonable restrictions, like requiring that only a homeowner’s family members could live in the accessory units.
Housing advocates viewed allowing accessory dwelling units statewide as a “low-hanging fruit” policy — a way to add housing that was relatively cheap and avoided some of the cost and political obstacles that housing measures often encounter. The state legislation also overrode some zoning restrictions, including those that limited accessory units to family, while leaving some other local rules intact.
One year after the law went into effect, this approach has proved fruitful: Towns across the state have approved 1,200 ADU permits and seen even more applications, in some cases up to a threefold increase from previous years.
A study published last week by Boston Indicators (the research branch of the Boston Foundation) and Abundant Housing Massachusetts found that forcing the hand of municipalities on accessory dwelling units accomplished more in one year than 50 years of zoning reform efforts at the local level.
The problem, though, is that municipalities retained too much power. As the study recommends, there should be clear, uniform state regulatory standards for ADUs, with minimal opportunities for municipal-level variation.
“A comprehensive agenda is needed to address regulatory barriers to housing production, spanning building, fire, energy, septic system, wetlands, and stormwater rules,” the study’s authors wrote. “The barriers include the fragmented complexity of the regulatory system itself.”
Making standards more uniform doesn’t have to mean lowering them — it just means moving away from patchwork rules that make it harder for companies to build accessory units at scale.
Chris Lee at Backyard ADUs, a company that designs and builds modular dwelling units in New England, says the report’s findings make sense. The inconsistent interpretations across 350 towns and cities cause builders and engineers to “struggle to design work for the town that will be accepted,” he said. (The state’s 351st municipality, Boston, isn’t covered by the law.)
The potential is significant. The report calculates that if just 2 percent of single-family homes in Massachusetts added an accessory unit, the state would see more than 30,000 new homes that advocates say are generally more affordable. Building an accessory dwelling unit inside a pre-existing house can cost between $75,000 and $100,000; and a detached unit usually runs between $250,000 to $350,000, making them much more affordable than purchasing a single-family home in most regions of the country.
“For developers of missing middle housing to benefit from an economy of scale, they have to undertake many projects, across jurisdictional lines,” according to the study. “The ADU case study has shown just how challenging this is.”
Lee estimated that he could reduce up to $30,000 of preconstruction costs such as surveying and architecture if his company could work with consistent regulations across towns, which he said could enable them to double their production.
Streamlining permitting for accessory dwelling units isn’t a panacea. Landlords still must be willing to actually build them and rent them to long-term residents. Retirees must believe it’s worth downsizing to one. But the fact that so many have been permitted over the last year point to the clear demand and makes the case for policy makers to keep refining the law.
There is precedent. California, for example, had an equally ambitious goal but has blown past it, going from only 1,300 permits approved its first year to more than 30,000 nine years later. “It is important to understand that California did not accomplish its ADU outcomes with one legislative reform,” the study’s authors wrote. “California’s success required sustained legislative attention.”
Massachusetts should be able to realize those kinds of results too. Conversely, if even the “low-hanging fruit” of zoning reform falters in the Commonwealth because of local red tape, then the state has bigger problems ahead to solve its housing crisis.
Editorials represent the views of the Boston Globe Editorial Board. Follow us @GlobeOpinion.
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