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Maine businesses worry as immigration crackdown ramps up

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Maine businesses worry as immigration crackdown ramps up


Tractors stand at the ready along rolling wild blueberry barrens Downeast, where fields of naked stems offer no hint of the glorious techno-color display to come. By late spring, roughly 47,000 acres across Washington and Hancock counties will be carpeted in white blossoms before bursting into tiny blueberries.

But new federal immigration policies and ramped-up deportations have businesses across the state — especially in rural, agricultural communities — concerned about migrant workers showing up to rake those fields — out in plain sight.

“Our producers are very careful about vetting their workforce to ensure that they all have the necessary and proper documentation if they are coming from outside of the U.S.,” said Eric Venturini, executive director of the Wild Blueberry Commission. “But I am concerned about a decrease in the agricultural workforce due to shifting immigration policies that could make it more challenging for farmers to get their crops.”

Wild blueberry farms aren’t the only businesses statewide that could be facing a labor shortage, compounded by escalating threats of deportation and revoked visas. Agricultural farmers of all types, as well as wreath factories, restaurants, hotels, fisheries, and other businesses have come to rely on the largely Latino migrant and year-round immigrant communities. 

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According to the most recent 5-year estimate reported in the American Community Survey, Maine’s foreign-born population is about 53,600. Among those aged 16 and over, 63 percent are in the workforce, or about 31,500 workers, according to Jessica Picard, communications director for the State of Maine Department of Labor.

Among those who employ foreign-born workers is the group of Whitney Family Companies, which owns and operates Whitney Wreath, Whitney’s Tri-Town Marina, Machias Glassworks, and Downeast Packaging Solutions, all located in Machias. Owner and CEO David Whitney employs an undisclosed number of seasonal migrant workers at his companies, workers he depends on to supplement his local workforce.

Whitney said he fully supports the Trump administration’s tightened immigration policies. In 2011 Whitney’s company became the first in the state to sign on to the federal IMAGE program, a voluntary partnership initiative between the federal government and private sector employers that strengthens hiring practices and monitoring of migrant worker documentation through an electronic verification system, regular audits, and payroll reviews.

“We’re under tremendous scrutiny, which is all the more reason that I continue to be motivated to follow the letter of the law. Always have,” Whitney said. “I sleep very well at night.”

David Whitney fully supports the tightening immigration policies, and his company was the first in Maine to join a voluntary partnership initiative between the federal government and private sector employers. Photo by Joyce Kryszak.

But as federal immigration officials ratchet up surveillance around the nation, advocates say many immigrants — even those who are documented — fear deportation, with more of them choosing to lay low, avoiding school or work. 

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Along the shores of Englishmen’s Bay, sea spray wafts over the wild blueberry fields of Welch Farm in Roque Bluffs, owned and operated for more than a century by Lisa Hanscom’s family.

Everyone pitches in on this small but productive farm, including Hanscom’s 77-year-old father. But come harvest time, they still rely on a handful of migrant workers to help get the tender berries raked and crated before they rot in the field.

So far this season, Hanscom hasn’t heard from the two Mi’kmaq migrant friends from Canada and the young Guatemalan man who she’s counted on in past years.

“The young man was legal, working on his citizenship and everything. But I don’t know what that means for me this year, whether he’s even going to be around,” Hanscom said.

Hanscom chairs the volunteer Wild Blueberry Commission in addition to running the farm and her full-time job as director of the Washington County Emergency Management Agency. She knows the blueberry business and is used to dealing with unexpected crises. But Hanscom said it’s hard for farmers to come up with contingency plans to deal with such a rapidly evolving immigration landscape.

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Nationwide arrests and detentions are up sharply since Trump took office, and worries are mounting among seasonal employers in Maine. In late March, the detention of a teenager on his way to work in Lewiston rattled the local community; he was reportedly taken to New York City, more than 300 miles away from his mother and three younger siblings, according to the Bangor Daily News. His family was told by a Border Patrol agent that he would likely be deported to El Salvador, according to Maine Public.

In early April, the Wells Police Department in southern Maine entered into a formal agreement with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, allowing the police department to enforce certain aspects of federal immigration law. While ICE has similar agreements in place with other municipalities around the country, this is the first of its kind in Maine.

The Internal Revenue Department also struck a deal with federal immigration authorities to share the sensitive data of migrants who pay federal taxes under formerly shielded tax ID numbers. The exposure could make migrants reluctant to file taxes or share documentation with employers.

During an online presentation in February, Patrick Woodcock, the executive director of the Maine Chamber of Commerce, said that employers need to be aware of the potential ramifications on Maine’s workforce.

“Regardless of the merits of the polic[ies], we really do want to ensure that employers understand how to be in compliance,” Woodcock said. “There may be employees that were authorized to work that may be affected by changes and may not be authorized to work now or in the coming months.”

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The Trump administration has signaled that it is considering eliminating, scaling back, or revoking some visas that employers have relied on to augment their work teams for decades.

table visualization showing definitions of visas and how many Maine workers were on these visas

The Monitor reached out to more than a dozen business owners and managers to gauge concerns. Half of those responded, with only one business expressing concern about losing the visa program it uses to supplement its summer staff of about 30. 

Victor Trafford, who owns the Fishermen’s Wharf Inn and Restaurant in Lubec, said the business typically employs 4-6 young women, mostly from Eastern Europe, each summer through the J-1 visa Exchange Student Worker Program. 

“I think we’re going to be okay. But laws can change — can change without notice,” Trafford said. 

The Trump administration has also revoked the visas of hundreds of international students and detained roughly a dozen others from college campuses across the US, often without any warning or recourse for appeals, according to a recent report by the BBC.

A J-1 visa is a non-immigrant visa that allows students to study, work, or conduct research in the United States for three months or longer, depending on the visa. It’s one of roughly 200 types of U.S. non-immigrant and immigrant visas that grant foreign nationals permission to stay in the country for residence, study, or work. Another category is the H-1B visa program, which allows highly educated foreign professionals to work in “specialty occupations.”

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But the visas that most impact farmers seeking to boost their local workforce are H-2A agricultural visas, which allow foreign workers to come to the U.S. to perform seasonal agricultural labor. Employers in the service industry, meanwhile, often rely on H-2B visas, which allow workers to temporarily come to the U.S. to perform non-agricultural services or labor, such as hotel and restaurant work. 

Last year in Maine, 41 agricultural companies each received anywhere between one and 140 H-2A visa approvals. Cherryfield Foods, Inc., a grower and producer of wild blueberries located in Cherryfield and Machias, received the most agricultural visas of any business in the state, a total of 140 H-2A visas.

A 2015 Maine Department of Labor 2015 survey, the most recent report available from the Department, found that 56 percent of migrant farm workers were from Mexico, with others from Haiti, Canada, Honduras, El Salvador, and the Philippines. A 2019 University Maine report found that Maine’s migrant workers also come from Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Guatemala and from elsewhere in the United States.

Ricker Hill Orchards in Turner was granted 33 agricultural visas in 2024. The tenth-generation small farming business has survived 200 years of challenges, including a slumping local workforce that began during WWII.

Although it’s bureaucratically burdensome and costly — north of $80,000 some seasons — company president Harry Ricker and his wife Nancy, who is the CFO, said H-2A visas have helped them hang on to the farm, allowing them to bring in dozens of hard-working apple pickers each harvest season, mostly from Jamaica. 

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“There are a lot less local people that want to do it, so we have to have this program,” Ricker said. “Without it, we’ll just be out of the industry. We go away.”

table visualization showing the amount of visas allocated to Maine companies in 2024

Since businesses foot the bill for all visa fees, travel, and lodging, Ricker sees no reason for the administration to tamper with the H-2A visa program. 

Some critics, however, including authors of the controversial Project 2025, are pushing the Trump administration to cap and then phase out the program because they say it squeezes American workers out of the market. Nationally, DOL certified over 378,000 temporary H-2A jobs in FY 2023 — more than six times the number certified in 2006.

But H-2A visa advocates point to data that show persistent workforce shortages and the federal laws that tightly regulate migrant worker pay to make sure it doesn’t undercut the local market.

Employers must recruit U.S. workers, including posting jobs on the US Department of Labor’s seasonal jobs website, and give preference to U.S. workers over H-2A workers. The employer also must pay all workers at the same federally mandated Adverse Effect Wage Rates (AEWRs), which in Maine is $18.83 per hour, compared to the state’s current minimum wage of $14.65 per hour.

Non-agricultural workers also nervous

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The authors of Project 2025 also have the H-2B non-agricultural temporary visa program in their sights, calling for the elimination of the visas that a host of industries depend on, from tourism and hospitality to restaurants and services at some national parks. 

The H-2B program is capped at 66,000 each year for the entire country, with an additional number of visas typically added to the cap each year, including an extra 64,716 for 2025 announced earlier this month. 

Although Trump recently signaled support for businesses that rely on H-2B temporary workers, the release of the supplemental visas was delayed this year. According to a recent U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services press release, only employers who will “suffer irreparable harm,” will be approved for additional H-2B workers, and must attest to that harm in writing on a new form as part of their petition for the workers.

There are never enough visas allotted to meet demand, requiring employers to compete in a lottery system, according to Kathryn Ference, director of Workforce Development for the Maine Tourism Association. 

“The programs are incredibly important to the [tourism] industry in Maine and making sure that we have what we need to make this industry run, which brings so much economic value to the state, adding $16.3 billion to the Maine economy in 2023, [is very important.]” Ference said.

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Downeast’s largest tourism draw, Acadia National Park, doesn’t use any visa-permitted workers at the park. The seasonal National Park Service jobs all have U.S. Citizenship as a condition of employment, according to Perrin Doniger, vice president of communications and marketing for the Friends of Acadia.

But in neighboring Bar Harbor, 99 lodging facilities and 66 restaurants rely heavily on H-2B visas, including five of the six Witham Family Hotels, said Managing Director Jeremy Dougherty .

According to Dougherty, the Witham chain employs roughly 500 people, with about 200 at the Bar Harbor Inn alone, including about 82 foreign nationals working on temporary H-2B visas. Dougherty said many are from Jamaica, as well as El Salvador, Haiti, and other countries. He said they are some of his best workers and that some have returned for 15 summers — if they are lucky enough to secure a visa lottery slot.

Dougherty said the visa process is arduous for both the company’s human resource department and for the migrant workers, requiring months of applications, interviews, waiting, and then travel and housing arrangements before they even get to their first day on the job. This year, he said, some of the migrants are a little nervous, and not just about the possibility of being confronted by ICE agents.

“Some of our staff have asked how to best handle it if somebody were to say something that would maybe be inappropriate,” Dougherty said. “In the last few years, people are a little more emboldened to say things to people of color than they used to, and it just puts us more on alert, a little more protective, you know, like protective parents.”

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As Democrats pick up the pieces after Graham Platner, many wonder: how did this happen?

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As Democrats pick up the pieces after Graham Platner, many wonder: how did this happen?


Almost exactly one year ago, Graham Platner, who has no political experience, was cherry-picked by out-of-state political activists.

According to a person familiar with the campaign, Daniel Moraff and Leanne Fan, who have made a name for themselves by recruiting populist candidates across the country, traveled to Maine and rented a house near Platner’s home in Sullivan to convince him to run for the US Senate. Throughout the process, Moraff became Platner’s “right-hand man”, the person described, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of backlash.

But homing in on Platner as a newcomer to oust long-serving Republican Susan Collins came at a cost. The Wall Street Journal recently reported that Moraff asked for an expedited, cheaper background check to be completed in a matter of days. The firm Moraff and his team contracted with also did not do a candidate interview or questionnaire, per the Journal’s report.

Volunteer Rebecca Hartwell before a town hall in Ogunquit, Maine, on 22 October 2025. Photograph: Sophie Park/Getty Images

The fallout of those decisions happened on a colossal scale. In a midterm year with record spending across the country, the Democratic party had come to pin its hopes on Platner to help clinch Senate control with his meteoric campaign and ability to unite independent and progressive voters alike with a clear, anti-establishment message.

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Controversies ensued, bringing with them straight-to-camera videos of Platner explaining and denying various scandals. Finally, an allegation that broke the dam this week: a woman he dated accusing him of sexual assault, of drunkenly forcing her to have sex with him after coming to her house uninvited. Asked in an interview on CNN whether Platner raped her, the woman, Jenny Racicot, replied: “By definition, yes, absolutely.”

His support collapsed. Platner waited days as calls grew for him to withdraw. Then on Wednesday, he released an 11-minute video announcing the end of his campaign that left Maine voters scrambling and betrayed, and the country wondering: how did this happen?

A primary election night watch party after Platner won the Democratic nomination, on 9 June in Blue Hill, Maine. Photograph: Robert F Bukaty/AP

“It feels like some of the first rules of politics may have been broken here,” said Andrew Feldman, a national progressive strategist. “We were seeing rookie mistake after rookie mistake, and now we find ourselves in this situation.”

David Farmer, a Democratic strategist based in Maine, said the vetting process for Platner was tantamount to “malpractice”.

“I’ve had to have these conversations with candidates in the past – where you sit down and you ask them really tough questions,” Farmer said. “What drugs have you used? Have you ever had an affair? You ever cheated on your wife? You ever cheated on anybody? It’s really uncomfortable and probing, and a miserable event for everybody involved.”

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The person familiar with the campaign said that Moraff and Fan “fell in love with an aesthetic without knowing the state” that ultimately did a “disservice” to Maine’s working-class voters.

Platner’s campaign did not respond to the Guardian’s request for comment on the methods used to check the former nominee’s background.

A rising star and an early redemption arc

Platner’s early campaign days – after he announced his run in August of last year – saw a rare rush of grassroots excitement as he criss-crossed the state for town halls, with backing from Bernie Sanders and an ad produced by Zohran Mamdani’s 27-year-old media strategist, Morris Katz.

An oyster farmer and marines veteran, Platner issued plain-spoken warnings that Maine’s working class had been hollowed out – healthcare was unaffordable, young people couldn’t buy homes – and said he’d survived only because of the veterans’ benefits he receives from being “blown up” too many times in combat. His searing indictment of the political establishment matched the anti-Washington mood and anger many Democrats felt toward their party’s leaders.

“His tone, his look, his voice, his message captured a frustration with Washington, a frustration with economic injustice,” Farmer noted.

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Bernie Sanders and Graham Platner in Orono, Maine, on 24 May. Photograph: Robert F Bukaty/AP

Democratic leaders had someone else in mind: the 78-year-old term‑limited governor Janet Mills. But Mills hadn’t yet announced her run. In the meantime, 41-year-old Platner positioned himself as the gruff local businessman hardened by tours in Iraq and Afghanistan, pushing for generational change. Once Mills entered, he quickly framed her as emblematic of the status quo, arguing that a Chuck Schumer‑backed candidate would mirror Collins‑style “fake moderation”.

The Democratic establishment was skeptical of Platner from the outset, concerned that he brought too much baggage to the race against a seasoned incumbent. But progressives say the party is also to blame for pushing Mills as an alternative. If she had been elected, Mills would have been the oldest freshman in Senate history.

Platner brushed off his earlier scandals: Reddit posts from 2013 to 2021 where – among other things – he called white rural Americans “stupid” and “racist”, questioned why “Black people didn’t tip” and said sexual‑assault survivors should “take some responsibility … and not get so fucked up”. While apologetic, he characterized the posts as side-effects of severe PTSD and disillusionment from combat.

He tried to get ahead of more controversy by revealing a covered-up skull-and-crossbones tattoo that resembled a Totenkopf, a symbol known for its use by the Nazi SS. Platner said it came from a night drinking with military buddies in Croatia 18 years earlier. “I’m not a secret Nazi,” he told the Pod Saves America hosts.

In this photo provided by WGME, Platner points to a cover-up tattoo that had previously been an image recognized as a Nazi symbol, in Portland, Maine, on 22 October. Photograph: AP

Platner and his allies in Congress argued the uproar was overblown. At the time, Platner told the Guardian that Mainers related to his struggle and didn’t see the posts or tattoo as disqualifying. Many voters also said they could look past his mistakes and viewed his redemption arc as genuine. “If what the voters wanted were people who were grown in vats and had never done or said anything that they might regret their entire lives, we’d have a very different country,” Moraff told the Journal in May.

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But inside his campaign, cracks had started to appear. In October, Platner’s political director, Genevieve McDonald, and his finance director both left his team. The latter, Ronald Holmes III, said his “professional standards” no longer “fully aligned with those of the campaign”. McDonald said Platner’s failure to fully disclose the extent of his Reddit posts led to her departure. She went on to question whether Platner really didn’t know the meaning of his tattoo.

Bracing for the worst

There was lingering concern among Maine locals and political operatives that more would come out about Platner’s past. One voter at a town hall in April asked him – point‑blank – if there were examples of sexual misconduct in past relationships that could emerge and endanger his chances. Another said that she was extremely wary about how untested Platner was.

Ultimately, his star continued to outshine the septuagenarian governor’s lackluster campaign. Mills, citing dwindling financial resources, eventually dropped out of the race, giving Platner a glidepath to the nomination.

And then – 10 days before the Democratic primary – reports revealed that Platner’s wife, Amy Gertner, had confided in McDonald about sexually explicit messages he’d sent outside their marriage, disclosures she made in an attempt to get ahead of any opposition research.

Platner with his wife, Amy Gertner, during a primary election night watch party, on 9 June in Blue Hill, Maine. Photograph: Robert F Bukaty/AP

In extraordinary fashion, Platner was summoned to Washington DC to answer lawmakers’ questions about the latest controversy. Shortly after the meeting, the New York Times reported that previous partners described “unsettling” and “toxic” behavior. One of the women, Lyndsey Fifield, a conservative operative who dated Platner from 2013 to 2015, alleged he frequently grabbed her by the shoulders, once yanked her out of a taxi by her wrist, and during one argument twisted her arm behind her back, shoved her into a bedroom and held the door shut until she was “calm”. Fifield also cast doubt on Platner’s claim that he was unaware that his tattoo was a Nazi symbol, telling the Times that he referred to it as “my Totenkopf”.

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Platner rejected Fifield’s claims and branded them as “politically motivated”.

While some voters were deterred, Platner still ended up clinching more than 70% of the vote in the primary. National Democrats, however, were left to grapple with a catch‑22: what would be an insurmountable scandal? And would it be worse than if Collins, who had helped overturn Roe v Wade and backed several key Trump policies, was re‑elected to a sixth term?

“It’s like a frog being in a pot of boiling water. If you raise the temperature slowly, you don’t know it’s boiling until it’s too late,” said Farmer.

The final straw

When Politico published their story on Monday, outlining Jenny Racicot’s claims that Platner raped her nearly five years ago, the condemnation came hard and fast. Endorsements evaporated and calls for Platner to withdraw were immediate. As he denied the allegations in a lo-fi self tape, it became clear this would be the red line for those who had stood by him until this point.

“The messenger was not the right person to match the inspiring message,” said Adam Green, executive director of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee. “It is really unfortunate for the overall project of trying to challenge corporate power and shake up a broken political system.”

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Platner during an interview in South Portland, Maine, on 6 March. Photograph: Bloomberg/Getty Images

It would be another two days before Platner published another video announcing his decision to end his campaign, claiming the allegations against him were part of a coordinated political attack.

Troy Jackson, who campaigned alongside Platner while running for the Democratic nomination in the Maine gubernatorial race, and is now one of several candidates running to replace him, told MS Now: “Graham told me point-blank that there was nothing in his past that I had to worry about. And he lied to me. And he lied to a lot of us.”

Now, as Democrats battle with the feeling of deja vu from Joe Biden’s withdrawal from the 2024 presidential race, it’s left some unnerved about whether the Maine Senate race is still winnable. “It’s so upsetting because it feels like we’ve been completely bamboozled by a candidate that so many people believe in,” said Feldman.



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Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact

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Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact


LEWISTON (WGME) Nearly three years after the Lewiston mass shooting, the Maine Resiliency Center is asking the public to share how the tragedy has affected them and the community.

The nonprofit has launched a survey to better understand the impacts of the mass shooting in October 2023 and to help guide future support efforts.

The director of the Maine Resiliency Center said the ripple effects have spread widely and the organization wants to hear from anyone who has been affected.

“You could have been a service provider who is providing therapy or counseling for people; you could have been a funeral home director or city employee; you could be someone who lives in this community and knows somebody who is directly impacted or you could be directly impacted yourself. All of those opinions and information are really valuable to us as we look to support the broader community moving forward,” the director said.

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To take part in the survey, go to maineresiliencycenter.org.



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Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot

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Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot


Politics
Our political journalists are based in the Maine State House and have deep source networks across the partisan spectrum in communities all over the state. Their coverage aims to cut through major debates and probe how officials make decisions. Read more Politics coverage here.

AUGUSTA, Maine — The Maine Supreme Judicial Court on Friday upheld Secretary of State Shenna Bellows’ decision to keep a referendum banning transgender girls from female school sports off the November ballot.

The high court ruled Bellows was “not only authorized but was constitutionally bound” when she moved in May to throw out more than 1,500 signatures gathered by out-of-state circulators who never agreed to submit to Maine’s jurisdiction.

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The unanimous ruling from the six-justice panel closes out a monthslong legal fight that began when Bellows’ office invalidated more than 12,000 signatures submitted by Protect Girls’ Sports in Maine, leaving the petition 532 signatures short of the 67,682 needed to qualify.

The group, backed heavily by Republican megadonor Richard Uihlein, had argued Bellows overstepped her authority by enforcing a settlement that ended a 2023 First Amendment lawsuit over Maine’s ban on out-of-state circulators, rather than letting Maine voters decide whether to loosen the state’s residency rules for petition circulators.

The court rejected that argument, finding Bellows was bound by the Maine Constitution’s residency requirement for circulators except where a federal injunction narrowly excused her from enforcing it, and that four nonresident circulators who never checked a box consenting to Maine jurisdiction fell outside that carveout.

Justices also rejected the campaign’s fallback argument that one circulator’s belated affidavit, filed months after the Feb. 2 filing deadline, should have salvaged her roughly 61 signatures, citing a state law requiring circulator affidavits to be filed when the petition is.

The decision effectively ends the campaign’s bid for the 2026 ballot, though the court noted proponents could still gather the roughly 500 additional signatures needed to try again for the 2027 ballot.

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