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Connecticut’s time for energy investment is now – if state leaders get on board

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Connecticut’s time for energy investment is now – if state leaders get on board


As a 15-year veteran of the utility industry, I can tell you with certainty there’s nowhere like Connecticut. In other states, when utility companies receive downgrades in their credit rating, regulators and consumer advocates haul them into hearings, demanding to know their plans to rectify them.

Not so in Connecticut, where regulators themselves are named as the reason for the downgrades, and policymakers like the Office of Consumer Counsel and the Chairs of the legislature’s Energy and Technology Committee work overtime to provide political cover.

Meanwhile, the scope of these downgrades – from S&P and Moody’s, two of the most respected financial institutions in the world – extend statewide, from two Avangrid companies, Eversource and all its subsidiaries, to even a small water company.

Whatever the political rhetoric, the impacts are serious and the damage long-term. Building a grid for Connecticut’s future will require billions in new investment over the decades to come, and with the downgrades warning investors to be increasingly skeptical of Connecticut utilities, every single dollar just got more expensive.

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The state has a long list of goals for its economy and clear objectives for its utilities: build a modern, sustainable, reliable, resilient, renewable, innovative electric grid capable of supporting massive capacity increases from electrification and data centers. Alienating the investment community does nothing to further those goals; it only makes them less attainable.

But until PURA and state policymakers abandon their anti-utility bias, they will continue to miss today’s golden opportunity to build the energy system of tomorrow –- an opportunity other states are rigorously pursuing. Instead, the excellent reliability that customers rely on, built through a long legacy of investment, will be whittled away even as costs continue to rise.

This, to a question that Sen. Norm Needleman and Rep. Jonathan Steinberg raise in their editorial, is why companies like ours “care” if our credit rating is downgraded. We are not so short-sighted as to shrug off the consequences of higher costs for our customers.

But even more significant are the consequences to long-term energy investment in Connecticut. Utilities are some of the most capital-intensive businesses in the country. We rely on selling bonds to finance safe, reliable, high-quality service through investments like new substations, battery storage, flood walls, microgrids and more.

Downgrades signal to investors they should pull their loans, leaving us with insufficient capital to advance these innovations. Instead, utilities are forced to put what limited capital we can raise (through higher premiums on our bonds) into the most basic, fundamental projects, like storm restoration efforts or pole replacements after traffic accidents.

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Accepting – and even incentivizing – PURA to enable meager investments to support only the most basic service puts Connecticut out of step with our neighbors, as other northeastern states are doing the hard work of system planning for the future. It’s no coincidence that Eversource is putting forward 30-year investment plans in Massachusetts while pulling $500 million in investments from Connecticut. Nor should it be surprising that Avangrid company New York State Electric & Gas (NYSEG) is building two 1-megawatt battery energy storage systems that tap directly into New York substations, a major resiliency investment, while nothing of the sort is happening in Connecticut.

Regulators in Massachusetts and New York are far from easy or passive. They have high standards that utilities must work hard to meet, and they do not get everything they ask for, as Needleman and Steinberg baselessly claim is our demand.

What Massachusetts and New York do is set the rules of the road for utility companies. They set clear standards of performance they expect from utility companies – in everything from the level of detail in rate cases to their forward-looking investment plans – and they hold them accountable.

That is not the case in Connecticut. Legislators can obfuscate, downplay, or even offer fictitious conspiracy theories -– most incredibly, that we would pay credit rating agencies, which are independent referees under federal law, to downgrade our credit ratings when downgrades are good for no one.

But none of these political games change the fact that energy companies cannot invest in a state in which PURA puts politically expedient rate cuts over its stated objectives. Nor will they alleviate the underinvestment these policymakers are apparently willing to accept in favor of the fabrication that PURA is “simply holding utilities accountable.”

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I fear Connecticut’s energy infrastructure, and the economy it’s built on, will be left behind as other states move forward with a clear vision. The golden opportunity for investment in the energy future is now, and we are at serious risk of missing it as our regulators and policymakers prioritize waging political war on the state’s utilities. The longer they dally, the more likely it is that PURA’s actions and inaction will leave us in the dark.

 Charlotte Ancel is the Vice President of Investor Relations at Avangrid, the parent company of United Illuminating, Connecticut Natural Gas, and Southern Connecticut Gas.



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Connecticut

AGANORSA Leaf Aniversario Connecticut Tubo Ships

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AGANORSA Leaf Aniversario Connecticut Tubo Ships


The AGANORSA Leaf Aniversario Connecticut is now available in a new vitola, one that also comes in a metal tube.

It’s the second different toro for the line, though it will be difficult to confuse the two cigars. The AGANORSA Leaf Aniversario Connecticut Toro, the existing cigar, is a 6 1/4 x 52 box-pressed toro. The new AGANORSA Leaf Aniversario Connecticut Tubo is a 6 x 52 round toro. Blend-wise, the line uses an Ecuadorian Connecticut-seed wrapper over Nicaraguan tobaccos grown by AGANORSA. The line is made at the company’s factory in Nicaragua.

The AGANORSA Leaf Aniversario Connecticut Tubo has an MSRP of $19.99 and comes in boxes of 10 cigars.

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“The Aniversario Connecticut Tubo offers a perfect combination of elegance, convenience, and flavor,” said Terence Reilly, vp of sales & marketing for AGANORSA Leaf, in a press release when the cigar was announced in March. “It’s an ideal cigar for both longtime fans of the brand and smokers discovering Aganorsa for the first time.”

Charlie Minato

I am an editor and co-founder of halfwheel.com/Rueda Media, LLC. Previously, I started TheCigarFeed, one of the two predecessors blogs of halfwheel. I have written about the cigar industry since 2010, covering everything from product launches to regulation to M&A. Beyond writing, I handle a lot of the behind-the-scenes stuff from weighing cigars to coordinating the tech. Outside of work, I enjoy playing tennis, watching boxing, falling asleep to the Le Mans 24, wearing sweatshirts year-round and eating gyros. echte liebe.

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Motorcyclist seriously injured after crashing into parked, unoccupied vehicle in Meriden

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Motorcyclist seriously injured after crashing into parked, unoccupied vehicle in Meriden


MERIDEN, Conn. (WTNH) — A motorcyclist has serious injuries after a crash early Friday morning in Meriden, according to police.

The crash happened just after 3:00 a.m. in the area of Lincoln Street. The motorcyclist was navigating a turn when they struck a parked, unoccupied vehicle, police said.

Motorcyclist seriously injured in Meriden crash, July 3, 2026.

The motorcyclist was taken to an area trauma center, according to police.

A section of Lincoln Street is blocked for the investigation, police said.

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Meriden’s accident investigation team responded to the scene.

Additional information was not immediately available.


Download the News 8 app to get breaking news and weather alerts.

Watch News 8 on WTNH.com or the free WTNH News 8 streaming app on Roku, Apple TV, Amazon Fire TV and select Samsung Smart TVs.



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Connecticut 250, 251, 252, 253 . . . – New Haven Independent

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Connecticut 250, 251, 252, 253 . . . – New Haven Independent


City Historian Mike Morand with Karyn Gilvarg, the long

In order to get to the truth, it’s important to define your terms.

For example, what precisely do you mean by the word Connecticut? Or is it Quinnehtukqut, in the Algonquin language?

It’s also important how you frame your story.

That is, what do we miss if we only start Connecticut’s story in 1776? What about the long, century-and-a-half colonial/religious run-up beginning in 1638? What about the 10,000 years before that, of indigenous habitation along our state’s long and short rivers? And what of all Long Island Sound?

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Depending on where you start, you might have a geography story, a political story, a theological struggle.

You also need to include not only 50 or 60 founding fathers, but a full range of voices — you must try to expand the historical house, and also tell a whole story, not a partial.

For example, even in a copiously told tale of the Elm City Signer-in-Chief Roger Sherman, if you stopped his story at the mere signing of the Declaration of Independence, he’d still be a guy in a homespun suit among many in the founders’ chorus.

Although John Hancock appointed Sherman to the committee — along with Jefferson, Franklin, and Adams, to write the document we are all celebrating this year — it’s clear he wasn’t much of a writer, or editor, or speller. John Adams, when he recollected those days, couldn’t even remember Sherman in the room of the writing of the document that changed the world. Apparently only Franklin and Adams dared to edit the brilliant Jefferson’s prose.

However, continue the story to 1787, and Roger Sherman’s political and personal skills help lead the way to the bicameral compromise — a Congress with one legislative house based on population side by side with another house of equal number of senators from each state.

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Without this deal — known as the Connecticut Compromise — there would have been two-and-a-half strikes against the possibility of ever passing a Constitution; and as a consequence, perhaps no United States. That makes Sherman a profound hero of the democratic story, and, of course, earns our sobriquet as the Constitution State.

All this fascinating, perspective-altering stuff was at the heart of a by-turns erudite and entertaining lecture — call it a sermon on history– entitled “Why Connecticut 250 Matters,” delivered by Connecticut State Historian Andy Horowitz.

Receiving it Wednesday night was a standing-room-only crowd of some 200 New Haven history glitterati gathered at the New Haven Museum.

Horowitz’s lecture was the companion piece to a gala evening marking the opening of the New Haven Museum’s new exhibition, “New Haven’s Unfinished Revolutions.”

With opening remarks by City Historian Michael Morand and exhibition director Joanna Steinberg and designers David Jon Walker and John Kudos, attendees also took in the spiffy photo and large, wall-text-festooned new space — the gallery to the left as you enter the museum’s first floor.

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The exhibition is designed to include all those voices that Horowitz talked about — the centerpiece being a kind of grand kiosk or large table where you can put “tablets” of, so far, largely 18th century documents into a “cradle,” and then the docs come alive.

You hear, for example, a selection of the deposition by Sarah Townsend of the British invasion of New Haven in 1779. It’s a rare document in the NHM’s collection, but how many have had a chance to read it?

Enter the new exhibition, and the text appears on a screen in front of you — in both the original handwriting and an easy-to-read print version, as her voice speaks in the voice of local actors from New Haven who have done the recordings.

It’s immersive and the whole packed space — 900 square feet, which is not much bigger than a comfortable one-bedroom Elm City apartment — is trying to tell a Big Story, much of it under-told or never-told. It’s also designed for classes and groups and to be a kind of teaching house, said Steinberg.

The “table” is its centerpiece, a kind of hearth — designer John Kudos agreed to this reporter’s characterization — is where an individual, a family, or a group of school kids gather round to warm to the sounds and evocations of long ago and also to not-so-long-ago overlooked voices.

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And the design is such that new documents can be added, indeed, are being added from the museum’s collection, along with contemporary documents/voices as they emerge in the living history of the city.

“The soul of New Haven is on display,” said Walker, one of the designers, via video hook up.

By that he meant, in part, under-told stories such as that of the Winchester Repeating Arms Company and those many African American immigrants from a racist South who labored on its factory floors and built new lives and institutions in the Elm City; the Model City era of the late 1960s; May Day of 1970, with the mutual aid groups such as the Hill Parents Association and the local Black Panthers who organized in the run-up; and New Haven’s important labor history as captured in the watershed 1975 teachers strike. The exhibition ends with material from the environmental movement of the 1980s.

In addition to Roger Sherman, the two other “souls” from New Haven’s 1776-era history whom Horowitz summoned and evoked to structure his tale were Hannah Mamanash, an indigenous woman of the Wangunk tribe (related to the Quinnipiacs and Mohegans); and Cuff Wells (also known as Cuffee Saunders), kidnapped as a child from Guiana, in South America, and enslaved in Colchester, Connecticut.

Known mostly through land deeds and an extensive petition for Revolutionary War pensions, Mamanash saw four of her sons enlist in George Washington’s forces. Three, perhaps all four, were killed in the Revolutionary War fighting.

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“It’s hard to believe,” said Horowitz, “that anyone made a larger sacrifice to the American Revolution than Hannah Mamanash.”

But Horowitz deepend the story: Mamanash also had a daughter, who married a Samson Occam, a Mohegan who was Christianized, became a minister, and was the first Native American to publish a book. In another document, from 1775, a letter to the Oneida tribe, Mamanash’s son-in-law Occam tried to explain and advise which side that tribe should take in the fast-arriving rupture with Great Britain.

He basically took a neutral position, citing Jesus as a template for being peace-makers, not side-takers, although he did characterize the English as the oppressors and the patriots as the oppressed.

Yet Horowitz’s point is that there was no inherent, clear, obvious reason for Mamanash and her sons to make the choices they made, and the sacrifices they gave. Their history goes back much farther, sometimes siding with the English, sometimes the French, often with no one. You widen the story, and it gets deeper, more complex.

Wells’s enslaver was an apothecary and with that skill, which he learned, Wells enlisted in the Continental Army tending the sick and likely saving lives at the army hospital in Danbury, and later at Valley Forge.

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And yet, Horowitz taught, it’s important to know that at the start of the Revolution neither Washington nor the creators of the Declaration wanted Blacks to enlist at all, whether they were apothecaries or not. Like the British they were afraid of what enslaved people might do if given firearms.

In fact, the phrase, among the list of colonists’ grievances in the Declaration itself, is the tell in this context: “Exciting domestic insurrections amongst us” primarily refers to British inducements to enslaved African Americans to flee their American masters and to fight for the king in exchange for offers of freedom.

And still Wells enlisted and deployed his skills, survived the war, received a pension, bought three acres of land in Lebanon, and sired a son, Prince, who went on to graduate from Dartmouth College.

If that isn’t a little-known American story that should be better known, I don’t know what is.

Horowitz was at pains to point out, also, that Wells is known, in the extensive 127-page pension file, the key source of his biography, also as Cuff Saunders.

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“He changed his name,” Horowitz surmised, “because he did not want Wells, his enslaver’s name.”

“And such stories are not that unusual,” Horowitz added, “among Black soldiers, who gave themselves names like Caesar, Liberty, Beman. Every description is a form of argument.”

“So what to make of these stories?” Horowtiz drew towards his conclusion and, of course, the relation of the past to the present.

He said the kind of historical research, the poring over documents in archives, that yielded these stories is precisely the kind that is being threatened today, along with, of course, doing the opposite of expanding the historical frame, which is the policy direction of the current administration.

He didn’t mention the name of  President Trump, but the narrowing of history, the bee in the bonnet of the current administration, was clearly the elephant in the room, to mix the zoological metaphors.

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“When I began, there were three people in the office of state historian. Now I’m the only one. Seventy percent of professors teaching history are un-tenured. History departments are closing down. As a tenured historian I’m like a typewriter repairman, the last of my kind.”

And if there were a single theme to this wide-ranging yet also deep dive into Connecticut’s 1776, it was this: “A narrow sense of history yields a narrow sense of the future.”

Which is why Morand had concluded his remarks, in the new exhibition space of “New Haven’s Unfinished Revolutions,” singing from the same hymnal, with similar congratulatory, if minatory, praise:

“This is a major addition to understanding what New Haven has been and what it has become and to what they and we can do to affect the future. . . Our history is not about the past, it’s made active, it’s story upon story, not punctuated by a period, but an ellipsis. This show is really about America 251, 252, 253 . . . ”

State Rep. Pat Dillon and local historian Aaron Goode discuss democracy and what to do with the U.S, Supreme Court!
Former teachers union President Frank Carrano, listening to what he said about the 1975 strike.

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