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With no running water, Asheville finds other ways to flush thousands of toilets

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With no running water, Asheville finds other ways to flush thousands of toilets

Jerry Cahill has been flushing toilets as a volunteer since his studio in Asheville’s River Arts District was destroyed by flooding from the remnants of Helene.

Rolando Arrieta/NPR


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Rolando Arrieta/NPR

ASHEVILLE, N.C. — At a public housing complex, volunteers knock on apartment doors offering assistance with an activity most of us take for granted.

They carry 5-gallon buckets of water to flush the toilets of grateful residents like John Brown.

“I appreciate the fantastic work you guys are doing,” said Brown, who is visually impaired and uses a wheelchair.

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More than two weeks after Helene, some of the most basic things are still difficult in Asheville. Drinking water in plastic bottles is everywhere, but it’s hard to find water to shower, or flush your toilet, or even wash your hands.

“It’s important work, it’s got to be done,” said Jerry Cahill, who has been flushing toilets as a volunteer with the nonprofit group BeLoved Asheville since his studio in the River Arts District was destroyed by flooding from the remnants of Helene.

Asheville’s water system was badly damaged in the storm, which knocked out major pipes connecting its reservoirs to the rest of the distribution system. There’s still no estimate of when service will be restored — though it is likely a matter of weeks, not days.

The lack of running water is preventing schools and most restaurants from reopening as concerns about public health mount. That’s why some citizens are taking matters into their own hands.

“It is an extreme health crisis looming if we don’t get these toilets flushed,” said Elle DeBruhl, part of a volunteer group called Flush AVL that was formed to distribute so-called gray water from ponds and wells to communities that need it. The water may not be clean enough to drink, but it’s ideal for flushing toilets.

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Elle DeBruhl is part of a volunteer group called Flush AVL that was formed after Helene to distribute so-called gray water from ponds and wells to communities that need it.

Elle DeBruhl is part of a volunteer group called Flush AVL that was formed after Helene to distribute so-called gray water from ponds and wells to communities that need it.

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“I don’t want to get sick. I don’t want my neighbors to get sick. I don’t want my community to see more devastation than what they’ve already seen,” DeBruhl said.

So far, Flush AVL has placed dozens of giant plastic containers that hold at least 250 gallons of water each strategically around town. They’re hoping to scale up in the coming days, DeBruhl said, to distribute hundreds of additional containers around Asheville.

“We’re grateful for it. Water’s worth a million here,” said Teresa Thomas, as she and her son filled up plastic containers with gray water at the apartment complex in northwest Asheville where they live.

Teresa Thomas (left) and her son David Murray fill up plastic containers with gray water at the apartment complex in Asheville where she lives.

Teresa Thomas (left) and her son David Murray fill up plastic containers with gray water at the apartment complex in Asheville where she lives.

Joel Rose/NPR

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They’re not the only ones here who are happy to have flushing toilets again.

“If we hadn’t had this water when everything started happening, I would be busy unstopping toilets and everything,” said Ronnie Marler, the maintenance man.

The city and county are providing gray water too, at nearly a dozen emergency distribution sites. At Asheville Middle School, residents pull up in their cars to fill buckets and bags with gray water from a silver tanker truck.

A large plastic containers that holds 250 gallons of water to flush toilets.

A large plastic containers that can hold at least 250 gallons of water to flush toilets.

Rolando Arrieta


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“The hardest thing is keeping my commode flushed,” said Loretta Smith. “That’s the roughest part, I got family members. It’s just not me, you know? So we can’t have all that sitting around like that.”

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In the days after the storm, Asheville residents found all kinds of resourceful ways to flush. Smith says she got help from a neighbor who has a small pond. Akila Parks says he had been using floodwater left over from the storm.

“We had a flooded garage and we used the water from the garage to flush. So seeing the blessing from the storm,” Parks said, “just surviving.”

A beat-up sedan pulls up to the distribution site and Jesus Citalan-Angeles gets out. Normally, Citalan-Angeles teaches seventh grade math at this school. Now he’s delivering flushing water to some of the students’ families.

“It’s probably the biggest thing. I mean, that’s the issue,” Citalan-Angeles said. “Some people have no access. Some people have access to creeks, swimming pools, but there are areas that aren’t near any of those things.”

That’s why these improvised water distribution systems are going to be crucial until the taps are turned back on.

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Cross-Tabs: October 2024 Times/Siena Poll of Hispanic Registered Voters

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Cross-Tabs: October 2024 Times/Siena Poll of Hispanic Registered Voters

How These Polls Were Conducted

Here are the key things to know about these polls:

• Interviewers spoke with 3,385 likely voters nationwide from Sept. 29 to Oct. 6, 2024.

• The national poll includes separate polls of 622 voters in Florida and 617 voters in Texas. The weight given to each of these groups in the national poll has been adjusted so that the overall results are reflective of the entire country.

• The poll also uses a polling technique to speak with more Black and Hispanic voters than the typical national poll. The technique, known as an oversample, enables more confident analysis of subgroups, such as Black men or younger Black voters. This method does not affect the top-level results of the final poll; in the overall poll of the nation, Black and Hispanic respondents are weighted down so that they represent the proper share of all voters and so their views are not overrepresented in the survey results.

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• Times/Siena polls are conducted by telephone, using live interviewers, in both English and Spanish. Overall, about 98 percent of respondents were contacted on a cellphone for these polls.

• Voters are selected for the survey from a list of registered voters. The list contains information on the demographic characteristics of every registered voter, allowing us to make sure we reach the right number of voters of each party, race and region. For these polls, interviewers placed nearly 365,000 calls to nearly 150,000 voters.

• To further ensure that the results reflect the entire voting population, not just those willing to take a poll, we give more weight to respondents from demographic groups that are underrepresented among survey respondents, like people without a college degree. You can see more information about the characteristics of our respondents and the weighted sample at the bottom of the page, under “Composition of the Sample.”

• The margin of sampling error among likely voters is plus or minus 2.4 points for the national poll and about plus or minus five points for each state poll. In theory, this means that the results should reflect the views of the overall population most of the time, though many other challenges create additional sources of error. When the difference between two values is computed, such as a candidate’s lead in a race, the margin of error is twice as large.

If you want to read more about how and why The Times/Siena Poll is conducted, you can see answers to frequently asked questions and submit your own questions here.

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Full Methodology

The New York Times/Siena College nationwide poll of 3,385 likely voters was conducted in English and Spanish on cellular and landline telephones from Sept. 29 to Oct. 6, 2024. The national poll includes separate polls of 622 voters in Florida and 617 voters in Texas. It uses a statistical technique known as an oversample to survey 589 Black voters, including 548 voters who identify as Black alone and 41 voters who identify as Black in combination with another race or ethnicity, and 902 voters of Hispanic descent, including 704 voters who identify as Hispanic or Latino alone and 198 voters who identify as Hispanic in combination. The weight given to each of these groups in the national poll has been adjusted so that the overall results are reflective of the entire country.

Nationally, the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 2.4 percentage points for the likely electorate and plus or minus 2.2 percentage points among registered voters. In Florida and Texas, the margin of sampling error among the likely electorate is 4.8 percentage points.

Among the sample of Hispanic voters, the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 4.5 points for the likely electorate and plus or minus 4.1 points among registered voters. For the Black sample, the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 5.6 points for the likely electorate and plus or minus 5.4 points for registered voters.

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Sample

The survey is a response-rate-adjusted stratified sample of registered voters taken from the voter file maintained by L2, a nonpartisan voter-file vendor, and supplemented with additional voter-file-matched cellular telephone numbers from Marketing Systems Group. The sample was selected by The New York Times in multiple steps to account for differential telephone coverage, nonresponse and significant variation in the productivity of telephone numbers by state.

To adjust for noncoverage bias, the L2 voter file for each state was stratified by statehouse district, party, race, gender, marital status, household size, turnout history, age and homeownership. The proportion of registrants with a telephone number and the mean expected response rate were calculated for each stratum. The mean expected response rate was based on a model of unit nonresponse in prior Times/Siena surveys. The initial selection weight was equal to the reciprocal of a stratum’s mean telephone coverage and modeled response rate. For respondents with multiple telephone numbers on the L2 file, or with differing numbers from L2 and Marketing Systems Group, the number with the highest modeled response rate was selected.

Fielding

The sample was stratified according to political party, race and region. Marketing Systems Group screened the sample to ensure that the cellular telephone numbers were active, and the Siena College Research Institute fielded the poll, with additional fieldwork by ReconMR, the Public Opinion Research Laboratory at the University of North Florida, the Institute for Policy and Opinion Research at Roanoke College, the Center for Public Opinion and Policy Research at Winthrop University in South Carolina and the Survey Center at University of New Hampshire. Interviewers asked for the person named on the voter file and ended the interview if the intended respondent was not available. Overall, 98 percent of respondents were reached on a cellular telephone.

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The questions were translated into Spanish by ReconMR. Bilingual interviewers began the interview in English and were instructed to follow the lead of the respondent in determining whether to conduct the survey in English or Spanish. Monolingual Spanish-speaking respondents who were initially contacted by English-speaking interviewers were recontacted by Spanish-speaking interviewers. Overall, 18 percent of interviews among respondents who self-reported as Hispanic alone were conducted in Spanish; among the weighted sample, the share is 19 percent among registered voters.

An interview was determined to be complete for the purposes of inclusion in the questions about whom the respondent would vote for if the respondent did not drop out of the survey after being asked the two self-reported variables used in weighting — age and education — and answered at least one of the questions about age, education or presidential-election candidate preference.

Weighting (registered voters)

The survey was weighted by The Times using the survey package in R in multiple steps.

First, the sample was adjusted for unequal probability of selection by stratum.

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Second, the Black, Hispanic and non-Black-or-Hispanic samples for Florida, Texas and the rest of the United States were weighted to match voter-file-based parameters for the characteristics of registered voters.

The following targets were used:

• Party (party registration if available in the state; if not, then classification based on participation in partisan primaries if available in the state; if not, then classification based on a model of vote choice in prior Times/Siena polls) by race. The national Hispanic sample was weighted to party by a classification of the strength of the respondent’s partisanship based on a model of vote choice in prior Times/Siena polls

• Age (self-reported age, or voter-file age if the respondent refused) by gender (L2 data)

• Education (four categories of self-reported education level, weighted to match NYT-based targets derived from Times/Siena polls, census data and the L2 voter file)

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• Race or ethnicity (L2 model), if part of the non-Black-or-Hispanic sample in Texas and Florida

• White/nonwhite race by college or noncollege educational attainment (L2 model of race weighted to match NYT-based targets for self-reported education), if part of the non-Black-or-Hispanic sample

• Marital status (L2 model)

• Homeownership (L2 model)

• Turnout history (NYT classifications based on L2 data)

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• Method of voting in the 2020 elections (NYT classifications based on L2 data)

• State region (NYT classifications), in Florida and Texas

• National region (NYT classifications), outside Florida and Texas

• Metropolitan status (2013 NCHS Urban-Rural Classification Scheme for Counties), if part of the national sample

• History of voting in the 2020 presidential primary (L2 data), if part of the national non-Black-or-Hispanic sample

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• Census block group density (A.C.S. 5-Year Census Block Group data), if part of the Florida or Texas non-Black-or-Hispanic sample

• Census block group density of Black residents (A.C.S. 5-Year Census Block Group data), if part of the national or Florida Black sample

• Census block group density of Hispanic residents (A.C.S. 5-Year Census Block Group data), if part of the national or Texas Hispanic sample

• Country of origin (L2 model), if part of the national or Florida Hispanic sample

Third, the sums of the weights were balanced so that each Florida and Texas represented the proper proportion of the national poll and so that the Black, Hispanic and non-Black-or-Hispanic samples represented the proper proportion of each state and the country.

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Finally, the sample of respondents who completed all questions in the survey was weighted identically as well as to the result for the general-election horse-race question (including voters leaning a certain way) on the full sample.

Weighting (likely electorate)

The survey was weighted by The Times using the R survey package in multiple steps.

First, the samples were adjusted for unequal probability of selection by stratum.

Second, the first-stage weight was adjusted to account for the probability that a registrant would vote in the 2024 election, based on a model of turnout in the 2020 election.

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Third, the sample was weighted to match targets for the composition of the likely electorate. The targets for the composition of the likely electorate were derived by aggregating the individual-level turnout estimates described in the previous step for registrants on the L2 voter file. The categories used in weighting were the same as those previously mentioned for registered voters.

Fourth, the initial likely electorate weight was adjusted to incorporate self-reported intention to vote. Four-fifths of the final probability that a registrant would vote in the 2024 election was based on the registrant’s ex ante modeled turnout score, and one-fifth was based on self-reported intentions, based on prior Times/Siena polls, including a penalty to account for the tendency of survey respondents to turn out at higher rates than nonrespondents. The final likely electorate weight was equal to the modeled electorate rake weight, multiplied by the final turnout probability and divided by the ex ante modeled turnout probability.

Finally, the sample of respondents who completed all questions in the survey was weighted identically as well as to the result for the general election horse-race question (including leaners) on the full sample.

The margin of error accounts for the survey’s design effect, a measure of the loss of statistical power due to survey design and weighting.

The design effect for the full sample is 1.97 for the nationwide likely electorate, 1.48 for the likely electorate in Florida, 1.48 for the likely electorate in Texas, 1.89 for the Black likely electorate and 1.92 for the Hispanic likely electorate.

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Among registered voters, the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 2.2 points nationwide, including a design effect of 1.78; 4.6 points in Florida, including a design effect of 1.36; plus or minus 4.5 points in Texas, including a design effect of 1.29; plus or minus 5.4 points for Black voters, including a design effect of 1.81; and plus or minus 4.1 for Hispanic voters, including a design effect of 1.57.

For the sample of completed interviews, among the likely electorate nationwide, the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 2.6 points, including a design effect of 1.93; plus or minus 5.6 points in Florida, including a design effect of 1.64; plus or minus 5.4 points in Texas, including a design effect of 1.5; plus or minus 6.3 points among Black voters, including a design effect of 1.86; and plus or minus 5.2 points among Hispanic voters, including a design effect of 1.96.

Historically, The Times/Siena Poll’s error at the 95th percentile has been plus or minus 5.1 percentage points in surveys taken over the final three weeks before an election. Real-world error includes sources of error beyond sampling error, such as nonresponse bias, coverage error, late shifts among undecided voters and error in estimating the composition of the electorate.

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Writer Bernhard Schlink on German war guilt and the resurgent far right

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Writer Bernhard Schlink on German war guilt and the resurgent far right

When Bernhard Schlink’s home in Bielefeld was destroyed by Allied bombs during the second world war, a wagoner who helped his mother retrieve their furniture from the wreckage expressed an unconventional thought — that the Germans had only themselves to blame.

“We saw the synagogues burn, we know why our cities are burning now,” he told Schlink’s mother as they rode past bombed-out buildings.

“That deeply impressed her,” the writer says, “because very few people felt that at the time”.

Indeed, it took years — decades even — for Germans to assume any responsibility for the Holocaust. “In the 1950s they just saw themselves as victims, not perpetrators,” Schlink says.

Guilt — both individual and collective — has been an abiding theme in Schlink’s work. Author of The Reader, the only German book ever to top The New York Times bestseller list, he takes the darkest episodes of German history — colonialism in Africa; Nazi war crimes; the Baader-Meinhof terror of the 1970s — and weaves them into compelling stories that have made him one of Germany’s most celebrated and popular writers.

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An English translation of his 2021 novel The Granddaughter will appear in the UK later this month and early next year in the US. It is a complex, poignant narrative that plays out in communist East Berlin in the 1960s and the neo-Nazi scene of the present day. Le Figaro called it “the great novel of German reunification”.

Schlink’s literary success is all the more surprising, considering that he started off in an altogether different profession. For decades he was a distinguished law professor and judge, specialising in constitutional law and teaching at some of Germany’s most prestigious universities. 

“But I felt like something was missing in my life,” he says. He had written “bad poetry” and “little stories and plays” as a young man, and then, in the late 1980s, decided to “return to writing”. With a colleague, Walter Popp, he concocted a detective novel, Self’s Justice; then in 1995 came The Reader and the rest is history. 

We meet at an outdoor café near his home in the hexagon-shaped Viktoria-Luise-Platz, one of Berlin’s most exquisite spots. With a huge fountain gurgling in the background, I ask Schlink, a sprightly 80-year-old with a disarming smile, how he chooses his subjects. “It’s not like I’m interested in something and then think up a story about it,” he says. “I have the feeling that the stories come to me.”

While he has published 11 novels and three collections of short stories, none of his books has done as well as The Reader, which was translated into 45 languages and turned into a Hollywood film starring Kate Winslet. It tells the story of a 15-year-old boy, Michael Berg, who discovers that the love of his life — an illiterate tram conductor called Hanna Schmitz, who is 21 years his senior — was a camp guard in Auschwitz.

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The Reader captures the anguish of a whole swath of young Germans gradually discovering the terrible things their parents did during the war. It is not, Schlink insists, a Holocaust novel. “It’s more about my generation’s relationship to the Third Reich than about the Third Reich itself,” he says. 

The book didn’t go down well in Germany, at least not at first. “People said my depiction of Hanna Schmitz was too human,” he says. But that, he insists, missed the point. 

“Our parents or uncles or teachers who committed monstrous acts weren’t monsters — they were wonderful teachers, loving parents and exemplary doctors,” he says. That was, in a way, one of the hardest aspects of Germany’s Vergangenheitsbewältigung or “coming to terms with the past”. “Of my generation there were a few who utterly, radically, broke with their parents, but most kept loving them . . . and became enmeshed in their guilt.”

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The Granddaughter also touches on recent historical trauma. It centres on the figure of Kaspar, a West German who goes to study in Berlin in the 1960s and falls in love with an East German woman. The secrets of her early years, buried deep and concealed from Kaspar, end up poisoning her life. 

Like Kaspar, Schlink also attended university in West Berlin, which at the time was a tiny island of freedom in the middle of the communist GDR. He had long been drawn to the east: “As the son of a Protestant pastor, I grew up with Luther and Bach . . . I was always interested in Prussian history and I felt the east was just as much my Germany as the Catholic Rhineland or the Bavarian south,” he says. “And I just wanted to get to know it.”

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Like Kaspar, he took part in the “Whitsun Meeting of Youth”, a 1964 communist-organised festival in East Berlin when The Beatles were played publicly for the first time and young people from the socialist east and the capitalist west argued passionately about politics and danced together in the streets.

And like the hero of The Granddaughter, Schlink also fell in love with an East German woman and helped her escape to the west. It was an intervention that caused frictions with his parents. “They felt I couldn’t take responsibility for ripping a young person out of her world, away from her mother and two sisters,” he says. “But Margit, my girlfriend, never regretted it.”

Schlink uses his novel to explore the strange, disturbing world of Germany’s far right. His vehicle is Kaspar’s teenage granddaughter Sigrun, who has grown up in an extremist “liberated zone” in rural eastern Germany, denies the Holocaust and admires Nazi war criminals. Kaspar’s failed attempts to get through to her, delivered in Schlink’s spare, dispassionate style, are the most unsettling parts of the novel.

The author knows East Germany better than most of his contemporaries. He was the first West German professor to be invited to teach at East Berlin’s Humboldt University in 1990, just after the Wall fell, and also advised a roundtable of democracy activists who were trying to come up with a new constitution for East Germany.

He witnessed the euphoria after the end of communism, but also the disappointments. “There was lots of injustice,” Schlink says. “In the military, in the civil service, in government, and in business, an entire elite was forced to go and was replaced by elites from the west.”

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In addition, the “more earnest” easterners also grew disillusioned with the “hedonism and unseriousness” of the west. “They had this idea of democracy that came from a picture book, where politicians are responsible, care about their voters’ concerns and deal with them,” he says. “They were good democrats — almost too good. And then came disappointment with the ‘system’, and the ‘systemic parties’. And then the flight into protest.”

He is speaking just days after elections in the eastern states of Thuringia and Saxony, where the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) has made spectacular gains, an outcome that prompted pained editorials about the growing divide between east and west, 34 years after reunification.

Schlink is unsurprised that such an unapologetically ethno-nationalist party should do so well in the former communist east. “In West Germany people wanted to be Europeans and Atlanticists first,” he says. “In the GDR people were always much less self-conscious about being German.”

It is one of many moments when the turbulence of Germany’s history comes to dominate the conversation. Schlink recalls childhood holidays spent with his Swiss grandfather, a history nut: “With his walking stick he could draw battle plans from Sempach to Waterloo on the forest floor,” he says.

From then on, “I always felt that German history is my history,” he says. “I am German and it’s part of me. And I realise more and more how much I am shaped by it.”

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The Granddaughter by Bernhard Schlink, translated by Charlotte Collins Weidenfeld & Nicolson £20/HarperCollins $28.99, 336 pages

Guy Chazan is the FT’s Berlin bureau chief

Join our online book group on Facebook at FT Books Café and subscribe to our podcast Life & Art wherever you listen

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China deflation pressure mounts as investors seek more stimulus for economy

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China deflation pressure mounts as investors seek more stimulus for economy

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China’s deflationary pressures picked up in September with weaker than expected consumer and factory prices, underlining calls for Beijing to deliver a bigger package of measures to lift the economy.

The softer data comes as China’s volatile markets await more detailed information on Beijing’s stimulus plans, after a Ministry of Finance press conference on Saturday that pledged more spending but gave few new figures.

China’s consumer prices index was up 0.4 per cent year on year in September, the National Bureau of Statistics said on Sunday, weaker than a Bloomberg poll of analysts that forecast a 0.6 per cent gain and down from 0.6 per cent in August.

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The producer prices index fell 2.8 per cent year on year, compared with analysts’ forecasts of a decline of 2.6 per cent. The fall accelerated from 1.8 per cent in August and was the steepest decline in six months.

Goldman Sachs said consumer inflation was supported by rising prices for food, which were affected by adverse weather conditions and seasonal demand before the Golden Week holiday that started on October 1.

The weak inflation readings highlight how China’s economy is suffering from deflationary pressures stemming from a deep property crisis that has hit household demand.

They come ahead of government data scheduled to be released this week that is expected to paint a picture of a two-speed economy, with strong trade numbers set to be offset by weak third-quarter gross domestic product figures on Friday.

Economists expect China’s third-quarter GDP to have grown by less than Beijing’s official target of 5 per cent year on year.

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Analysts cautioned that if growth slows further and China’s export engine begins to hit more roadblocks, such as protectionism from important trade partners, policymakers will have to take more action.

“If the two-speed model [can] not continue, policymakers [will] need to escalate policy stimulus,” said Larry Hu, economist with Macquarie, in a note.

After months of incremental measures, the central bank announced a more forceful monetary stimulus in late September ahead of the national holiday, sparking a rally in China’s long-moribund stock markets.

Investors are waiting for Beijing to detail extra fiscal spending plans to back up the monetary stimulus but have been disappointed by a lack of detail in subsequent government announcements.

Analysts said that while markets want the government to present a more determined front on stimulus, Beijing will try to avoid flooding the market with credit. Past stimulus efforts are blamed for creating a property market bubble.

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Attention is turning to the next leadership meeting of the National People’s Congress, China’s rubber-stamp parliament, which technically has to approve any additional spending plans. A meeting is expected in the coming weeks.

The statistics bureau said weaker producer prices were driven by the “ferrous” metal smelting and rolling industry, down by 11 per cent year on year, and the petrol, coal and other fuel processing industries, down 9.4 per cent. The factory price of consumer goods also fell by 1.3 per cent.

On consumer prices, the bureau said the price of “new energy cars” — electric vehicles — and cars with traditional engines fell by 6.9 per cent and 6.1 per cent respectively.

China’s automotive market is characterised by fierce competition and excess capacity, leading many producers to increase low-cost exports.

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