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Way off the beaten track in Brazil’s diamond country

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Way off the beaten track in Brazil’s diamond country

Rain pummelled the roof of my tent, the sound mingling with the thunder of a nearby waterfall. After 10 days on the trail I had no clothes that weren’t damp and stinking. Ticks and mosquitoes had besieged my arms and legs. I lay in the dripping dark, wondering how it had come to this. Once upon a time, luxury travel was about gold taps and chocolates on the pillow. Of course, the genre has widened to include ever more exclusive and unusual experiences — but physical discomfort and insect bites were never part of the equation. 

I first encountered Gift of Go through its sprawling, lavishly illustrated website, which pitched the company as something of an antidote to a travel industry dedicated to commodifying adventure. Rather than selling “carefully crafted authenticity and readily collectible ‘once-in-a-lifetime’ experiences” this new company promised “true stories” and “the most compelling journeys on earth” — albeit at sky-high prices.

Paul Richardson and co-founder of Gift of Go Elisa Oliveira, centre, with some of the horsemen at a chapel in the village of Macacos © Eddie Lott

Gift of Go is the creation of Eddie Lott, 43, a Texan, and his wife Elisa Oliveira, 32, travel-industry newcomers based in the small town of Diamantina in northern Minas Gerais. Launched this year after three years of research and planning, the company’s trips include a 28-day expedition on foot and horseback in Brazil’s Serra do Espinhaço — a vast and little-visited mountain wilderness in the former diamond-mining region of Minas Gerais. Guests camp or stay in village houses, and pay a very luxurious-sounding $2,000 per person, per day, for the privilege.  

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Towards the end of 2023 I interviewed the couple several times by Zoom. Little did I know that in fact it was me who was being assessed — for my state of health, level of trekking experience, and general suitability to join them as a guinea pig on a condensed version of their 28-day trip, entitled “Diamonds/Wild Tales + Lost Trails”. Condensed it might be, but it was still a two-week journey through some very tough terrain indeed. 

Then the packing list arrived. It spoke volumes, but also opened up whole new vistas of doubt and trepidation. Sleeping mats, headlamps and heavy-duty bug sprays were all required. Clothes were to be soaked in liquid permethrin, a powerful insect repellent, to ward off ticks. Much of the modern language of hiking gear was foreign to me, but there were words even I could recognise — like “snakes”. A pair of wraparound gaiters for protection against the region’s venomous serpents, which tend to attack at shin-level, was apparently essential.  

I flew in to São Paulo and took a connecting flight to Belo Horizonte, state capital of Minas Gerais, where Lott and Oliveira picked me up for the four-hour drive north to Diamantina. For 200 years during the Portuguese colonial era this small town was a global centre of the diamond trade. The rivers of northern Minas were dredged for gold and precious stones using slave labour, these riches being funnelled directly into the coffers of the Portuguese crown. With the final decline of the local diamond trade in the late 20th century, the region fell into grinding rural poverty and chronic depopulation.

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A view of a vast green landscape and a distant mountain
The peak of Itambé as seen from Pico do Raio, with the landscape of the cerrado in between © Eddie Lott
A trail of two tyre tracks leading down a hill into the distance
A dirt track in the Serra do Espinhaço
A ball-shaped flower formed of thousands of stems with small white heads
A paepalanthus, emblematic flower of the Serra do Espinhaço © Eddie Lott

What remains is its huge and almost entirely unexploited natural landscape. Today the conservation areas of the Serra do Espinhaço include a national park, various state parks and other reserves, adding up to more than 150,000ha of protected land. Our great trek’s (very roughly) circular route would take us south and east out of Diamantina into the back country along the Jequitinhonha river valley, moving up into the highlands of Rio Preto State Park and plunging into the immensity of Sempre Vivas National Park before looping back towards Diamantina and civilisation. This was, explained Lott, not only among the most sparsely populated regions anywhere in Brazil, but had almost no tourist infrastructure either.

Early on an April morning we left São Gonçalo do Rio das Pedras, a low-rise colonial village where a rustic pousada would be the last conventional accommodation I’d be seeing for a while, heading into wide-open country where white sand trails once used by mule-riding tropeiros (commercial travellers) meandered between rocky uplands. Accompanying us was Julio Brabo, a local geologist, geographer and trail guide with a wide-ranging knowledge of the Serra do Espinhaço in all its grandeur and complexity. Understanding these surroundings meant learning from Brabo about the various biomes we’d be traversing, such as mata atlântica, the broadleaved forest typical of southern and eastern Brazil, and cerrado, a rocky savannah of tremendous biodiversity. 

After a long wet summer a blazing sun had kick-started the Serra into exuberant life. The cerrado was exploding in blasts of purple, yellow, white, and Barbie pink. By the side of the trail lay a bunch of small white sempre-viva flowers with a button-like shape and long thin stems, seemingly left there to dry. Sempre-viva is highly valued by the international floristry trade, said Brabo, and gathering the flowers provides a source of revenue for the hardscrabble rural communities on the outer edges of the Serra.

Water tumbles off the side of a cliff sending white spray into the air
One of the many hidden waterfalls in Sempre Vivas National Park © Eddie Lott
Men sit drinking around a camp fire in the dark
Julio Brabo, a geologist and trail guide with a wide-ranging knowledge of the Serra do Espinhaço, with some locals
A coffee cup and a flask perched on a rock
Coffee served in a cave used by flower-pickers © Eddie Lott

Our walking fell into a quick, steady rhythm. The four of us moved ahead in single file, scrambling up rough hillsides of quartzite rock, fording streams and picking through boggy meadows. As we went, Lott told me tales of his days as a backpacking wanderer in Central and South America, his recycling business in Dallas, Texas, and his career as a singer-songwriter (his 2015 album “Blame It On My Wild Soul” is still streaming on Spotify). Oliveira, an architect by training, was born and raised in Minas Gerais.

Lott had driven through the region in 2013 and, when he stopped at a gas station, took a photo of the lush green surroundings. When the image popped up as an automated “memory” on his phone a few years later, he decided to return to explore. “That was the start of my relationship with the Espinhaço,” he says. “It was hard going, but amazing and beautiful. It was so remote. And best of all, there was nobody here.”


From the top of Pico do Raio at 1,405 metres, massive views stretched to a bluish horizon. The silence up here was deep and viscous. Flocks of yellow and black swallowtail butterflies fluttered ecstatically around the summit. After a hard climb my breath came in gasps, my heart thumping over billows of nausea. If this was described in the itinerary as an “easy” 25km day, I reflected nervously, how on earth would I cope with a difficult one?

A man sits at the wheel of a van
Gift of Go’s support vehicle, a 1989 Toyota Bandeirante, with driver Natanael ‘Xaxau’ Nardis © Eddie Lott

The answer would come soon enough. Out in this untrammelled wilderness there would be moments of exhaustion, but also of exhilaration, such as I’d never known in a lifetime of travel. Some nights we slept in tents in forest clearings or on white-sand river beaches. Other times our lodgings were dirt-floored adobe houses in remote hamlets. Especially when the going got tough, I privately wondered about Gift of Go’s business model and its potential clientele — both willing and able to take on this spartan travel regime, and happy to pay for it to the tune of $2000 a day, or even more for the bespoke trips on offer. For many years Lott had had in mind the idea of offering “transformative journeys” in off-the-map places. The course he took at the Boulder Outdoor Survival School (BOSS), a survival-skills centre in the Utah desert where he shared water rations with multi-millionaire executives, suggested there might be a niche market for this kind of hardcore adventure tourism.

Day five was a 31k monster. After reveille at 4am and a breakfast of sweet black coffee and biscuits, we set off along a valley where giant mango trees stood like oaks and humpbacked cattle grazed the verdant meadows. Grey crags in phantasmagorical, eroded forms thrust themselves out of the landscape; up ahead loomed the forbidding, flat-topped peak of Itambé (2052 metres).

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“Where in Europe does this scene remind you of?” asked Lott. I racked my brain, but his question went unanswered. Everything here was new and strange; nothing lay within my frame of reference.

A view down a sloping rock face towards hills and a sunset
Sunset at the Santa Bárbara waterfall © Eddie Lott
Riding gear hanging on nails on the wall of a shed, with bound flowers
Still-life at a remote farm, with drying sempre-viva flowers
A couple stand in the bright-green frame of a window of their home
Santos and Maria Conceiçao, at their home in Bica d’Agua, a stop enroute © Eddie Lott

A rushing sound in the distance might be one of two things: a breeze blowing through the waving indaiá palms, or a fast-flowing river with waters whose natural tannins stained them the colour of Coca-Cola. Sometimes we’d stop beside one of these rivers to sling off our backpacks, fill up our water bottles, and nibble on Brazilian trail food like banana bars and biscoitinho, a weirdly addictive tapioca puff.

Dusk was falling when we pitched up at the house of Santos Evaristo and Maria da Conceiçao Aguiar, an elderly couple belonging to the Espinhaço’s ever-decreasing population of subsistence farmers. From the valley bottom came the rumble of a waterfall. At the farmhouse Maria bustled barefoot around her earth-floored kitchen. On a wood-fired range sat bubbling pans of frango caipira (chicken stew), costelinha (braised pork ribs), fried okra, beans, and the polenta-like maize porridge angú — the ribsticking repertoire of traditional mineiro cooking. Ravenous with hunger, we piled our tin plates high while Santos, wearing a battered cowboy hat and a grizzled moustache, handed round jam jars full of home-made cachaça.

Men try to free a jeep tilted sideways in a gully
The back-up Bandeirante, a 1989 Toyota 4×4 with a Mercedes engine, gets stuck in the mud in Sempre Vivas National Park © Eddie Lott
A man cuts his way through dense growth
Eddie Lott in bushwhacking mode in Sempre Vivas National Park © Eddie Lott

We would need all the sustenance we could get. Jewel in the crown of northern Minas’ conservation areas is the mighty Sempre Vivas National Park, which covers an area the size of Los Angeles but whose inhabitants could be counted (said Lott) on the fingers of two hands. It was here, I found, that the demands of the trek were at their harshest. In the taquaral, a dense bamboo forest at the heart of the park, the trails had grown over and Lott began bushwhacking to left and right with a machete like a real-life Indiana Jones. Careful with the unha de gato, said Oliveira: the fearful spines of the “cat’s claw” creeper can rip your flesh open. Despite the permethrin, clumps of tiny ticks had begun to appear around my waist and thighs.

Unlike the usual run of high-end adventure operators, Gift of Go doesn’t do glamping, Aman-style luxe-in-the-middle-of-nowhere, or surprise-and-delight dinners with white linen tablecloths in stunning locations. (Though Lott’s veggie risotto, cooked on a calor-gas burner poised on a boulder, wasn’t bad at all.) Bathing possibilities were reduced (or increased) to a dip in the river. Toilet facilities involved wandering a discreet distance from the camp with a trowel in hand, keeping a weather eye out for snakes.

Two men walk along a trail some distance apart. A cow stands at the side of the road
Walking along a hidden valley on day three © Eddie Lott
Water runs down the side of rocks into a dark green pool
A remote waterfall in Pico do Itambé State Park © Eddie Lott

Yet there were many compensations. Various sections of the trek were undertaken on mules and horses provided by local cowboys, and one evening we made a memorable four-hour descent from the high plains of Sempre Vivas to the village of Curimataí, my sure-footed mule picking its way down a perilous stony gorge under a refulgent moon.   

Another great pay-off was chasing waterfalls. The Serra do Espinhaço is prodigal in the number and magnificence of its cachoeiras or waterfalls, some of which are so inaccessible they may not have been visited for years. At one nameless wonder, reached by a tortuous trail through thick scrub, we clambered down to lounge at the base of the falls, awestruck by the water’s howling roar and the savage beauty of this lost world.

In the mud-spattered settlement of Quartéis we spent our last night on the fringes of the Espinhaço. In our two weeks of tramping the trails of the Serra, extraordinary as it seemed, we’d seen not a single fellow traveller. This was the land that not only time, but also tourism, had forgotten.

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We stumbled back into Diamantina on a Saturday night when the town was brimful of visitors for the Vesperata, a festival with local bandsmen playing from the balconies. Feeling out of place in our sweaty, grimy clothes, we wandered the cobbled streets, thinking how overdressed and overfed these party people looked and how the Espinhaço’s ragged, rugged wilderness already seemed half a world away.

A large crowd gather in a square lit at night, listening to and dancing to music
The Vesperata music festival in Diamantina © Eddie Lott

I would miss our little gang of four. Lott and Oliveira plan to maintain the intimate, hands-on vibe of their fledgling company, guiding the trips in person and keeping guest numbers down to a single individual or small group. But what about the price? Is this simply a company selling backpacking to the very well-off? While admitting the rates might be “uncommon”, Lott argues they are fair given the client/staff ratio and remote locations. Each trip has five full-time staff and between five and 15 more part-time helpers, horsemen, cooks and so on. “Each one is highly personalised and crafted — and we only guide very few per year.” For Gift of Go’s next phase he is turning his attention to two more of the world’s untouristed places: the Darién Gap on the Panama/Colombia border, and the lonely deserts of Big Bend Country where in south west Texas bumps up against northern Mexico. 

Certainly this trek in the Brazilian highlands had been unlike any journey I’d undertaken. The challenges it posed had left me tired and four kilos lighter than when I’d started, but there was also a deep satisfaction and a new confidence in my capacity for physical endurance. I thought of those Shakespeare plays where characters go into a wood and emerge lightly bruised by their adventures, but permanently wiser.

Paul Richardson was a guest of Gift of Go (thegiftofgo.com)

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Mojtaba Khamenei, son of former supreme leader, tipped to become Iran’s next head of state

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Mojtaba Khamenei, son of former supreme leader, tipped to become Iran’s next head of state

Mojtaba Khamenei, the second son of the assassinated Ali Khamenei, is being heavily tipped to succeed his father as supreme leader of Iran, which would pitch a hardliner into the task of steering the Islamic republic through the most turbulent period in its 48-year history and offer a powerful signal that, for now, it has no intention of changing course.

No official confirmation has been given and the announcement may be delayed until after the funeral of Ali Khamenei, which was on Wednesday postponed.

His son is believed to have been the choice of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and the Israeli defence minister, Gideon Saar, has warned he will be assassinated.

Ayatollah Seyed Khatani, a member of the Assembly of Experts, the body that chooses the new supreme leader, said the assembly was close to selecting a leader.

Rigid in his anti-western views, Mojtaba Khamenei is not the candidate Donald Trump would have wanted. Marco Rubio, the US secretary of state, said on Tuesday that Iran was run by “religious fanatic lunatics” – and Khamenei’s appointment is hardly likely to dispel that opinion.

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The choice of supreme leader is made by the 88-strong Assembly of Experts, who in this case are picking from a field of six possible candidates. His election would be a powerful if unsurprising symbol that the government is not looking to find an accommodation with America.

Trump has said the worst-case scenario would be if Khamenei’s successor was “as bad as the previous person”.

There has been speculation for more than a decade that he would be his father’s successor, which grew when Ebrahim Raisi, the elected president and favourite of Khamenei, was killed in a helicopter crash.

Mojtaba Khamenei was born in 1969 and studied theology after graduating from high school. At the age of 17, he went to serve in the Iran-Iraq war, but it was not until the late 1990s that he came to be recognised as a public figure in his own right.

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After the landslide defeat of Khamenei’s preferred candidate, Ali Akbar Nategh Nuri, in the 1997 presidential election, where he won only 25% of the final vote, various conservative Iranian groups realised the need to make changes to their structures and Mojtaba Khamenei was central to that project.

He was also seen as instrumental by reformists in suppressing the protests in 2009 that came after allegations the presidential election had been rigged, with his name chanted in the streets as one of those responsible. Mostafa Tajzadeh, a senior member of Iran’s reformist parties who was imprisoned after the vote, alleged that his and his wife, Fakhr al-Sadat Mohtashamipour’s, legal case was under the direct supervision of Mojtaba Khamenei.

In 2022 he was given the title of ayatollah – essential to his promotion. By then he was a regular figure by his father’s side at political meetings, as well as playing an influential role in the Islamic Republic’s Broadcasting Corporation, the government’s official media outlet often criticised for churning out dull political propaganda that many Iranians reject in favour of overseas satellite channels. He has also played a central role in the administration of his father’s substantial financial empire.

His closest political allies are Ahmad Vahidi, the newly appointed IRGC commander; Hossein Taeb, a former head of the IRGC’s intelligence organisation; and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the current speaker of the parliament.

His rumoured appointment and its hereditary nature has long been resisted by reformists. The former prime minister Mir Hossein Mousavi, referring to the long history of rumours about Mojtaba Khamenei succeeding his father as leader, wrote in 2022: “News of this conspiracy have been heard for 13 years. If they are not truly pursuing it, why don’t they deny such an intention once and for all?”

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The Assembly of Experts, in response, denounced “meaninglessness of doubts” and said the assembly would select only “the most qualified and the most suitable”.

Israel on Tuesday struck the building in the Iranian city of Qom, one of Shia Islam’s main seats of power, where the assembly was scheduled, but the building was empty, according to IRGC-affiliated media.

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Video: Senators Question Kristi Noem on ICE Immigration Tactics

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Video: Senators Question Kristi Noem on ICE Immigration Tactics

new video loaded: Senators Question Kristi Noem on ICE Immigration Tactics

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Senators Question Kristi Noem on ICE Immigration Tactics

Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem repeatedly refused to apologize for suggesting that Alex Pretti and Renee Good, two U.S. citizens shot and killed by agents, were domestic terrorists.

What we’ve seen is a disaster under your leadership, Ms. Noem. A disaster. What we’ve seen is innocent people getting detained that turn out are American citizens. I could talk about the culture that’s been created here. After the killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti, when I spoke to Alex’s parents, they told me that you calling him a domestic terrorist — this was directly from them — the day after he was killed, a nurse in our V.A., Alex — one of the most hurtful things they could ever imagine was said by you about their son. Do you have anything you want to say to Alex Pretti’s parents? Ma’am, I did not call him a domestic terrorist. I said It appeared to be an incident of — I think the parents saw it for what it was. In a hearing — recent hearing before the HSGAC committee, C.B.P. and ICE officials testified under oath that their agencies did not inform you that Pretti was a domestic terrorist — during that hearing, stated during that hearing, I was getting reports from the ground, from agents at the scene, and I would say that it was a chaotic scene. How did you think that calling them domestic terrorists at that scene was somehow going to calm the situation? The fact that you can’t admit to a mistake, which looks like under investigation, it’s going to prove that Ms. Good and Mr. Pretti probably should not have been shot in the face and in the back. Law enforcement needs to learn from that. You don’t protect them by not looking after the facts.

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Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem repeatedly refused to apologize for suggesting that Alex Pretti and Renee Good, two U.S. citizens shot and killed by agents, were domestic terrorists.

By Christina Kelso and Jackeline Luna

March 3, 2026

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Pregnant migrant girls are being sent to a Texas shelter flagged as medically risky

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Pregnant migrant girls are being sent to a Texas shelter flagged as medically risky

The Trump administration is sending pregnant unaccompanied minors to a South Texas shelter (above) flagged as medically inadequate by officials from the Office of Refugee Resettlement. The facility is run by a for-profit contractor called Urban Strategies.

Patricia Lim/KUT News


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Patricia Lim/KUT News

The Trump administration is sending all pregnant unaccompanied minors apprehended by immigration enforcement to a single group shelter in South Texas. The decision was made over urgent objections from some of the administration’s own health and child welfare officials, who say both the facility and the region lack the specialized care the girls need.

That’s according to seven officials who work at the Office of Refugee Resettlement within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, which takes custody of children who cross the border without a parent or legal guardian, or are separated from family by immigration authorities. The children remain in ORR’s care until they can be released to an adult or deported, or turn 18.

All of the officials asked not to be named for fear of retaliation.

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Since late July, more than a dozen pregnant minors have been placed at the Texas facility, which is in the small border city of San Benito. Some were as young as 13, and at least half of those taken in so far became pregnant as a result of rape, the officials said. Their pregnancies are considered high risk by definition, particularly for the youngest girls.

“This group of kids is clearly recognized as our most vulnerable,” one of the officials said. Rank-and-file staff, the official said, are “losing sleep over it, wondering if kids are going to be placed in programs where they’re not going to have access to the care they need.”

The move marks a sharp departure from longstanding federal practice, which placed pregnant, unaccompanied migrant children in ORR shelters or foster homes around the country that are equipped to handle high-risk pregnancies.

The ORR officials said they were never told why the girls are being concentrated in a single location, let alone in this particular shelter in Texas. But they — along with more than a dozen former government officials, health care professionals, migrant advocates and civil rights attorneys — worry the Trump administration is knowingly putting the children at risk to advance an ideological goal: denying them access to abortion by placing them in a state where it’s virtually banned.

“This is 100% and exclusively about abortion,” said Jonathan White, a longtime federal health official who ran ORR’s unaccompanied children program for part of President Trump’s first term. White, who recently retired from the government, said the administration tried and failed to restrict abortion access for unaccompanied minors in 2017. “Now they casually roll out what they brutally fought to accomplish last time and didn’t.”

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Asked if the administration is sending pregnant children to San Benito to restrict their access to abortion, HHS said in a statement that the allegation was “completely inaccurate.”

In an earlier statement, the department said that “ORR’s placement decisions are guided by child welfare best practices and are designed to ensure each child is housed in the safest, most developmentally appropriate setting, including for children who are pregnant or parenting.”

But several of the ORR officials took issue with the department’s statement. “ORR is supposed to be a child welfare organization,” one of them said. “Putting pregnant kids in San Benito is not a decision you make when you care about children’s safety.”

ORR’s acting director, Angie Salazar, instructed agency staff to send “any pregnant children” to San Benito beginning July 22, 2025, according to an internal email obtained as part of a six-month investigation by The California Newsroom and The Texas Newsroom, public media collaboratives that worked together to produce this story.

A copy of the July 22, 2025, email notifying ORR supervisors of the directive to send pregnant unaccompanied minors to a single shelter in San Benito, Texas. The move comes over objections from the government’s own health and child welfare officials.

A copy of the July 22, 2025, email notifying ORR supervisors of the directive to send pregnant unaccompanied minors to a single shelter in San Benito, Texas. The move comes over objections from the government’s own health and child welfare officials.
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Several of the officials said a handful of pregnant girls have mistakenly been placed in other shelters because immigration authorities didn’t know they were pregnant when they were transferred to ORR custody.

Since the July order, none of the pregnant girls at the San Benito facility have experienced major medical problems, according to the ORR officials and Aimee Korolev, deputy director of ProBAR, an organization that provides legal services to children there. They said several of the girls have given birth and are detained with their infants.

But ORR officials interviewed for this story said they worry the shelter is only one high-risk pregnancy away from catastrophe.

“I feel like we’re just waiting for something terrible to happen,” one of the officials said.

‘Blown away by the level of risk’

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There are dozens of ORR shelters or foster homes across the country that are designated to care for pregnant unaccompanied children, according to several of the ORR officials, with 12 in Texas alone. None of them could recall a time when all of the pregnant minors in the agency’s custody were concentrated in one shelter.

Detaining them in San Benito, Texas, doctors and public health experts said, is a dangerous gambit.

“It’s not good to be a pregnant person in Texas, no matter who you are,” said Annie Leone, a nurse midwife who recently spent five years caring for pregnant and postpartum migrant women and girls at a large family shelter not far from San Benito. “So, to put pregnant migrant kids in Texas, and then in one of the worst health care regions of Texas, is not good at all.”

The specialized obstetric care that exists in Texas is mostly available in its larger cities, hours from San Benito. And several factors, including the high number of uninsured patients, have eroded the availability of health care across the state.

Furthermore, Texas’ near-ban on abortion has been especially devastating to obstetric care. The law allows an exception in cases where the pregnant person’s life is in danger or one of her bodily functions is at risk, but doctors have been confused as to what that means.

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Many doctors have left to practice elsewhere, and those who’ve stayed are often scared to perform procedures they worry could come with criminal charges. While Texas passed a law clarifying the exceptions last year, experts have said it may not be enough to assuage doctors’ fears.

Several maternal health experts listed the potential dangers for the girls at the San Benito shelter: If one of them develops an ectopic pregnancy (where the fertilized egg implants outside the uterus), if she miscarries or if her water breaks too early and she gets an infection, the emergency care she needs could be delayed or denied by doctors wary of the abortion ban.

Getting the care that is available could take too long to save her life or the baby’s, they added.

Adolescents are also more likely to give birth early, which can be life-threatening for both mother and baby. The youngest face complications during labor and delivery because their pelvises aren’t fully developed, said Dr. Anne-Marie Amies Oelschlager, an obstetrician in Washington state who specializes in adolescent pregnancy.

“These are young adolescents who are still going through puberty,” she said. “Their bodies are still changing.”

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Pregnant girls who recently endured the often harrowing journey to the U.S. face even more risk, obstetrics experts said. Experts who work with migrant children say many are raped along the way and contract sexually transmitted infections that can be dangerous during pregnancy. Add to that little to no access to prenatal care or proper nourishment, and then the trauma of being detained.

“You couldn’t set up a worse scenario,” said Dr. Blair Cushing, who runs a women’s health clinic in McAllen, about 45 minutes from San Benito. “I’m kind of blown away by the level of risk that they’re concentrating in this facility.”

A history of problems

The San Benito shelter is owned and operated by Urban Strategies, a for-profit company that has contracted with the federal government to care for unaccompanied children for more than a decade, according to USAspending.gov.

Meliza Fonseca lives across the street from the San Benito shelter. She said she occasionally sees kids in the yard on weekends, “but for the most part, you don’t see them.”

Meliza Fonseca lives across the street from the San Benito shelter. She said she occasionally sees kids in the yard on weekends, “but for the most part, you don’t see them.”

Patricia Lim/KUT

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The main building, an old tan brick Baptist Church, occupies a city block in downtown San Benito, a quiet town of about 25,000. The church was converted to a migrant shelter in 2015 and was managed by two other contractors before Urban Strategies took it over in 2021.

On a fall day last year, there were no signs of activity at the facility, though children’s lawn toys and playground equipment were visible behind a wooden fence. A guard was stationed at one of the entrances.

“It’s pretty quiet, just like it is today,” said Meliza Fonseca, who lives nearby. “That’s the way it is every day.”

She said she occasionally sees kids playing in the yard on weekends, “but for the most part, you don’t see them.”

Reached by email, the founder and president of Urban Strategies, Lisa Cummins, wrote that the company is “deeply committed to the care and well-being of the children we serve,” and directed any questions about ORR-contracted shelters to the federal government.

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When asked about the San Benito facility, HHS wrote that “Urban Strategies has a long-standing record of delivering high-quality care to pregnant unaccompanied minors, with a consistently low staff turnover.”

But the ORR officials who spoke with the newsrooms said that as recently as 2024, staff members at the shelter failed to arrange timely medical appointments for pregnant girls or immediately share critical health information with the federal agency and discharged some of them without arrangements to continue their medical care.

ORR barred the shelter from receiving pregnant girls from September to December of 2024 while Urban Strategies implemented a remediation plan, but the plan did not add staff or enhance their qualifications, the officials said.

Some of the officials said ORR’s leadership was provided with a list of shelters that are better prepared to handle children with high-risk pregnancies. All of those shelters are outside Texas, in regions where the full range of necessary medical care is available. Yet the directive to place them at San Benito remains in place.

“It’s cruel, it’s just cruel,” one of the officials said. “They don’t care about any of these kids. They’re playing politics with children’s health.”

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‘A dress rehearsal’

Jonathan White, who ran ORR’s unaccompanied children program from January of 2017 to March of 2018, said he wasn’t surprised to learn that the new administration is moving pregnant unaccompanied children to Texas.

“I’ve been expecting this since Trump returned to office,” White said in an interview.

He said he views the San Benito order as a continuation of an anti-abortion policy shift that began in 2017, which “ultimately proved to be a dress rehearsal for the current administration.”

Scott Lloyd, the agency’s director at the time, denied girls in ORR custody permission to end their pregnancies, court records show. Lloyd also required the girls to get counseling about the benefits of motherhood and the harms of abortion and personally pleaded with some of them to reconsider.

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“I worked to treat all of the children in ORR care with dignity, including the unborn children,” Lloyd told the newsrooms in an email.

In the fall of 2017, the American Civil Liberties Union filed a class action lawsuit against Lloyd and the Trump administration on behalf of pregnant girls in ORR custody. The ACLU argued that denying the girls abortions violated their constitutional rights, established by the Supreme Court in its 1973 Roe v. Wade decision.

Not long after the lawsuit was filed, White said, he received a late-night phone call from Lloyd, who had a request. He wanted White to transfer an unaccompanied pregnant girl who was seeking an abortion to a migrant shelter in Texas, where, under state law, it would have been too late for her to terminate her pregnancy. White said that he believed following the order would have been unlawful because it might have denied the girl access to legal relief under the lawsuit, so he refused. The girl was not transferred.

Lloyd, who has since left the government, acknowledged making the request but said he didn’t think it was illegal.

The lawsuit was settled in 2020; the first Trump administration agreed not to impede abortion access for migrant youth in federal custody going forward. Four years later, the Biden administration cemented the deal in official regulations: If a child who wanted to terminate her pregnancy was detained in a state where it was not legal, ORR had to move them to a state where it was.

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That rule remains in place, and the agency appears to be following it: ORR has transferred two pregnant girls out of Texas since July, though the agency officials said one of the girls chose not to terminate her pregnancy.

But now that Trump is back in office, his administration is working to end the policy.

‘Elegant and simple’

Even before Trump won reelection, policymakers in his circle were planning a renewed attempt to restrict abortion rights for unaccompanied minors.

Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s blueprint for a politically conservative overhaul of the federal government, called for ORR to stop facilitating abortions for children in its care. The plan advised the government not to detain unaccompanied children in states where abortion is available.

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Such a change is now possible, Project 2025 argued, because Roe v. Wade is no longer an obstacle. Since the Supreme Court overturned the landmark decision in 2022, there is no longer a federal right to abortion.

Upon returning to office, Trump signed an executive order “to end the forced use of Federal taxpayer dollars to fund or promote elective abortion.”

Then, in early July, the Department of Justice reconsidered a longstanding federal law, known as the Hyde Amendment, that governs the use of taxpayer money for abortion. The DOJ concluded that the government cannot pay to transport detainees from one state to another to facilitate abortion access, except in cases of rape or incest or to save the life of the mother.

And now, ORR is working to rescind the Biden-era requirement that pregnant girls requesting an abortion be moved to states where it’s available. On Jan. 23, the agency submitted the proposed change for government approval, though it has not yet published the details.

Several of the ORR officials who spoke with the newsrooms said it’s unclear whether children in the agency’s custody who have been raped or need emergency medical care will still be allowed to get abortions.

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“HHS does not comment on pending or pre-decisional rulemaking,” the department wrote when asked for details of the regulatory change. “ORR will continue to comply with all applicable federal laws, including requirements for providing necessary medical care to children in ORR custody.”

The day the change was submitted, an unnamed Health and Human Services spokesperson told The Daily Signal, a conservative news site, “Our goal is to save lives both for these young children that are coming across the border, that are pregnant, and to save the lives of their unborn babies.”

Experts who spoke with the newsrooms said it’s unclear why the government would concentrate pregnant children in one Texas shelter, rather than disperse them at shelters throughout the state. But they said they’re convinced that the San Benito directive and the anti-abortion rule change are meant to work hand in hand: Once pregnant children are placed at the San Benito shelter, the new regulations could mean they cannot be moved out of Texas to get abortions — even if keeping them there puts them at risk.

“It’s so elegant and simple,” said White, the former head of the unaccompanied children program. “All they have to do is send them to Texas.”

Mark Betancourt is a freelance journalist and regular contributor to The California Newsroom.

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Mose Buchele with The Texas Newsroom contributed reporting.

This story was produced by The California Newsroom and The Texas Newsroom. The California Newsroom is a collaboration of public media outlets that includes NPR, CalMatters, KQED (San Francisco), LAist and KCRW (Los Angeles), KPBS (San Diego) and other stations across the state. The Texas Newsroom is a public radio journalism collaboration that includes NPR, KERA (North Texas), Houston Public Media, KUT (Austin), Texas Public Radio (San Antonio) and other stations across the state.

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