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U.S. cannabis shoppers face a market flush with illegal weed

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U.S. cannabis shoppers face a market flush with illegal weed

In much of the U.S., illegal cannabis outcompetes legal weed sold in licensed shops. Officers with the law enforcement division of the California Department of Cannabis Control confiscate unlicensed marijuana plants in the Goldridge neighborhood of Fairfield, Calif., on Jan. 9.

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Maggie Andresen for NPR

FAIRFIELD, Calif. On a crisp winter morning last month, Sgt. Erin McAtee watched as members of his team with the California Department of Cannabis Control executed a search warrant at a home in Fairfield, halfway between Sacramento and San Francisco.

They broke open the door of what looked on the outside like any other upscale suburban house on this street. Inside, the home had been gutted, transformed into a smelly mess of marijuana plants, grow lights, chemicals and pesticides.

“You can see the mold down on the tarp down there,” McAtee said. “Yup, that’s mold.” His team also identified chemicals and pesticides not approved in the U.S. for use with consumer products like legal cannabis.

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Sergeant Erin Mcatee led the raids of three private residences for unlicensed marijuana production in the Goldridge neighborhood of Fairfield, California on Thursday, January 9, 2025. Officers recovered 2,001 pounds of cannabis plants and 167.56 pounds of cannabis shake.

Sgt. Erin McAtee led the raids of three private residences for unlicensed marijuana production in the Goldridge neighborhood of Fairfield, Calif. Officers recovered 2,001 pounds of cannabis plants and 167.56 pounds of cannabis shake.

Maggie Andresen for NPR


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A dozen years after states first started legalizing recreational marijuana, this is the complicated world of American cannabis.

On the one hand, weed is now as normal to many consumers as a glass of wine or a bottle of beer. A growing number of companies offer government tested, well-regulated products. But a huge amount of the cannabis being sold in the U.S. still comes from bootleg operations. California officials acknowledge illegal sales still far outpace transactions through licensed shops and vendors.

According to McAtee, it’s often difficult even for experienced agents to tell weed sourced through regulated channels from the criminal stuff.

“Our undercovers will buy cannabis from people who are outwardly pretending to be legit,” he told NPR. “They’ll tell you they have a license and that everything they’re doing is legit.”

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If it’s hard for experienced cops to distinguish regulated weed from black market products, it can be nearly impossible for average consumers. Advocates of marijuana legalization say it’s disturbing that unregulated weed plays such a big role.

“We’re talking about a market that lacks transparency and accountability,” said Paul Armentano, head of NORML, the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws. He said any time a consumer product is being sold without proper regulation, it’s risky.

“Whether I was getting cannabis or alcohol or my broccoli from an entirely unregulated market, I’d be concerned about any number of issues,” Armentano said.

An officer with the Law Enforcement Division of California's Department of Cannabis Control confiscates unlicensed marijuana plants.

An officer with the California Department of Cannabis Control confiscates bunches of unlicensed marijuana plants.

Maggie Andresen for NPR


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Black market weed thrives, raising questions for consumers

Advocates of cannabis decriminalization hoped legal weed companies would quickly move past this problem, eclipsing criminal growers and processors.

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So far, the opposite has happened. Vanda Felbab-Brown, who studies criminal drug markets for the Brookings Institution, said regulated cannabis producers often compete with a growing network of criminal gangs often rooted in mainland China.

“They’re spreading from the West Coast all the way up to Maine,” she said.

According to Felbab-Brown, Chinese criminal organizations are drawn to the marijuana business because it’s a relatively low risk to gain a foothold in communities. There’s relatively little law enforcement pressure, unlike with harder drugs such as fentanyl and methamphetamines.

“These illegal cannabis cultivation plantations are used by the Chinese criminal groups for laundering money, but there is also increasingly an intertwining with human smuggling of Chinese people into the U.S. that go through some of those networks. They wind up in fact being enslaved at the plantations,” she said.

NPR emailed Chinese officials to ask about the role of China-based organized crime in the U.S. cannabis industry but haven’t heard back. In the past, Beijing has suggested the U.S. is pointing fingers at China to divert attention from America’s drug and crime problems.

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The Law Enforcement Division of California's Department of Cannabis Control waits outside of one of the three private residences raided for unlicensed marijuana production.

The Law Enforcement Division of California’s Department of Cannabis Control waits outside of one of the three private residences raided for unlicensed marijuana production.

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Experts say criminal cannabis sellers wind up outcompeting licensed vendors. They don’t pay taxes or costly fees, which means their prices are often lower. They can also sell their product anywhere in the country, ignoring federal laws that prevent legal companies from shipping cannabis across state lines.

Black market weed then often winds up on store shelves, packaged in ways that can make it indistinguishable from legal regulated cannabis.

“There’s going to be mold and these banned pesticide and herbicides that are getting into the illegal product so that’s a grave concern,” said Bill Jones, head of enforcement for California’s Department of Cannabis Control. “I’m not sure all consumers are aware of that.”

What should consumers do?

With cannabis markets still difficult to navigate, experts interviewed by NPR said the most reliable way to find regulated cannabis is in licensed shops in states and communities where they’re allowed to operate. This often means paying a higher price, but the tradeoff in quality can be significant.

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A customer browses products for sale at the Green Goddess Collective legal cannabis dispensary in the Venice neighborhood of Los Angeles, California. State officials and many cannabis experts hope licensed shops will eventually displace the booming black market industry.

A customer browses products for sale at the Green Goddess Collective legal cannabis dispensary in the Venice neighborhood of Los Angeles, California. State officials and many cannabis experts hope licensed shops will eventually displace the booming black market industry.

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Many states where recreational cannabis is legal, including California and New Jersey and New York now have online advice to help people locate and buy legal marijuana. Double-check your brick-and-mortar shop to make sure it’s licensed and reputable.

Even when working through a reliable seller, cannabis experts said it’s a good idea to ask questions about sourcing and potency.

Everyone interviewed by NPR for this project said they expect it to get easier over time for people who choose to buy and use legal marijuana. Most pointed to the fact that America has gone through this kind of transition before with another popular consumer product: alcohol.

Alcohol prohibition was repealed in December 1933, but many states kept liquor bans on the books into the 1950s, creating the same kind of patchwork we now see with marijuana laws. Liquor bootleggers and smugglers continued to operate for years.

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“When you move from prohibition to legalization, it takes time,” said Beau Kilmer an expert on marijuana markets and co-director of the Rand Drug Policy Research Center.

A restricted entry sign is posted to a location in the Goldridge neighborhood.

A restricted entry sign is posted to a location in the Goldridge neighborhood.

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Maggie Andresen for NPR

According to Kilmer, many states have mismanaged this transition, focusing too much on regulating legal weed companies without helping them compete with criminal organizations.

“After [states] pass legalization, they’ll spend a couple of years coming up with the licensing regime and figuring out what the regulations are going to be and issuing licenses, but there hasn’t been a lot of focus on what to do about the illegal market. And in a lot of places, enforcement just hasn’t been a priority.”

This is changing in some places. In part to help legal operators compete, New York City has been cracking down on unlicensed marijuana retail stores. California officials say they seized nearly $200 million worth of illegally grown cannabis last year.

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Despite these efforts, black market weed is expected to remain “pervasive” for years to come, according to state officials and drug policy experts.

In Fairfield, Sgt. McAtee watched as a truck backed up to another illegal grow house, preparing to haul away a big crop of seized cannabis. He said this crop might have wound up on shelves anywhere in the U.S.

“A lot of the places we hit, they’re shipping their cannabis out of state, where they can make ten-fold [the profit] you’d make in California,” he said.

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Trump Is Trying to Gain More Power Over Elections. Is His Effort Legal?

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Trump Is Trying to Gain More Power Over Elections. Is His Effort Legal?

President Trump pushed on Tuesday to hand the executive branch unprecedented influence over how federal elections are run, signing a far-reaching and legally dubious order to change U.S. voting rules.

The executive order, which seeks to require proof of citizenship to register to vote as well as the return of all mail ballots by Election Day, is an attempt to upend centuries of settled election law and federal-state relations.

The Constitution gives the president no explicit authority to regulate elections. Instead, it gives states the power to set the “times, places and manner” of elections, leaving them to decide the rules, oversee voting and try to prevent fraud. Congress can also pass election laws or override state legislation, as it did with the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Yet Mr. Trump’s order, which follows a yearslong Republican push to tighten voting laws out of a false belief that the 2020 election was rigged, bypasses both the states and Congress. Republican lawmakers in Washington are trying to pass many of the same voting restrictions, but they are unlikely to make it through the Senate.

The order’s most eye-catching provisions are the requirements of proof of citizenship and the return of mail ballots by Election Day.

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But the order, which threatens to withhold federal funding from states that do not comply with it, includes a range of other measures.

It seeks to give federal agencies, including the Elon Musk-led team known as the Department of Government Efficiency, access to state voter rolls to check “for consistency with federal requirements.” It aims to set new rules for election equipment, which could force states to replace voting machines that use bar codes or QR codes. And it instructs the U.S. attorney general to hunt for and prosecute election crimes.

Probably not all of it, legal experts say — and voting rights groups and state attorneys general are already signaling that they will file challenges.

Several experts predicted that provisions of the order might well be found unlawful, though they said that others, like directions to Mr. Trump’s attorney general and other cabinet members, fell within legal bounds.

“It’s an attempt at a power grab,” said Richard L. Hasen, an election law expert at the University of California, Los Angeles. “The president has been seen in the past as having no role to play when it comes to the conduct of federal elections, and this attempt to assert authority over the conduct of federal elections would take power away from both an independent federal agency and from the states.”

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A central question surrounds Mr. Trump’s attempt to use the Election Assistance Commission, a federal agency that Congress created in 2002 to help election officials with their work, to enforce the proof-of-citizenship requirement.

Currently, Americans may register to vote in federal elections either through their state or by using a federal form created by the E.A.C. The form includes a box that registrants check to attest, under penalty of perjury, that they are U.S. citizens, but it does not require documentation as proof.

The executive order would force the E.A.C. to change that process to require a passport, state identification that includes citizenship information or military identification.

Legal experts dispute that Mr. Trump has the authority to force the agency, which Congress designated as “independent” and which includes two commissioners from each party, to take any action.

“He can ask nicely,” said Justin Levitt, a professor of constitutional law at Loyola Marymount University who served in the Biden administration. “But he thinks he’s got a power that, at least so far, he does not have. It would take a change in the law and the Supreme Court affirmatively approving a radical expansion of power of the executive.”

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Legal experts say the provision requiring all ballots to arrive by Election Day also probably exceeds the president’s legal authority, particularly the threat to withhold federal funding from those states that do not comply. (Seventeen states currently allow mail ballots postmarked by Election Day to be counted if they arrive soon afterward.)

“If the president is basically usurping the power of the purse by imposing limits on these grants that Congress itself did not impose, that could be the basis for constitutionally challenging these conditions,” said Laurence H. Tribe, a professor emeritus at Harvard Law School.

Mr. Trump’s attempt to force states to turn over voter data to Mr. Musk’s team and federal agencies recalls a similar program from the first Trump administration, a commission on “election integrity” led by Kris Kobach, who is now the Kansas attorney general.

The commission sought data from all 50 states, but 44 of them refused to comply. The Republican secretary of state in Mississippi told the commission to “go jump in the Gulf of Mexico.”

If the full order were to stand, it could potentially disenfranchise millions of Americans and cost state and local governments millions of dollars.

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About 21.3 million people do not have proof of citizenship readily available, according to a 2023 study by the Brennan Center for Justice, a voting rights and democracy group. Nearly four million people do not have the documents at all because they were lost, destroyed or stolen. The executive order does not allow for birth certificates to prove citizenship.

It is also unclear whether women who have changed their surname after marriage will face new hurdles in proving their citizenship.

The order could also lead election officials to throw out sizable numbers of ballots that arrive after Election Day. For example, in Nevada’s two largest counties in the 2022 general election, about 45,000 ballots arrived after Election Day and were counted, according to state data. In Washington State, Kim Wyman, a Republican former secretary of state, estimated that “about a third of the ballots in any given election” arrived on the Wednesday or Thursday after Election Day.

The order could put states in deep budget holes, as well. Many states, including the battlegrounds of Georgia and Pennsylvania, use voting machines with bar codes or QR codes. Replacing them would cost millions of dollars that the order does not provide.

Mr. Trump has made specious claims about voter fraud for decades, but since his 2020 election loss and the 2021 Capitol riot, he has pushed the issue to the center of Republican politics.

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Even though voter fraud is exceedingly rare, nearly every speech of Mr. Trump’s 2024 campaign included false claims that noncitizens were voting in American elections. He also railed against mail voting, even as Republican groups successfully pushed more of the party’s voters to cast ballots that way.

Jason Snead, the executive director of the Honest Elections Project, a conservative advocacy group tied to the activist Leonard Leo, said the executive order was simply enforcing laws already passed by Congress. He referred to a ruling from a federal appeals court that found that Congress’s selection of a federal Election Day meant all voting must be completed by that day, with no late-arriving ballots permitted.

“The executive order is acting well within the four corners of those existing laws, so we’re not breaking new ground in terms of legal authority,” Mr. Snead said. “We’re not breaking new ground in terms of the relationship between the federal government and the states.”

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Top Federal Reserve official says market angst over inflation would be ‘red flag’

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Top Federal Reserve official says market angst over inflation would be ‘red flag’

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Signs that investors in the US bond market are baking in higher inflation would be a “major red flag” that could upend policymakers’ plans to cut interest rates, a top Federal Reserve official warned.

The remarks from Austan Goolsbee, president of the Chicago Fed and a voting member of the Federal Open Market Committee, come just over a week after a closely watched University of Michigan poll showed households’ long-term inflation projections hit the highest level since 1993.

“If you start seeing market-based long-run inflation expectations start behaving the way these surveys have done in the last two months, I would view that as a major red flag area of concern,” Goolsbee told the Financial Times.

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The Fed last week nudged up its inflation outlook and slashed its growth forecast, as Donald Trump’s tariffs cascade across the world’s largest economy. Still, the central bank’s chair Jay Powell expressed confidence that inflation expectations remain in check, citing a subdued outlook in markets.

The five-year, five-year rate — a measure of markets’ assessment of price growth over the second half of the next decade — is 2.2 per cent. In contrast, consumers in the UMich poll forecast inflation of 3.9 per cent over the long term.

Goolsbee, who served as a top economic adviser to then-president Barack Obama, said that if investor expectations begin to converge with those of American households, the Fed would need to act: “Almost regardless of the circumstances, you must address that,” he said.

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Central bankers everywhere view keeping longer-term inflation expectations “anchored” as a crucial part of their job. If the public no longer trusts them, a vicious circle of higher wages and price increases could ensue.

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Keeping expectations under control now matters even more than usual, with the Fed struggling to bring inflation back in line with its 2 per cent inflation goal after the US economy suffered the biggest rise in prices since the 1980s, an increase fuelled by pandemic-era supply constraints.

Alberto Musalem, president of the St Louis Fed and another FOMC voter, told journalists on Wednesday: “I am very attuned to the fact that businesses and households only a few years ago went through an episode of high inflation and are likely to be more sensitive to that should inflation rise again for whatever reason.”

Musalem also echoed Goolsbee’s concerns over consumers’ concerns over higher prices seeping into other measures, saying in a speech earlier in the day that the Fed would need to maintain — or even consider tightening — monetary policy should medium- to longer-term expectations “begin to increase actual inflation or its persistence”.

The personal consumption expenditures price index, one of the Fed’s preferred measures, was 2.5 per cent in January.

Goolsbee said the central bank was no longer on the “golden path”, witnessed in 2023 and 2024, when inflation was seemingly falling back to 2 per cent, without derailing growth or raising unemployment. It had now entered “a different chapter”, where “there’s a lot of dust in the air”.

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The Fed has acknowledged Trump-induced uncertainty over the outlook for inflation and growth have waylaid its plans to cut interest rates from the current “restrictive” level of 4.25 per cent to 4.5 per cent.

Though officials still expect to make two quarter-point cuts at some point this year, the central bank held borrowing costs for the second meeting in a row last week.

Powell acknowledged that, partly in response to tariffs, “there may be a delay in further progress over the course of this year” on inflation.

Goolsbee said he believed borrowing costs would be “a fair bit lower” in 12-18 months from now, but cautioned it may take longer than anticipated for the next cut to come because of economic uncertainty.

“My view is that when there’s dust in the air, ‘wait and see’ is the correct approach when you face uncertainty,” he said. “But ‘wait and see’ is not free — it comes with a cost. You gain the ability to learn new information, [but] you lose some of the capacity to move gradually.”

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Goolsbee, who serves a district that covers Michigan, home to many of the major US carmakers, said the next three to six weeks would be “a critical period [when] we’re going to resolve a series of policy uncertainties”.

“When I’m out talking to executives here in the district, they are frequently citing April 2nd as a key point of their uncertainty,” Goolsbee said, referring to Trump’s so-called “Liberation Day”, when the president plans to unveil “reciprocal” tariffs on US trade partners.

“They don’t know what’s going to happen with tariffs, they don’t know how big they’re going to be, they don’t know whether there will be exemptions, how they would apply to the auto sector, especially, because of its integration with Canada and Mexico.”

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Federal judge who drew Trump's anger picks up new case against administration

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Federal judge who drew Trump's anger picks up new case against administration

President Trump takes questions from reporters during an Ambassador Meeting in the Cabinet Room of the White House on Tuesday, where he addressed the news that Jeffrey Goldberg, the editor-in-chief of The Atlantic, was accidentally added to a Signal group chat of top administration officials, where highly sensitive national security information was discussed.

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A federal judge in Washington who has caught the ire of President Trump for his role in the case involving the deportation of alleged gang members will also preside over a case involving the administration’s use of a messaging app to discuss military operations.

Chief Judge James Boasberg will oversee a new lawsuit brought against several senior national security officials after a reporter was unintentionally added to a Signal group chat where the planned bombing of Houthi targets in Yemen was discussed. Intelligence experts say the use of the chat group to discuss such operational matters is highly unusual. The White House denies that the matters discussed were classified.

While judges typically do not have control over what cases they are assigned, this latest assignment comes shortly after Boasberg has been in the spotlight while overseeing another high-profile case involving the Trump administration’s deportation of alleged Venezuelan gang members to El Salvador.

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Boasberg imposed a temporary restraining order on the action, but the administration is in the process of appealing.

Trump has criticized Boasberg’s handling of that case, calling him a “Radical Left Lunatic of a Judge” in a post on social media and arguing that the American public elected him to curb illegal immigration.

“I’m just doing what the VOTERS wanted me to do,” Trump said. “This judge, like many of the Crooked Judges’ I am forced to appear before, should be IMPEACHED!!!

The statement raised concern in the legal community and prompted Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts to say in a rare statement that “impeachment is not an appropriate response to disagreement concerning a judicial decision.”

As chief judge of the federal district court, Boasberg has dealt with legal matters involving Trump in the past. Notably, he ruled former Vice President Mike Pence had to testify in front of a grand jury in the Justice Department’s probe into Jan. 6.

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The latest legal challenge, this time over the Signal group chat, was brought by American Oversight, a watchdog group. The group alleges that the use of Signal violates federal law that covers the preservation of government records.

The lawsuit is directed toward the National Archives as well as Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency John Ratcliffe, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Secretary of State Marco Rubio — who were all present in the Signal group chat.

That discussion was first reported in The Atlantic by Jeffrey Goldberg, editor-in-chief of the magazine, who was the reporter accidentally added to the chat.

NPR disclosure: Katherine Maher, the CEO of NPR, chairs the board of the Signal Foundation.

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