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Matthew Perry's death: How 'Friends' actor was exploited in $55,000 Ketamine drug scheme – Times of India

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Matthew Perry's death: How 'Friends' actor was exploited in ,000 Ketamine drug scheme – Times of India
Matthew Perry’s personal assistant, two doctors, and two other people have been indicted for their roles in procuring ketamine that led to his death.
According to federal court documents filed in California, Perry’s assistant and an acquaintance collaborated with two doctors and a drug dealer to obtain tens of thousands of dollars worth of ketamine for Perry, who had a long history of substance abuse.
Key points of the indictment
Role of the defendants: The indictment details how Jasveen Sangha, dubbed the “Ketamine Queen,” and Dr Salvador Plasencia were involved in obtaining and distributing ketamine. Sangha maintained a “stash house” in North Hollywood, reported NYT. Plasencia, a physician at an urgent care center, facilitated the drug distribution despite Perry’s known history of drug abuse.
Charges and evidence: Plasencia and Sangha are charged with conspiracy to distribute ketamine, distribution resulting in death, and possession with intent to distribute methamphetamine. Court documents reveal Plasencia’s derogatory texts about Perry, including “I wonder how much this moron will pay” and “Let’s find out,” reported NYT.
Use and abuse of ketamine: Ketamine, used increasingly for mental health treatments, was also abused recreationally. Perry had sought treatment for depression and anxiety, leading to addiction to intravenous ketamine. The autopsy report showed that Perry’s ketamine levels were equivalent to those used in general anesthesia.
Guilty pleas and sentences: Erik Fleming, an acquaintance of Perry’s, has pleaded guilty to conspiracy to distribute ketamine and distribution resulting in death. Dr Mark Chavez admitted to selling ketamine to Plasencia, while Kenneth Iwamasa, Perry’s assistant, injected him with ketamine. Iwamasa faces up to 15 years in prison, while Fleming faces up to 25 years. Chavez will be arraigned on August 30 and faces up to 10 years in prison.
Investigation details: The DEA and US Postal Inspection Service are investigating the case. Sangha’s home was raided in March, resulting in the seizure of 79 bottles of ketamine, nearly 2,000 grams of methamphetamine, and other drugs.
Financial exploitation: Plasencia and Sangha were accused of charging exorbitant prices for ketamine. At one point, they charged Perry $2,000 per vial, which cost about $12.
Legal proceedings: Sangha and Plasencia have pleaded not guilty. Sangha is being held without bond, and Plasencia’s bond is set at $100,000. Their trials are scheduled for October.

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WATCH: Massey family speaks at vigil after Illinois sheriff’s deputy convicted over killing of Sonya Massey

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WATCH: Massey family speaks at vigil after Illinois sheriff’s deputy convicted over killing of Sonya Massey

PEORIA, Ill. (AP) — A jury on Wednesday convicted an Illinois sheriff’s deputy of second-degree murder, a lesser charge, in the shooting death of Sonya Massey, a Black woman who called 911 to report a suspected prowler.

Watch Massey’s family and supporters speak after the verdict in the video player above.

Sean Grayson could be sentenced to up to 20 years in prison or even probation. The jury did not convict him of first-degree murder, a crime that carries a sentence of 45 years to life.

Massey’s supporters were angered by the result. Her father, James Wilburn, called it a “miscarriage of justice.”

WATCH: Activists demand reform and justice after deputy shoots and kills Sonya Massey in her home

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“She called for help and she was murdered in her own home. … Second-degree murder — that is not right. That is not justice for anybody’s family,” Teresa Haley, a civil rights activist in Springfield, Illinois, told reporters outside the courthouse.

Grayson and another deputy arrived at Massey’s home in Springfield early on July 6, 2024, after she reported a prowler. He shot the 36-year-old woman after confronting her about how she was handling a pot of hot water on the stove.

Grayson and his attorneys argued that he fired his gun in fear that Massey would scald him with hot water.

Massey’s killing raised new questions about U.S. law enforcement shootings of Black people in their homes, and prompted a change in Illinois law requiring fuller transparency on the background of candidates for law enforcement jobs.

Grayson, 31, was charged with first-degree murder, but the jury was given the option of considering second-degree murder, which can apply when a defendant faces a “serious provocation” or believes their action is justified even if that belief is unreasonable. He will be sentenced on Jan. 29.

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State’s Attorney John Milhiser declined to comment as he left the courtroom. He was repeatedly praised by Massey’s supporters for pursuing a trial that was moved 75 miles (120.7 kilometers) north to the Peoria County courthouse because of intense publicity in Springfield.

Defense attorney Daniel Fultz declined comment after the verdict.

“While we believe Grayson’s actions deserved a first-degree conviction, today’s verdict is still a measure of justice for Sonya Massey,” the family’s attorneys, Ben Crump and Antonio Romanucci, said after the seven-day trial.

FILE PHOTO: The family of Sonya Massey, a 36-year-old Black woman shot and killed by an Illinois sheriff’s deputy during a call for help at her home, holds a press conference and rally at New Mount Pilgrim Missionary Baptist Church in Chicago, Illinois, July 30, 2024. Photo by Vincent Alban/Reuters

Body camera video recorded by another Sangamon County sheriff’s deputy at the scene, Dawson Farley, was a key part of the prosecution’s case. It showed Massey, who struggled with mental health issues, telling the officers, “Don’t hurt me,” and repeating, “Please God.”

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When the deputies entered the house, Grayson saw the pot on the stove and ordered Massey to move it. Massey jumped up to retrieve the pot, and she and Grayson joked about how he said he was backing off from the “hot, steaming water.” Massey then replied, “I rebuke you in the name of Jesus.”

Both Grayson and Farley drew their pistols and yelled at Massey to put the pot down. Grayson told investigators he thought her “rebuke” meant she intended to kill him and, in the following commotion, fired three shots, striking Massey just below the eye.

Farley testified that Massey didn’t say or do anything that caused him to view her as a threat. But under cross-examination, he acknowledged that he initially reported to investigators that he feared for his safety because of the hot water. Farley did not fire his weapon and was not charged.

Grayson, who was subsequently fired, testified in his own defense. He told jurors he noticed the bottom of the pot was red and he believed Massey planned to throw the water at him. He said Massey’s words felt like a threat and that he drew his gun because officers are trained to use force to get compliance.

“She done. You can go get it, but that’s a head shot,” Grayson told Farley after the shooting. “There’s nothing you can do, man.”

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Grayson relented moments later and went to get his kit while Farley found dish towels to apply pressure to the head wound. When Grayson returned, Farley told him his help wasn’t necessary, so he threw his kit on the floor and said, “I’m not even gonna waste my med stuff then.”

Massey’s death forced the early retirement of the sheriff who hired Grayson and generated a U.S. Justice Department inquiry. The federal probe was resolved with Sangamon County Sheriff’s Department’s agreement to fortify training, particularly de-escalation practices; develop a program in which mental health professionals can respond to emergency calls; and to generate data on use-of-force incidents.

Massey’s family settled a lawsuit against the county for $10 million, and state lawmakers changed Illinois law to require fuller transparency on the background of candidates for law enforcement jobs.

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Want to opt out of AI? State labeling laws might help

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Want to opt out of AI? State labeling laws might help

Red STOP AI protest flyer with meeting details taped to a light pole on a city street in San Francisco, California on May 20, 2025.

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Utah and California have passed laws requiring entities to disclose when they use AI. More states are considering similar legislation. Proponents say labels make it easier for people who don’t like AI to opt out of using it.

“They just want to be able to know,” says Utah Department of Commerce executive director Margaret Woolley Busse, who is implementing new state laws requiring state-regulated businesses to disclose when they use AI with their customers.

“If that person wants to know if it’s human or not, they can ask. And the chatbot has to say.”

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California passed a similar law regarding chatbots back in 2019. This year it expanded disclosure rules, requiring police departments to specify when they use AI products to help write incident reports.

“I think AI in general and police AI in specific really thrives in the shadows, and is most successful when people don’t know that it’s being used,” says Matthew Guariglia, a senior policy analyst for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which supported the new law. I think labeling and transparency is really the first step.”

As an example, Guariglia points to San Francisco, which now requires all city departments to report publicly how and when they use AI.

Such localized regulations are the kind of thing the Trump Administration has tried to head off. White House “AI Czar” David Sacks has referred to a “state regulatory frenzy that is damaging the startup ecosystem.”

Daniel Castro, with the industry-supported think tank Information Technology & Innovation Foundation, says AI transparency can be good for markets and democracy, but it may also slow innovation.

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“You can think of an electrician that wants to use AI to help communicate with his or her customers … to answer queries about when they’re available,” Castro says. If companies have to disclose the use of AI, he says, “maybe that turns off the customers and they don’t really want to use it anymore.”

For Kara Quinn, a homeschool teacher in Bremerton, Wash., slowing down the spread of AI seems appealing.

“Part of the issue, I think, is not just the thing itself; it’s how quickly our lives have changed,” she says. “There may be things that I would buy into if there were a lot more time for development and implementation.”

At the moment, she’s changing email addresses because her longtime provider recently started summarizing the contents of her messages with AI.

“Who decided that I don’t get to read what another human being wrote? Who decides that this summary is actually what I’m going to think of their email?” Quinn says. “I value my ability to think. I don’t want to outsource it.”

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Quinn’s attitude to AI caught the attention of her sister-in-law, Ann-Elise Quinn, a supply chain analyst who lives in Washington, D.C. She’s been holding “salons” for friends and acquaintances who want to discuss the implications of AI, and Kara Quinn’s objections to the technology inspired the theme of a recent session.

“How do we opt out if we want to?” she asks. “Or maybe [people] don’t want to opt out, but they want to be consulted, at the very least.”

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In a Looming Nuclear Arms Race, Aging Los Alamos Faces a Major Test

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In a Looming Nuclear Arms Race, Aging Los Alamos Faces a Major Test

In a sprawling building atop a mesa in New Mexico, workers labor around the clock to fulfill a vital mission: producing America’s nuclear bomb cores.

The effort is uniquely challenging. Technicians at Los Alamos National Laboratory must handle hazardous plutonium to create the grapefruit-size cores, known as pits. They do so in a nearly 50-year-old building under renovation to address aging infrastructure and equipment breakdowns that have at times disrupted operations or spread radioactive contamination, The New York Times found.

Now, the laboratory is under increasing pressure to meet the federal government’s ambitions to upgrade the nation’s nuclear arsenal. The $1.7 trillion project includes everything from revitalizing missile silos burrowed deep in five states, to producing new warheads that contain the pits, to arming new land-based missiles, bomber jets and submarines.

But the overall modernization effort is years behind schedule, with costs ballooning by the billions, according to the Congressional Budget Office. In 2018, Congress charged Los Alamos with making an annual quota of 30 pits by 2026, but by last year it had produced just one approved for the nuclear stockpile. (Officials have not disclosed whether more have been made since then.)

That pace has put the lab — and especially the building called Plutonium Facility 4, or PF-4 — under scrutiny by Trump administration officials.

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