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How artists saved New York

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How artists saved New York

Don’t even think about Brooklyn. 

That was the golden rule in the late 1950s and early 1960s when the movement of artists into old factories in New York started to become a serious thing. Though Brooklyn had loads of empty industrial space, gallerists simply refused to venture out there. If artists had any hope of selling their work, they had to stay in Manhattan.

“The first time I heard that, I thought, that’s crazy,” says photographer Joshua Charow, who has just published Loft Law, a book about artists who pioneered a new way of living and working. “But it kept being said.”

The revival of desolate, unloved industrial areas by artists is the miracle of modern urban history. By now, the phenomenon is exceedingly familiar, observed in cities across the world. But the story of how it originated and evolved in New York is useful to consider as cities struggle with a stultifying asymmetry: office districts depleted by remote work while residential prices soar beyond the reach of anyone whose aspirations are not fixated on wealth. Where will the dynamism we want and expect from cities come from?

Performance artists from the Marylin Wood Dance Company dangle from a SoHo fire escape in 1977 © Allan Tannenbaum/Getty Images

The original Cinderella neighbourhood is a rectilinear chunk of downtown Manhattan, bound by Houston Street to the north and Canal Street to the south. Around the time of America’s civil war, this was the bustling heart of New York, filled with fashionable merchants and workshops, as well as a robust confluence of brothels. The tight cluster of five- and six-storey cast-iron buildings created what architecture critic Michael Sorkin described as “a sense of enclosure and texture much like streets in Paris”. 

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If that sounds like a place to be treasured for all time, well, New York had no patience for such niceties as it plunged into the 20th century. It had a new subway that scattered people and commerce. The wealthy migrated to luxurious towers that formed a necklace around Central Park, while manufacturers relocated to larger facilities in outlying areas.

New York’s little piece of Paris, which lacked even a proper name, was referred to derisively as “the Valley”, or “Hell’s Hundred Acres” because of the frequency of fires, fell into disrepute and was taken over by garment sweatshops and purveyors of rags and machine parts. Even the brothels left for classier environs.

In 1959, when New York’s influential planning tsar Robert Moses formally submitted his plan for the 10-lane, elevated Lower Manhattan Expressway — slashing across the area’s once-majestic Broome Street — he expected it to be embraced as an unparalleled symbol of progress. Mobility was the essence of the modern city.

People mingle at a party in a loft artist’s studio with paintings on the walls
Artist and film director Alfred Leslie (centre, in light shirt and dark tie) talks to guests at his loft party on West 22nd Street in 1960 © Fred W McDarrah/MUUS Collection via Getty Images

What Moses did not know, or at the very least discounted as something worthy of his attention, was that a sizeable contingent of artists was filtering into the surrounding neighbourhood, attracted by big raw space that could be bought or rented for next to nothing.

The cast-iron buildings so admired today were filthy wrecks. Zoning restrictions made it illegal to live there and only freaks would think to do so anyway. There were no kitchens; the plumbing, heating and electricity were antediluvian. Whatever needed doing you had to do yourself. But these artists were not timid souls raised in the suburbs. They were not afraid to get their hands dirty.

One galvanising force was a marvellous, Lithuanian-born kook named George Maciunas, the founder of the art movement known as Fluxus, which more or less bridged the gap between Dada and Pop. Maciunas envisioned the rebirth of this doomed area as an alternative, art-first civilisation. George, a documentary from 2018, tells his crazy, remarkable story; he was buddies with Yoko Ono and John Lennon, as well as a major influence on Andy Warhol, but, alas, a terrible civilisation builder.

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Two men in suits stand holding drinks and talking to each other in a loft studio
David Hockney (right) at a party in his honour in 1972, held in the New York loft apartment of art dealer Michael Findlay © Peter Simins/WWD/Penske Media via Getty Images
A man in a suit stands holding a drink and talking to a woman in a loft studio, with a vase of flowers on a table in front of them
Filmmaker Cinda Fox (right) at the Hockney party in 1972 © Peter Simins/WWD/Penske Media via Getty Images

Slippery about finances and paperwork, he was beaten nearly to death by local goons over a delinquent debt, losing an eye and fading from the scene just as it was gaining critical mass. By that time, the neighbourhood had acquired a catchy name: SoHo, short for south of Houston.

In Loft Law, Charow picks up a parallel strand of the story. While Maciunas championed the ownership of lofts, most artists had to rent, often ending up at war with landlords who tried to throw them out the minute loft living became the slightest bit trendy. For protection, artists turned to elected officials, who would have happily ignored this minor constituency if only they could have.

“One thing politicians really don’t like is being yelled at,” says Michael Kozek, a prominent loft-tenant lawyer who was himself raised in a loft by artist parents. “The artists were tenacious. They made a lot of noise.” In 1982, New York passed the first loft law, establishing guidelines that enabled artists to stay in designated buildings at affordable rents. It has been updated and expanded several times since.

Charow became aware of these special arrangements when, as a teenager growing up in New Jersey, he made regular trips into the city to climb buildings and bridges, and explore abandoned subway tunnels. On one of these illicit adventures, he discovered a bunch of artists living in a former pasta factory. Who were these people, he wondered, and how did they get here? A few years later, when he moved to the city himself, he decided to explore this hidden society of misfits and document their stories. 

Working off a list of addresses he found online, he started pressing buzzers. By this time, of course, the moratorium on Brooklyn had long since lapsed. Artists had infiltrated every old industrial quarter of the city. Most of them had been living there quietly for decades, diligently pursuing their singular visions while the city around them turned into something unrecognisable from the one they had arrived in decades previously.

“I won’t tell you what it cost but it was very cheap,” artist Carolyn Oberst told Charow about the building in the neighbourhood just becoming known as Tribeca that she and her partner Jeff Way moved into in 1975. “We’ll just leave it at that.” There were so few residents in the area that essentials were hard to come by; they relied on wholesalers willing to share their surplus goods. “They would leave wheels of Brie out on the docks, knowing we would come to get it,” said Way. “Everybody would go down and get a wheel.”

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A man in a shirt and jeans sitting in a modern leather chair in a loft studio with plants on a palette-shaped table
Musician JG Thirlwell in his loft studio in the ‘Dumbo’ district of Brooklyn © Joshua Charow

In the Brooklyn neighbourhood known as Dumbo (short for Down Under the Manhattan Bridge) Charow found an artist named Curtis Mitchell, who has lived for 40 years in a former ice-cream factory with 36-foot ceilings. “It’s a fantastic place,” Mitchell said. “Cold as hell in the winter and hot as hell in the summer. But I don’t care.” (Legend has it that local artists came up with the name Dumbo because it sounded silly and would deter real-estate agents. Oh well.)

After the Lower Manhattan Expressway was defeated by activists in the late 1960s, SoHo flourished over the next decade as an oasis of 3,000 artists — probably the best time and place to be a creative person as any in recent American history. But as money came flooding in, it turned into one of the most expensive neighbourhoods in the city while the artist population dropped close to zero. Meanwhile, however, close to 2,900 lofts throughout the city remain under protection.

What made SoHo’s renaissance possible in the first place was the single-mindedness of the artists, growing antipathy to disruptive public works and eventual political support for a process of neighbourhood regeneration that began organically. To the extent anyone ever had a plan, it was a tiny plan, or more like hundreds of simultaneous experiments, artists making it up as they went along.

This is the phenomenon that seems hardest to rekindle today when you look at problems such as empty office buildings or the lack of affordable housing. How low do economic conditions have to sink before ordinary citizens have the freedom to come up with their own ideas and run with them?

Part of Charow’s inspiration for his book was that he’d find a loft for himself, but he never did. He arrived, he figures, about 10 years too late. The last frontier was in Bushwick, a Brooklyn neighbourhood overwhelmed by crime and disorder as recently as two decades ago. It is now the closest thing New York has to SoHo in the 1970s, with plenty of gallerists, though it surely lacks any semblance of Parisian texture. 

‘Loft Law: The Last of New York City’s Original Artist Lofts’ by Joshua Charow is published by Damiani Books. An exhibition of Charow’s artist portraits, including work by the artists, is at the Westwood Gallery, 262 Bowery, in Manhattan, until June 29

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Australia threatens billion-dollar fines for price gouging at supermarkets

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Australia threatens billion-dollar fines for price gouging at supermarkets

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The Australian government is tightening regulation of the country’s powerful supermarkets, with the threat of potentially billions of dollars in fines if they squeeze farmers and other suppliers on price. 

The government said it would push through legislation to enforce a mandatory code of conduct on large food retailers, including Woolworths and Coles Group, which control about 65 per cent of the market. Breaches would result in fines ranging from A$10mn (US$6.6mn) to up to 10 per cent of turnover over a year-long period.

Michael Simotas, an analyst with bank Jefferies, said the penalties for bad behaviour could be as much as A$5bn for Woolworths and A$4bn for Coles. He expected the companies would remain “front and centre of media and political commentary”.

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Jim Chalmers, Australia’s treasurer, said: “We’re cracking down on anti-competitive behaviour in the supermarkets sector so people get fairer prices at the checkout.” 

The move to replace a voluntary code with a mandatory one comes as a cost of living crisis and persistent inflation have put many household budgets under strain.

It follows a review conducted by former cabinet minister Craig Emerson, with the retail sector finding itself in the spotlight over alleged price gouging for products including fresh fruit and vegetables over the past two years. Those price increases have not been passed on to farmers and other suppliers.

The proposed legislation would apply to companies with annual sales of more than A$5bn, including Aldi and smaller player Metcash. Companies including Costco and Amazon could be covered by the code in the future based on their growth rates and the expansion of their product lines.

Allegations of price gouging and the poor treatment of suppliers have led to increased scrutiny of supermarkets, with calls growing in recent years to break up the largest companies to improve competition.

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Woolworths’ longtime chief executive Brad Banducci announced his retirement this year, days after a fractious interview with broadcaster ABC on price gouging. He later appeared in front of a Senate committee in Canberra and was threatened with jail for refusing to detail certain financial metrics to MPs who questioned whether a true reflection of the retail sector’s profitability was being provided.

The government has stopped short of proposing a break-up but wants to set up an anonymous whistleblower and supplier complaint mechanism within Australia’s consumer watchdog.

Woolworths said in a statement it would support a mandatory code of conduct. On ideas such as a price register to improve transparency over fresh fruit and vegetable prices, which have soared in recent years, it said it would study the proposals in detail.

“While there is broad support for greater price transparency in the sector, there isn’t yet consensus on how to deliver it,” it said.

Coles said in a statement: “Coles has worked collaboratively with Dr Emerson in his review to strengthen the Code. We will consider the final recommendations and Government’s response in detail, and we remain committed to supporting a healthy and sustainable grocery sector.”

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Jolyon Burnett, chair of the National Farmers Federation’s Horticulture Council, said the review and government proposals had left “a clear impression of the raw deals our growers are getting with supermarkets” and that the recommendations provided a “rare opportunity to reform our markets”.

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Biden's executive actions on immigration send mixed signals : Consider This from NPR

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Biden's executive actions on immigration send mixed signals : Consider This from NPR

Wimberly Muñoz, a Venezuelan migrant waited at the Chaparral pedestrian border in Tijuana, Mexico to cross into the US. She is traveling with her mother, Ana Muñoz, right, and son Matia Muñoz.

Carlos A. Moreno/NPR


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Carlos A. Moreno/NPR


Wimberly Muñoz, a Venezuelan migrant waited at the Chaparral pedestrian border in Tijuana, Mexico to cross into the US. She is traveling with her mother, Ana Muñoz, right, and son Matia Muñoz.

Carlos A. Moreno/NPR

In early June, President Joe Biden severely restricted asylum requests from migrants attempting to cross the U.S.-Mexico border without authorization.

Two weeks later, the President struck a more welcoming tone, saying he’d protect hundreds of thousands of undocumented immigrants married to U.S. citizens.

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Immigration has become a big issue, for both parties. Policy experts say Biden hopes that in a close election year, these executive actions will sway voters to his side.

But will that strategy pay off and how will it affect migrants?

NPR’s Adrian Florido speaks with immigration correspondent Jasmine Garsd who is reporting from the San Diego border with Mexico.

For sponsor-free episodes of Consider This, sign up for Consider This+ via Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org.

Email us at considerthis@npr.org.

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This episode was produced by Brianna Scott and Kathryn Fink.

It was edited by Jeanette Woods.

Our executive producer is Sami Yenigun.

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Netanyahu says end of intense phase of Gaza war very close

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Netanyahu says end of intense phase of Gaza war very close

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Benjamin Netanyahu said on Sunday that the end of the “intense phase” of Israel’s war with Hamas in Gaza was “very close”, and that Israel would soon redeploy forces to its northern border where it has been trading near-daily fire with the Lebanese militant group Hizbollah.

In an interview with Israel’s Channel 14, the Israeli prime minister said the end of this phase of fighting in the enclave would not spell the end of the war. He insisted that Israel would continue until it had destroyed Hamas and freed the roughly 120 hostages the militant group still holds.

But he said the switch to lower-intensity conflict there would give Israel “the possibility to shift some of our capabilities” to the north, where cross-border fire between Israeli forces and Iran-backed Hizbollah has escalated sharply in recent weeks.

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“We will do this, first and foremost for defensive purposes. And secondly, to allow our residents to return home,” Netanyahu said, referring to the roughly 60,000 Israelis who have been evacuated from northern Israel since the start of the war.

“If we can do this diplomatically, great. If not, we will do it another way. But we will bring everyone back home.”

Netanyahu said he hoped a full-blown war with Hizbollah, one of the world’s most heavily armed non-state actors, could be averted. But he said Israel would “meet this challenge” of fighting on multiple fronts if needed.

“We can fight on several fronts. We are prepared for this,” he said.

In a wide-ranging interview — his first with Hebrew media for 14 months — Netanyahu also ruled out the prospect of Israel re-establishing settlements in Gaza once the war with Hamas was over, and said that while he was prepared to countenance a brief truce to free hostages, Israel would resume fighting afterwards.

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“I’m willing to do a partial deal that will return to us a portion of the [hostages], but we are committed to continuing the war after a pause in order to fulfil the war’s objectives,” he said.

Despite the intensifying exchanges between Israeli forces and Hizbollah, which have displaced tens of thousands of people and caused casualties in Lebanon and Israel, the two sides have not been drawn into all-out war, with the US leading a diplomatic push to de-escalate the situation.

A drone launched from southern Lebanon lands in the Upper Galilee region of Israel near the Lebanese border on Sunday © AFP via Getty Images

However, Israeli officials have repeatedly said they are prepared to take military action in the absence of a diplomatic resolution to the stand-off, and the Israeli military said last week that senior officers had approved “operational plans for an offensive in Lebanon”.

That warning came after Hizbollah released a nine-minute video of what it said was footage gathered by its surveillance drones of Israeli military and civilian infrastructure in the north of the country, including the port in Haifa.

Diplomats briefed on the US-led talks to de-escalate the tensions between Israel and Hizbollah — which fought a 34-day war in 2006 — say a deal would involve Hizbollah withdrawing its forces from the border, and the resolution of a series of territorial disputes between Israel and Lebanon.

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Netanyahu told Channel 14 that two senior Israeli officials who visited Washington last week had expressed hope that a diplomatic solution could still be reached. But he said Israel would ensure that Hizbollah’s forces did indeed withdraw from the border.

“It won’t be an agreement on paper,” he said. “It will include the physical distancing of Hizbollah from the border, and we will need to enforce it.”

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