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German army struggles to get Gen Z recruits ‘ready for war’

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German army struggles to get Gen Z recruits ‘ready for war’

As a podcaster and freelance journalist, Ole Nymoen admits he enjoys freedom of expression and other democratic rights in his home country of Germany.

But he would not want to die for them.

In a book published this week, Why I Would Never Fight for My Country, the 27-year-old argues ordinary people should not be sent into battle on behalf of nation states and their rulers — even to fend off an invasion. Occupation by a foreign power might lead to a “shitty” life, he told the Financial Times. “But I’d rather be occupied than dead.”

Nymoen, a self-described Marxist, does not claim to be representative of Generation Z in Germany. But his stance — and his striking honesty about it — taps into a wider questions facing Europe as it re-arms on a scale not seen since the end of the cold war.

Ole Nymoen, 27, said he would ‘rather be occupied than dead’ © Laura Pitel/FT

Berlin has poured close to €100bn into new equipment for the Bundeswehr, the German armed forces, since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Chancellor-in-waiting Friedrich Merz has announced plans to allow unlimited borrowing to fund defence spending as he promised to do “whatever it takes” to protect freedom and peace in Europe.

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But, while those funds are helping to plug gaps in arms and equipment, one of the biggest remaining issues is manpower.

Germany’s armed forces commissioner, Eva Högl, this week warned the country was not closer to its goal of having 203,000 active troops by 2031, as the overall size of the armed forces slightly declined last year, partly because of a high number of dropouts. A quarter of the 18,810 men and women who signed up in 2023 left the armed forces within six months.

“This development must be stopped and reversed as a matter of urgency,Högl said.

A Bundeswehr spokesperson told the FT the military had taken steps to try to stem the outflow of young recruits, including a notice period to avoid “last-minute, emotional” decisions.

But one senior army commander said members of Generation Z — renowned in the business world for their efforts to reshape corporate culture — were also going into the armed forces with different ideas and outlooks. “People are vulnerable, they cry easily,” he said. “They talk about work-life balance.”

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“I understand that,” the commander added. “They grew up in a different time. It’s not a bad perspective. But it doesn’t match that well with a wartime situation.”

Germany’s armed forces commissioner, Eva Högl, and soldiers behind her
Germany’s armed forces commissioner, Eva Högl, has said the country was not closer to its goal of having 203,000 active troops by 2031 © David Hecker/Getty Images

As Europe has again reckoned with the fear of an aggressive Russia, the continent’s political and military leaders have dramatically stepped up their language about what they expect from the public.

A senior UK general, Sir Patrick Sanders, last year told the British people they were part of a “prewar generation” that may have to prepare itself to enter combat. In Germany, whose 1949 constitution includes a commitment to promoting global peace, defence minister Boris Pistorius last year caused shock by declaring the nation had to be “ready for war”.

The warnings have escalated since Donald Trump returned to the White House in January and began pushing Ukraine to agree to a ceasefire as well as threatening to withdraw long-standing US security guarantees for Europe. Donald Tusk, prime minister of Poland, last week said his country was preparing “large-scale military training for every adult male”.

Germany has not gone that far. Top officials from the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats, the two parties likely to form the next government, have ruled out a revival of traditional conscription. Merz favours a year of national service that would offer military and non-military options.

People hold up a banner that says ‘Make peace without weapons’ during a demonstration against war and arming in Berlin at the Brandenburg Gate in 2023
People hold up a banner that says ‘Make peace without weapons’ during an anti-war demonstration in Berlin in 2023 © Paul-Louis Godier/AFP/Getty Images

Still, the question remains to what extent populations in Europe are willing to accept the calls to join up for the armed forces in much larger numbers.

Sophia Besch, senior fellow at the Washington-based Carnegie Endowment for International, said that although the threat perception among the European public was changing rapidly, “the next step [that governments are asking citizens to make] is a huge one — I want to fight for my country and I want my children to fight for my country.”

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Besch said nations including Germany lacked that deep trust and the shared understanding of threat between citizens and government that had been forged in places such as Finland, which is famed for its decades-long focus on preparedness for an attack from Russia.

Moreover, she added, in the worst-case scenario, young Germans would most likely not be asked to fight for their own country but for Latvia or another frontline nation. “We have to ask ourselves what young Germans would be willing to fight for today. Is it Germany? Is it the European project?”

Since Russia’s full-scale Ukraine invasion, Germany has had a steep rise in the number of conscientious objectors (including both regular soldiers and part-time reservists). The figure reached 2,998 last year — up from 200 in 2021.

Klaus Pfisterer, of the German Peace Society — United War Resisters, a campaign group, said many of them did military service years ago, before conscription was abolished in 2011, and had then been assigned as reservists. In previous years that had not seemed like a difficult commitment. But today, against the current global backdrop, “they see this decision in a completely different light”, he said.

Column chart of Number of applications for conscientious objection to military service showing Germany has had a sharp rise in conscientious objections since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine

Christian Mölling, Europe director at the Bertelsmann Foundation, estimates that German troop numbers need to rise from 181,000 today to 270,000 in the years ahead in order to reach Nato targets — and fill gaps left if American forces stationed in Europe withdraw.

That excludes reserve forces, which currently stand at 60,000 but defence officials have said it must rise to 260,000.

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Mölling said the Bundeswehr needed to drastically improve its recruitment campaigns to compete in a tight and competitive labour market, as well as doing more to modernise the military and make it an appealing employer.

“It can’t be mimicry, where you pretend you’re a modern army,” he said. “You have to do it.”

But many young Germans may simply be fundamentally opposed to the idea of signing up. Last month’s federal elections resulted in two parties that oppose arming Ukraine — the far-right Alternative for Germany and the far-left Die Linke — claimed almost half the votes of those aged 18 to 24.

While a recent survey by the pollster YouGov found 58 per cent of Germans would support a return to conscription, only a third of those aged between 18 and 29 felt the same way.

Nymoen, himself a Die Linke voter, is deeply suspicious of Europe’s race to re-arm. It was all very well for European leaders to sound belligerent, he said. “The thing is that, in the end, it’s going to be me in the trenches.”

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Kevin Warsh delivers Fed a blast of cold heir

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Kevin Warsh delivers Fed a blast of cold heir

This article is an on-site version of our Chris Giles on Central Banks newsletter. Premium subscribers can sign up here to get the newsletter delivered every Tuesday. Standard subscribers can upgrade to Premium here, or explore all FT newsletters

Kevin Warsh, the presumptive heir to Jay Powell as Federal Reserve chair, gave a speech last Friday acknowledging “new interest in my views” and delivering a stinging attack on the US central bank’s actions since he resigned as a governor in 2011. Too much quantitative easing, a willingness to accommodate lax fiscal policy, mission creep in going green and helping the poor had led to the recent inflation, he said. That and other failings had left the Fed licking its wounds, nursing lost credibility and “generating worse outcomes for our citizens”.

Warsh said his speech was a “love letter” to the Fed. But when someone says that the world’s problems come from “inside the four walls of our most important economic institutions” and talks of US central bankers as “pampered princes” that deserved “opprobrium” for failing to contain inflation, it does not sound entirely constructive to my ears.

Of course, this was a job application. So let’s constructively critique the speech and ask what a Warsh-led Fed would look like.

The good, the exaggerations and what was missing

I have an enormous amount of time for much of the critique Warsh was making. Central bankers need humility, should not be pampered in public life, require robust oversight and, indeed, opprobrium if they err. There has been a pervasive tendency in these institutions, not just in the US, to pass the buck on the recent inflation. There has been mission creep into areas outside central banks’ core functions, which undermines both their legitimacy and democracy itself. Warsh was entirely correct to criticise central bankers’ choosing to promote group interests ahead of their mandates to control prices.

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But we should not exaggerate these problems, as Warsh clearly did. When there is a US president blowing up the postwar, rules-based economic system and the world has suffered a once-in-a-century pandemic, it is just weird to say the main problems come from within economic institutions such as the Fed.

Even though Warsh is correct to chide central bankers for denying that the purpose of quantitative easing was to facilitate greater government borrowing and stimulus, he is simply wrong to say that Fed officials “did not call for fiscal discipline at the time of sustained growth and full employment”. Powell has repeatedly said US fiscal policy is “on an unsustainable path . . . and we know we have to change that” (26 mins 55 seconds, for one example).

Warsh cites the Fed’s following of fashion on environmental concerns as something that has undermined its legitimacy. But the Fed being a member of the Network for Greening the Financial System between 2020 and 2025, a body that has done precious little, is barely a misdemeanour, and has had no effect on its credibility.

And when put to the financial market test over the past two weeks, far from the Fed needing to “mitigate losses of credibility”, it has been the executive branch of the US government — and in particular, the president — whose credibility has been shown to be deficient.

Exaggerations are inevitably part of a polemic and understandable in a job application. More concerning was what was missing. Warsh made no attempt to paint an analytical counterfactual apart from to assert that the world would be better now if the Fed had not made all the mistakes he outlined. How much higher would interest rates have needed to rise in 2020 and 2021 to offset government spending and curb inflation? Would this have worked? Are all the analyses that suggest the price rises were impossible to avoid without unacceptable trade-offs wrong? Why?

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There was no attempt to address these questions.

Hawkish heir

So what would Warsh’s Fed look like?

The first conclusion must be that it would be more hawkish. Donald Trump might not know this, but Warsh is with the public on inflation. He hates it and would not want it on his watch.

Second, it would be more limited in its scope. This would keep the Fed glued to its mandate — and that would be welcome.

Third, it would probably be more transparent. Warsh conducted an exemplary review of Bank of England transparency in 2014, which has stood the test of time.

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Fourth, and this is my supposition, a Warsh-led Fed would start off with the certainties of his speech, but soon find that ambiguities, nuances and trade-offs were in order.

What does the IMF expect from tariffs?

I have always found it more useful to discuss the things we actually know and the way we think about uncertain events, rather than just talking about what we do not know. In and around the IMF and World Bank spring meetings, central bankers have been doing just that.

Those outside the US think Trump’s tariffs generally represent a disinflationary shock to demand that will depress spending and output. This seems to be the settled view at present in the European Central Bank, with President Christine Lagarde having said tariffs were likely to be “disinflationary more than inflationary”. BoE governor Andrew Bailey agreed, and talked about a “growth shock”. Bank of Japan governor Kazuo Ueda said he shared the view of tariffs as a jolt to business confidence. With a stagflationary shock to deal with, Fed officials have been understandably more vague.

The IMF had the unenviable job of quantifying the tariff effect on the global economy last week. Its basic position was unarguable. Tariffs would cut growth worldwide and raise inflation in the US.

Fund officials talked up the changes in its forecasts with Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, its chief economist. They said the world economy had entered a new era with the largest imposition of tariffs in a century, that would “greatly impact global trade” and “slow global growth significantly”.

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The most notable dissent from this stance, however, came from the IMF’s own forecasts, which do not tally with these comments.

As the chart below shows, the volume of forecast US goods imports is stable as a proportion of US GDP and rising in real terms every year. Tariffs just are not that consequential in the IMF’s models. In contrast, the Tax Foundation expects US imports to fall 23 per cent.

Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.

Sure, IMF officials have told me that its forecasts have goods declining as a share of nominal GDP. But that itself has interesting implications. If the IMF thinks the volume of US goods imports will rise under tariffs, but the value of those goods will rise at a slower rate, the unit price of US imports (excluding tariffs) falls. Evidence suggests otherwise, although this forecast will put the IMF in the Trump administration’s good books.

I don’t want to bang on about IMF forecasts, but I am unconvinced that the following chart demonstrates a “new era” for global trade warnings from IMF officials.

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What I’ve been reading and watching

A chart that matters

The chart below shows US customs and excise revenues growing faster this year as a result of tariffs, courtesy of Erica York at the Tax Foundation.

Trump is right that billions in revenues are flowing into the US Treasury, although not $2bn a day as he likes to claim.

He is even more wrong about the tariff revenues being large. Some of the increase will decrease profits, limiting other tax revenues. Tariffs will also deter imports.

Another way to scale the revenues is to estimate an annual total. Let’s say customs duties raise $200bn to $300bn in a full year (higher than most estimates). These pale into insignificance compared with US individual income taxes, which are set to raise $2.7tn.

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Trump's 100-day report card. And, a student protester speaks from detention

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Trump's 100-day report card. And, a student protester speaks from detention

Good morning. You’re reading the Up First newsletter. Subscribe here to get it delivered to your inbox, and listen to the Up First podcast for all the news you need to start your day.

Today’s top stories

Over 1,400 NPR/PBS News/Marist poll respondents graded President Trump on how he has handled his first 100 days in office. Nearly half gave him a failing mark, and 23% awarded him an A.

President Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on April 25 in Washington, D.C., for Rome to attend the funeral of Pope Francis.

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  • 🎧 NPR’s Domenico Montanaro tells Up First that the low marks appear to have much to do with tariffs and the economy. Trump’s 39% approval rating for his handling of the economy is his worst score ever, including during his first term. The majority of respondents disapprove of how Trump is handling most aspects of his job, including foreign policy and immigration. Montanaro says Trump’s approval rating could change. However, these are polarized times, and Montanaro doesn’t expect much to change many people’s minds.

Trump has moved aggressively to fulfill his promise of “retribution” in the first 100 days of his second term by taking action against over 100 people and institutions, according to an NPR review. He has used the government to target political opponents, news organizations, law firms, universities and more. Some of the harshest actions he has taken against people he has targeted include ordering multiple Justice Department investigations.

  • 🎧 Trump is also effectively telling investigators what he believes the outcomes of the investigations should be, NPR’s Tom Dreisbach says. The Trump administration uses over 10 agencies in various ways to get payback. Secret Service protection has been pulled for President Biden’s children, media companies that Trump dislikes, including NPR, face FCC investigations, and universities face investigation from the Department of Education unless they agree to sweeping government demands.

Detained Columbia University student Mohsen Mahdawi has given the media his first interview since being taken to Northwest State Correctional Facility in St. Albans, Vt. Morning Edition‘s Leila Fadel is the first journalist to speak with any of the students held there. The Trump administration is trying to deport them for advocating on behalf of Palestinian rights amid the Israel-Hamas war. Mahdawi, a green card holder, was detained at what he thought would be his naturalization interview, which is his final step to becoming an American citizen.

  • 🎧 Mahdawi tells Fadel that even though he knows he is facing a level of injustice, he still has faith that justice will prevail. Mahdawi has lived in the U.S. for 10 years and was on track to graduate next month with a bachelor’s degree. He grew up in a Palestinian refugee camp in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. He says living in the U.S. taught him to understand the concept of freedom of speech without retaliation. Mahdawi told Fadel he wants others to see he is “doing everything legally,” he has “prepared and studied for the Constitution,” and that he “respected the law.” He has not been charged with a crime. Just like most students in the facility, the government invoked a rarely used immigration act with court filings that allege their presence has adverse consequences for foreign policy.

Today’s listen

Violinist Esther Abrami realized when she was 25 that none of the hundreds of pieces she had played were composed by women. The results of her journey to change that are on her new album, Women.

Violinist Esther Abrami realized when she was 25 that none of the hundreds of pieces she had played were composed by women. The results of her journey to change that are on her new album, Women.

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Violinist Esther Abrami’s new album, Women, features music by female composers, spotlighting many names that are not often as recognized as their male counterparts. Abrami said that when she came out of university, it hit her that within all those years, none of the hundreds of pieces she learned had been written by women. This acknowledgement sparked her journey and research, which she says “was like opening the door of, like, a hidden treasure.” Her album features the world-premiere studio recording of Irish composer Ina Boyle’s Violin Concerto. The music also uncovers what women have to say from the Middle Ages to today, dipping into Brazilian dances and pop. Listen to snippets from the album and read the story here.

Picture show

Durham, N.C. - April 26th, 2025: Attendees watch and dance as New Dangerfield performs during the Biscuit and Banjos festival. (Cornell Watson for NPR)

Durham, N.C. – April 26th, 2025: Attendees watch and dance as New Dangerfield performs during the Biscuit and Banjos festival. (Cornell Watson for NPR)

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Biscuits & Banjos is a new music festival dedicated to reclaiming and exploring Black music. The festival, curated by Grammy-winning artist Rhiannon Giddens, took place this past weekend in Durham, N.C., and featured artists like Taj Mahal, Infinity Song and a Carolina Chocolate Drops reunion. The event also incorporated Durham’s Black history with a walking tour of Black Wall Street, panel discussions, square and line dancing, and a juke joint-themed party. Durham-based photojournalist Cornell Watson photographed the festival and shared his experience.

3 things to know before you go

A transfer truck arrives at a DHL facility in Ludwigsfelde near Berlin, Germany, in May 2022. The company said this week it would resume shipping packages over $800 to individual U.S. customers.

A transfer truck arrives at a DHL facility in Ludwigsfelde near Berlin, Germany, in May 2022. The company said this week it would resume shipping packages over $800 to individual U.S. customers.

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  1. The global shipping company DHL has resumed shipping packages over $800 in value to people in the U.S. The reversal comes one week after it said it was halting such shipments due to new U.S. customs regulations.
  2. The TAKE IT DOWN Act is now headed to Trump’s desk. The bill, which first lady Melania Trump backs, aims to implement strict penalties and guidelines for those who publish and promote revenge porn.
  3. The 2025 NEA Jazz Masters Tribute Concert celebrated its inductees on Saturday at the Kennedy Center. A prevailing theme throughout the event was jazz’s foundation in freedom and its push to transcendence.

This newsletter was edited by Suzanne Nuyen.

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Greg Casar Pitches a ‘Resistance 2.0’ for Democrats in the Age of Trump

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Greg Casar Pitches a ‘Resistance 2.0’ for Democrats in the Age of Trump

When he was a 29-year-old on the Austin City Council, Greg Casar led a charge to repeal a ban on camping in the city so that homeless people would not rack up criminal records that could make it harder to find permanent housing.

Tent cities sprang up, conservatives protested and residents voted to reinstate the ban.

These days, Mr. Casar, 35, is the chairman of the House Progressive Caucus and a rising star in a Democratic Party struggling to find its footing during the second coming of President Trump. He has shifted his emphasis to respond.

“We can’t be known as the party of just the most vulnerable people,” Mr. Casar, the bilingual son of Mexican immigrants, said in a recent interview in an Uber en route to a town hall in Thornton, Colo. “This isn’t just about lifting up the poorest people, and that’s where the progressive movement has been.”

Mr. Casar’s goal now is winning back the working people who feel as though the Democratic Party is not for them anymore. He said that also means making economic matters, rather than cultural or identity issues, the party’s bread and butter.

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“I’m shifting and changing,” he said. “On immigration, for example, in 2017, I would say, ‘Immigrant rights are human rights.’ I still believe that, but I’m now saying, ‘We need to make sure that all workers have equal rights.’ ”

He and his team refer to it as Resistance 2.0, and Mr. Casar took it out for a test drive last week. On a school stage here in this city north of Denver, more than 900 miles away from his district, he stood beside a cardboard cutout of a Republican lawmaker whose feet had been replaced with chicken claws.

The rest of the cutout’s body depicted Representative Gabe Evans of Colorado, a hard-right lawmaker elected in November who has held just one town hall since being sworn in. So here was Mr. Casar instead, hoping to show Democrats that their leaders were working to fill the void and defeat politicians too scared to show their faces in their districts amid a public backlash against Mr. Trump’s policies.

It was Mr. Casar’s third town hall in a Republican district, and he pushed back on the idea espoused by veteran party strategists like James Carville that Democrats should simply keep a low profile and “play dead,” letting Mr. Trump’s unpopular agenda win elections for them. If Democrats don’t make vast changes, he said, they will pave the way for a President JD Vance.

“A corpse is not an inspiring political leader,” Mr. Casar said at the town hall. “We need to be out there picking a villain and saying, ‘Elon Musk is stealing your Social Security money for himself.’”

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Many attendees did not sound convinced that the Democratic Party was doing much inspiring at all. One after another, they lined up for questions and expressed general fear and pointed concern that the Democrats were not standing up to Mr. Trump in any real way. They demanded to know what, exactly, the plan was.

“I’d like some confidence that my Democratic votes are actually going to result in strengthening a system and protecting it,” Deb Bennett-Woods, a retired professor, told Mr. Casar.

“It’s frustrating when we feel like our Democrats — I’m sure they’re doing the work, but we don’t hear it,” another woman vented at the microphone.

As a young leader in his second term in Congress, Mr. Casar may be uniquely positioned to answer such angst. He is sprightly — in high school, he placed sixth at the Texas state championships in the mile and once ran a 4-minute, 17-second pace. Despite the anxiety of the current political moment, Mr. Casar presents as a sunny, happy warrior. And his roots are in the progressive populism of Senator Bernie Sanders, independent of Vermont, whom he endorsed early in the 2016 presidential campaign and introduced at Mr. Sanders’s first Texas rally of that campaign.

“Isn’t our party supposed to be working for the many against the few that are screwing them over?” Mr. Casar said in the interview.

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Ahead of the town hall on Thursday, Mr. Casar popped up at a Hyatt in downtown Denver to meet with workers fighting their employer for an extra dollar an hour in pay that they said they were promised in their last contract negotiation.

“You deserve a raise,” Mr. Casar told them, first in English and then in Spanish. “I’m here with you in this. I’m not here asking for your vote. Your vote is your business, but what I want is to make sure that we all push for other politicians to be out here with you. Workers in this country deserve a big raise.”

He then accompanied them to hand-deliver a letter outlining the pay raise request to the head of human resources at the hotel, who looked uncomfortable and begged the group not to film her.

Standing with the workers, he said, was the most fun he’d had all day.

“It feels a lot more productive,” Mr. Casar said. “I prefer to do this than just voting ‘no.’ So often in Washington, we just get trapped in these senseless meetings.” (He likes to kick off his own caucus meetings by playing Marvin Gaye and Aretha Franklin, hoping to distinguish them from the tedium.)

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Those workers, he noted in the car, may not have voted in past elections. Maybe this kind of outreach from a Democrat could change that in the next one.

Mr. Evans’ spokeswoman responded to Mr. Casar’s presence in Colorado’s Eighth District by calling him a “defund the police activist who wants to see socialism and transgenderism take over America.”

Mr. Casar rolled his eyes at that. But he said he had made a purposeful pivot to responding to the political crisis in which he finds himself and his party. It means fewer purity tests, and a bigger tent.

And it means allying himself with more moderate Democrats who represent competitive districts and emphasize their military backgrounds to get elected — the types who would never fight for urban camping rights for the homeless.

He is on a text chain with Representatives Pat Ryan of New York and Chris Deluzio in Pennsylvania, two Democrats representing swing districts who also want the party to focus on working people and make villains out of the billionaires benefiting from Mr. Trump’s policies.

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“We’re just talking about issues that are central: utility bills, health care bills, housing affordability,” Mr. Ryan said in an interview. “We can rebuild a broad American and patriotic coalition.”

Mr. Ryan does not love the “Resistance 2.0” framing, but he and Mr. Casar share a vision for what the party needs to be about.

“If we’re resisting something, we’re resisting harm to our constituents, from a big corporation or a billionaire or a corrupt government official,” he said.

Mr. Casar concedes that he has made some mistakes since taking over the Progressive Caucus, a group of nearly 100 lawmakers that is one of the largest in the House. It was his idea for Democrats to hold up signs that read “Musk Steals” and “Save Medicaid” during Mr. Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress. The signs were widely panned, and Mr. Casar now admits they were a bit dopey.

“Looking back on it, I think that just showing up and then leaving would have been better,” he said. “We get pressured into acting like we never make a mistake. I learned that some of the things we pushed for in 2017 became too-easy targets, so we’ve got to change. And I learned from that speech that when the president is just going to lie through the speech, it’s probably best just to walk out.”

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But he has been consistent since Election Day that economic populism is the right approach for his party.

After the election, when Democrats were bemoaning that incumbents worldwide lost because of inflation, Mr. Casar advised his colleagues to take a look at President Claudia Sheinbaum’s decisive victory in Mexico, where a representative of the incumbent party won on a populist economic agenda.

Since then, he has participated in a “Fighting Oligarchy” rally with Mr. Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democrat of New York. He sees himself as a team coach, and he refers to Ms. Ocasio-Cortez as “the No. 1 draft pick we’ve seen in my lifetime.”

Jetting around constantly can take a toll, especially on a young person attempting to have a normal life. He got dinged last year for skipping President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.’s address to House Democrats and going to a Joni Mitchell concert instead. It has also been tough at times on his partner.

“It’s really hard,” his wife, Asha, a philanthropic adviser, said of the realities of being married to an ambitious politician. “Greg is my favorite, but it’s not my favorite.”

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He knows this, but Mr. Casar uses the word “resolute” to describe his commitment to the job and the fight ahead.

“There is a level of anxiety across the country that did not exist under Trump 1,” Mr. Sanders said in an interview, referring to Mr. Trump’s first term. “Greg understands that the future of American politics is to do what the Democratic leadership does not understand. That is to start addressing the serious crises of working families.”

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