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Can Eli Lilly become the first $1tn drugmaker?

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Can Eli Lilly become the first tn drugmaker?

Times are good at Eli Lilly. Wall Street’s insatiable appetite for weight-loss drug stocks looks set to turn the company into the world’s first $1tn drugmaker by market value.

But war stories about gloomier times are never far away when you run a pharmaceutical company. In the late 2000s, Eli Lilly’s share price neared all-time lows as patents of its blockbuster psychiatric drugs — chief among them Prozac, Zyprexa and Cymbalta — expired.

Consolidation was then sweeping the industry, recalls chief executive Dave Ricks, a 25-year veteran, and Eli Lilly was at risk of becoming “the back end of a hyphen to someone else”. The wheel of fortune has since turned. The company’s main problem is building production lines fast enough to meet demand for its blockbuster diabetes and weight-loss drugs Mounjaro and Zepbound, part of a new class of drugs known as GLP-1s.

The drugmaker has invested $20bn in manufacturing facilities over the past four years, and on Wednesday said it was spending a further $4.5bn on building a production facility for drugs in clinical trial in its home state of Indiana. The pool of possible patients is one of the largest of any drug in history: there are more than 100mn US adults with obesity and 1bn people worldwide.

“Everyone has a biomarker in their bathroom, it’s called a scale,” says Ricks, speaking from a production facility under construction on the site of Eli Lilly’s Indianapolis headquarters. “So many people get a benefit, and they get it pretty quickly, and so then there’s a consumer interest cycle that is pretty powerful.”

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With the most potent weight-loss shot and a pipeline of 11 experimental treatments, including what is widely expected to be the first approved small molecule GLP-1 pill, Eli Lilly stands to be the biggest winner in a market that is projected to grow to $130bn a year in peak sales by the end of the decade.

But Ricks is far from complacent. He spends much of his time working to boost manufacturing capacity to outcompete rival Novo Nordisk. Meanwhile, Eli Lilly is fighting off competition from copycat weight-loss drugs and other drug developers entering the lucrative field, and coming under increasing pressure from politicians and patients over the price of its treatments.

Investors are also becoming wary over the company’s frothy valuation, which stood at $842bn as of market close on Monday, or 54-fold higher than projected earnings over the next 12 months, a height never reached before in the industry.

“Everybody is jumping blindly on [Eli] Lilly and all these stocks so they will keep grinding up but they are priced for perfection,” says one top-10 shareholder. “If investors get scared about the 10 other players with weight-loss drugs and the prospect of pricing pressure, they could be in trouble.”

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Daniel Skovronsky
Daniel Skovronsky, Eli Lilly’s chief scientific officer, says the company’s long-term mission is not only to boost its success, but also to avoid pharma’s ‘boom and bust’ cycle © AJ Mast/FT
A manufacturing facility filled with stainless steel equipment and interconnected pipes
An Eli Lilly GLP-1 manufacturing facility in Indianapolis that is set to start producing this year. Its rival Novo Nordisk shook up the market with the launch of the GLP-1 drug Ozempic in 2017 © AJ Mast/FT

But the company hopes to consolidate its position among the top 10 most valuable companies in the US by staying ahead of the competition. For Eli Lilly, this will mean pouring its extraordinary revenues into research and development to prepare for when its weight-loss drugs reach the so-called patent cliff when generic competition arrives, sometime in the mid-2030s.

The tech stocks that compete for the title of most valuable company — the likes of Microsoft, Apple, Nvidia and Google — share a “stickiness with their customers . . . that the pharmaceutical industry in the past has lacked”, says Daniel Skovronsky, Eli Lilly’s chief scientific officer.

The long-term mission for the company is not just to rise to greater heights but to avoid a return to darker times by cultivating some of that consumer loyalty. “Our mission”, adds Skovronsky, “is to get out of that boom and bust cycle of pharma”.


In 2018, after Swiss drugmaker Roche turned down the rights to license a promising GLP-1 pill to treat type 2 diabetes from its sister company Chugai, a rivalry dating back more than a century boiled up once again.

Eli Lilly beat out its Danish competitor Novo Nordisk for the rights to the experimental drug after a short bidding war, paying just $50mn upfront, according to two people familiar with discussions. Novo Nordisk declined to comment.

Skovronsky could not recall whether the pill’s potential as a weight-loss treatment was even discussed at the time of the licensing deal.

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But the pill — now known as orforglipron, which looks set to be first small molecule anti-obesity pill if it launches as planned in 2026 — is one of several fronts in which Eli Lilly appears to be outmanoeuvring Novo Nordisk for supremacy in the weight-loss drug market.

“For a century, we’ve competed with [Novo Nordisk] directly or indirectly,” says Ricks. “Competition is good for consumers in that way: it speeds up things because you race, you work harder, we can iterate in ways that produce better products . . . so there has been a sort of leapfrogging.”

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In 1923, Eli Lilly was first out of the blocks with a commercial insulin product to treat diabetes, which until then was considered a death sentence. Novo, then a standalone company before its merger with Nordisk, created a longer-lasting version and the first insulin pen.

In 1982, Eli Lilly launched the first synthetic, mass-producible version of human insulin. In 2005, Eli Lilly then created the first GLP-1 drug — a twice-daily injection, but Novo Nordisk would revolutionise the market with the launch of Ozempic in the US in 2017.

Despite Novo Nordisk being first to market, Eli Lilly has benefited from “a second mover advantage” with the launch of its weight-loss medicines, says Rajesh Kumar, head of healthcare equity research at HSBC. “They can see what traps the guy ahead of them is falling into,” he says, allowing them to ramp up manufacturing faster and to invest in next-generation products.

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This year, Mounjaro and Zepbound, which are both based on the active ingredient tirzepatide, are set to generate $18.8bn in sales between them, according to analyst consensus estimates — edging closer to Novo Nordisk’s $27bn in projected revenues from Ozempic and Wegovy, despite being on sale for a shorter period of time. Sales from Eli Lilly’s GLP-1 franchise are projected to surpass Novo Nordisk’s by 2027.

Eli Lilly’s first laboratory building in 1876
Eli Lilly’s first laboratory building in 1876. The drugmaker’s early success included revolutionising diabetes treatment in the 1920s with the first commercial insulin product
The company’s present-day headquarters in Indianapolis
The company’s present-day headquarters in Indianapolis. Eli Lilly has invested billions in manufacturing facilities in recent years © AJ Mast/FT

If orforglipron launches on schedule in 2026, Eli Lilly would enjoy a two-year monopoly of the weight-loss pill market before rivals caught up. At the same time, the company is also developing retatrutide, a treatment that activates three different gut peptides and in mid-stage trials resulted in 24 per cent body mass reduction, far more dramatic than the effects of any existing treatment.

The company is also racing to prove the added benefits of tirzepatide for knock-on effects of obesity, such as sleep apnoea, cardiovascular risk and chronic kidney disease, helping to ease the path to wider insurance coverage. Medicare, the state-backed healthcare programme mostly for over-65s, only covers weight-loss drugs when a patient is suffering from another comorbidity.

“We’re going to eat the elephant one step at a time here . . . by proving the indications not just to lower weight but for the consequences of that,” says Ricks. “I think in five years we’ll look back and say mostly those diseases can be augmented by changing their weight . . . and the payers will look back and say, ‘Yeh, we should cover [tirzepatide] in all these conditions and the precursor condition which is medical obesity.’”

Beyond its longtime rival, Eli Lilly is also facing competition from other quarters. As many as 16 new obesity drugs could launch by the end of the decade, including from drugmakers AstraZeneca, Pfizer and Amgen, according to PitchBook.

But more imminently, Eli Lilly is fighting back against an array of copycat weight-loss drugs. The US Food and Drug Administration permits compounding pharmacies, which typically prepare customised medication, to reproduce trademarked drugs when there is a shortage, and these have flooded the market.

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Ricks argues that there was “no rationality” for tirzepatide to remain on the FDA’s shortage list because of Eli Lilly’s efforts to ramp up supply, adding that compounding presented a risk to patients. “Let’s partner together to solve the production problem, let’s not use this trap door, which exposes Americans to adulterated products with unapproved [active pharmaceutical ingredients].”

With competitors at Eli Lilly’s heels and its key advantage being eroded, investors see warning signs that the company’s valuation may be nearing its peak.

A top-25 shareholder predicts that Eli Lilly will pass the $1tn milestone but says that is “close to the top”. “There’s the inevitable patent cliff, there’s competition and soon there’s going to be a price war to the bottom,” says the investor. “It seems like this is peak enthusiasm for [Eli Lilly].”


If Eli Lilly really wants to escape the pharmaceutical industry’s boom and bust cycle, its research and development team will have to get to work on discovering the next era-defining medicine. The task for Eli Lilly is to determine “what is your next giant pie-in-the-sky thing”, says one investor.

The company is hoping such opportunities may be hidden in the real-world data from the rollout of its anti-obesity medications.

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Early signs suggest that the hundreds of thousands of patients prescribed tirzepatide are starting to see other surprising effects from the treatment: a reduction in anxiety and depression symptoms as well as better control over compulsive behaviours such as smoking and drinking, according to Skovronsky.

Eli Lilly has already put the treatments to work against autoimmune diseases, such as psoriatic arthritis, in combination with other medicines, but Skovronsky says that the effects on mental health and addiction “are intriguing enough that we’re considering . . . how to attack the question of whether these drugs can help those kinds of diseases”.

The drugmaker is also considering including people who are not overweight, but are at risk of weight gain, in future trials of its weight-loss pills and other treatments, suggesting it is already searching for ways to expand the weight-loss drug market.

The biggest question for Eli Lilly, however, is what the company will do with the unprecedented windfall from its weight-loss drugs.

Eli Lilly chief executive David Ricks
Eli Lilly chief executive Ricks says he has favoured early-stage R&D bets over big, set-piece acquisitions © AJ Mast/FT
A lab setup with three transparent vessels containing yellow liquid
Manufacturing equipment at the drugmaker’s new lab in Kinsale, Ireland. Ricks says the company kept going with diabetes and obesity research when other pharma groups gave up © Paulo Nunes dos Santos/Bloomberg

Between now and 2030, analysts expect the business to generate $187bn in free cash flow, with which Eli Lilly can do whatever it wants. As one venture capitalist put it: while industry watchers are obsessing over Eli Lilly’s market value, what will be more defining is what Lilly does “once the money comes in the door”.

“Our capacity to spend is going up so we should look at everything but probably not change our principles,” says Ricks, adding that he favoured early-stage R&D bets over big, set-piece acquisitions that provide a bump in revenues but curtail growth.

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“When this company’s future was in doubt . . . we made a bet on R&D and we survived that by being inventive,” says Ricks, pointing to how the company persisted with diabetes and obesity research when other pharma groups gave up.

“That’s probably the way we maintain momentum by being inventive,” says Ricks. “We deploy dollars by project, not by some top-down math . . . so that requires us to get into the weeds on each project and get excited about it or not.”

When Merck’s blockbuster cancer immunotherapy drug Keytruda launched in 2014, Skovronsky recalls rushing to catch up and launch Eli Lilly’s own version of the class of drugs known as checkpoint inhibitors. He predicts that many rival drugmakers will miss the next wave of innovation as they try to find a route into the obesity market.

Meanwhile, Eli Lilly will have the breathing room to pursue its next big innovation: now that Kisunla, its treatment for people with early-stage Alzheimer’s, has been approved in the US, it is putting the medicine to work as preventive treatment for the incurable brain disorder.

Skovronsky adds that Eli Lilly, whose previous biggest drug was depression treatment Prozac, is likely to push back into psychiatry. Non-opioid painkillers are also an area of potential growth, as the US continues to search for solutions to the opioid crisis.

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Companies “have gotten challenged by investors in the years coming up to the cliff not because the rest of the business isn’t growing through the cliff but because the rest of the business just is uninteresting”, says Jacob Van Naarden, who runs Eli Lilly’s oncology division.

For Eli Lilly, the challenge will be to prove to investors that the rest of its business can be as attractive as its blockbuster GLP-1 drugs. “If you remove the diabetes and obesity businesses, they don’t execute that well,” says one investor. “There’s some risk in just going into new areas, because just like Novo actually they’re really good at this one thing . . . the rest are a mixed bag.”

And the odds are long. Discovering hugely popular medicines like statin Lipitor, autoimmune medicine Humira, Keytruda and now the GLP-1s “happens pretty infrequently and usually not by the same company twice in a row”, says Van Naarden. “Maybe it’s us — that’d be great.”

Data visualisation by Ian Bott, Keith Fray and Patrick Mathurin

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Cuba says 32 Cuban fighters killed in US raids on Venezuela

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Cuba says 32 Cuban fighters killed in US raids on Venezuela

Havana declares two days of mourning for the Cubans killed in US operation to abduct Nicolas Maduro.

Cuba has announced the death of 32 ⁠of its ​citizens during the United States military operation to abduct and detain Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his wife in Caracas.

Havana said on Sunday that there would be two days of mourning on ‌January 5 and ‌6 in ⁠honour of those killed and that ‌funeral arrangements would be announced.

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The state-run Prensa Latina agency said the Cuban “fighters” were killed while “carrying out missions” on behalf of the country’s military, at the request of the Venezuelan government.

The agency said the slain Cubans “fell in direct combat against the attackers or as a result of the bombing of the facilities” after offering “fierce resistance”.

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Cuba is a close ally of Venezuela’s government, and has sent military and police forces to assist in operations in the Latin American country for years.

Maduro and his wife have been flown to New York following the US operation to face prosecution on drug-related charges. The 63-year-old Venezuelan leader is due to appear in court on Monday.

He has previously denied criminal involvement.

Images of Maduro blindfolded and handcuffed by US forces have stunned Venezuelans.

Venezuelan Minister of Defence General Vladimir Padrino said on state television that the US attack killed soldiers, civilians and a “large part” of Maduro’s security detail “in cold blood”.

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Venezuela’s armed forces have been activated to guarantee sovereignty, he said.

‘A lot of Cubans’ killed

US President Donald Trump, speaking to reporters on board Air Force One on Sunday, said that “there was a lot of death on the other side” during the raids.

He said that “a lot of Cubans” were killed and that there was “no death on our side”.

Trump went on to threaten Colombian President Gustavo Petro, saying that a US military operation in the country sounded “good” to him.

But he suggested that a US military intervention in Cuba is unlikely, because the island appears to be ready to fall on its own.

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“Cuba is ready to fall. Cuba looks like it’s ready to fall. I don’t know how they, if they can, hold that, but Cuba now has no income. They got all of their income from Venezuela, from the Venezuelan oil,” Trump said.

“They’re not getting any of it. Cuba literally is ready to fall. And you have a lot of great Cuban Americans that are going to be very happy about this.”

The US attack on Venezuela marked the most controversial intervention in Latin America since the invasion of Panama 37 years ago.

The Trump administration has described Maduro’s abduction as a law-enforcement mission to force him to face US criminal charges filed in 2020, including “narco-terrorism” conspiracy.

But Trump also said that US oil companies needed “total access” to the country’s vast reserves and suggested that an influx of Venezuelan immigrants to the US also factored into the decision to abduct Maduro.

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While many Western nations oppose Maduro, there were many calls for the US to respect international law, and questions arose over the legality of abducting a foreign head of state.

Left-leaning regional leaders, including those of Brazil, Colombia, Chile and Mexico, have largely denounced Maduro’s removal, while countries with right-wing governments, from Argentina to Ecuador, have largely welcomed it.

The United Nations Security Council plans to meet on Monday to discuss the attack. Russia and China, both major backers of Venezuela, have criticised the US.

Beijing on Sunday insisted that the safety of Maduro and his wife be a priority, and called on the US to “stop toppling the government of Venezuela”, calling the attack a “clear violation of international law“.

Moscow also said it was “extremely concerned” about the abduction of Maduro and his wife, and condemned what it called an “act of armed aggression” against Venezuela by the US.

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Here’s a partial list of U.S. elected officials opposing Trump’s invasion of Venezuela

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Here’s a partial list of U.S. elected officials opposing Trump’s invasion of Venezuela

Protesters rally outside the White House Saturday, Jan. 3, 2026, in Washington, after the U.S. captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife in a military operation.

Julia Demaree Nikhinson/AP


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Julia Demaree Nikhinson/AP

President Trump’s move to depose Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro has drawn praise inside the United States, especially from Republican leaders. But the invasion also faces significant skepticism, questions about legality, and full-throated opposition from some elected officials across the political spectrum.

Here’s a survey.

Some Republicans condemn, or question, Trump’s invasion

While most conservative lawmakers voiced support for Trump’s action, a small group of Republican House members and GOP Senators described the move as unlawful or misguided.

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“If the President believes military action against Venezuela is needed, he should make the case and Congress should vote before American lives and treasure are spent on regime change in South America,” said Rep. Thomas Massie, a Republican from Kentucky, speaking on the House floor. “Do we truly believe that Nicolás Maduro will be replaced by a modern-day George Washington? How did that work out in Cuba, Libya, Iraq or Syria?”

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., posting on social media, voiced skepticism that the true goal of Trump’s invasion was to stop the flow of drugs into the United States. She also described the military action as a violation of conservative “America First” principles.

“Americans disgust with our own government’s never ending military aggression and support of foreign wars is justified because we are forced to pay for it and both parties, Republicans and Democrats, always keep the Washington military machine funded and going,” Greene posted on X. “This is what many in MAGA thought they voted to end. Boy were we wrong.”

Rep. Don Bacon, R-Neb., a retired U.S. Air Force Brigadier General, generally praised the military operation, but he also said the precedent of U.S. military intervention could embolden more aggressive action by authoritarian regimes in China and Russia.

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“Freedom and rule of law were defended last night,” Bacon said on X, referring to the invasion of Venezuela, “but dictators will try to exploit this to rationalize their selfish objectives.”

At least three Republican Senators also voiced concern or skepticism about the invasion and its legal justification, while also celebrating the fall of Maduro.

“In this case, a leader who monopolized central power is removed in an action that monopolizes central power,” Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul wrote on the platform X. “Best though, not to forget, that our founders limited the executive’s power to go to war without Congressional authorization for a reason—to limit the horror of war and limit war to acts of defense.”

GOP Senators Lisa Murkowski and Dan Sullivan, both of Alaska, said Maduro’s ouster would make the United States and the world safer, but suggested the operation could turn into a quagmire for U.S. troops.

“Late last year, I voted to proceed to debate on two resolutions that would have terminated the escalation of U.S. military operations against Venezuela absent explicit authorization from Congress,” Murkowski wrote on the platform X. She added that she expects further briefings from Trump officials on the “legal basis for these operations.”

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“The lessons learned from what took place after the United States deposed another Latin American indicted drug lord—Panama’s Manuel Noriega in 1989—could prove useful, as could the painful and difficult lessons learned after the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003,” Sullivan wrote on X.

Most Democrats condemn the invasion

Most Democratic lawmakers and elected officials also described Maduro as a dictator, but they generally condemned Trump’s action. At a press conference Saturday, New York City’s new Mayor Zohran Mamdani told reporters he phoned Trump and voiced opposition to the invasion.

“I called the President and spoke with him directly to register my opposition to this act and to make clear that it was an opposition based on being opposed to a pursuit of regime change, to the violation of federal and international law,” Mamdani said.

Democratic minority leader Sen. Chuck Schumer of New York accused Trump of acting in bad faith and violating the U.S. Constitution. “The idea that Trump plans to now run Venezuela should strike fear in the hearts of all Americans,” Schumer said in a post on X. “The American people have seen this before and paid the devastating price.”

According to Schumer, the Trump administration assured him “three separate times that it was not pursuing regime change or or military action without congressional authorization.”

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California’s Democratic Sen. Adam Schiff, a frequent Trump critic, posted a series of comments on X describing Saturday’s military action and Trump’s proposed U.S. occupation of Venezuela as potentially disastrous.

“Acting without Congressional approval or the buy-in of the public, Trump risks plunging a hemisphere into chaos and has broken his promise to end wars instead of starting them,” Schiff wrote.

“Donald Trump has once again shown his contempt for the Constitution and the rule of law,” said Vermont’s Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders, in a video posted on social media, where he described the U.S. invasion as “imperialism.”

“This is the horrific logic of force that Putin used to justify his brutal attack on Ukraine,” Sanders said.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democrat of New York, also spoke harshly of the military strike, describing it as an effort by Trump to distract attention from domestic troubles in the United States.

“It’s not about drugs. If it was, Trump wouldn’t have pardoned one of the largest narco traffickers in the world last month,” Ocasio-Cortez said, referring to Trump’s decision to free former Honduran President Orlando Hernandez, who had been convicted in the U.S. of helping smuggle more than 400 tons of cocaine into the U.S.

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“It’s about oil and regime change. And they need a trial now to pretend that it isn’t. Especially to distract from Epstein + skyrocketing healthcare costs,” Ocasio-Cortez added on X.

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Who is Delcy Rodríguez, Venezuela’s leader after Maduro’s capture? | CNN

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Who is Delcy Rodríguez, Venezuela’s leader after Maduro’s capture? | CNN

Following the capture of President Nicolás Maduro during a US military operation in Venezuela, the command of the South American country has fallen into the hands of Executive Vice President Delcy Rodríguez.

That is what Venezuela’s constitution outlines in its different scenarios anticipating a president’s absence. Under Articles 233 and 234, whether the absence is temporary or absolute, the vice president takes over the presidential duties.

Rodríguez – also minister for both finance and oil – stepped into the role on Saturday afternoon. Hours after the capture of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, she chaired a National Defense Council session, surrounded by other ministers and senior officials, and demanded the couple’s “immediate release” while condemning the US military operation.

Standing before the Venezuelan flag, Rodríguez said the early-morning operation represents a blatant violation of international law and Venezuela’s sovereignty. She added that the action must be rejected by Venezuelans and condemned by governments across Latin America.

“We call on the peoples of the great homeland to remain united, because what was done to Venezuela can be done to anyone. That brutal use of force to bend the will of the people can be carried out against any country,” she told the council in an address broadcast by state television channel VTV.

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Rodríguez, 56, is from Caracas and studied law at the Central University of Venezuela.

She has spent more than two decades as one of the leading figures of chavismo, the political movement founded by President Hugo Chávez and led by Maduro since Chávez’s death in 2013.

Alongside her brother Jorge Rodríguez, the current president of the National Assembly, she has held various positions of power since the Chávez era. She served as minister of communication and information from 2013 to 2014 and later became foreign minister from 2014 to 2017. In that role, she defended Maduro’s government against international criticism, including allegations of democratic backsliding and human rights abuses in the country.

As foreign minister, Rodríguez represented Venezuela at forums such as the United Nations, where she accused other governments of seeking to undermine her country.

In 2017, Rodríguez became president of the Constituent National Assembly that expanded the government’s powers after the opposition won the 2015 legislative elections. In 2018, Maduro appointed her vice president for his second term. She retained the post during his third presidential term, which began on January 10, 2025, following the controversial July 28, 2024, elections. Until the president’s capture, she served as Venezuela’s chief economic authority and minister of petroleum.

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Venezuela’s opposition maintains that the 2024 elections were fraudulent and that Maduro is not a legitimately elected president. They insist that the true winner was former ambassador Edmundo González Urrutia, a position supported by some governments in the region.

José Manuel Romano, a constitutional lawyer and political analyst, told CNN that the positions Rodríguez has held show she is a “very prominent” figure within the Venezuelan government and someone who enjoys the president’s “full trust.”

“The executive vice president of the republic is a highly effective operator, a woman with strong leadership skills for managing teams,” Romano said.

“She is very results-oriented and has significant influence over the entire government apparatus, including the Ministry of Defense. That is very important to note in the current circumstances,” he added.

On the path to an understanding with the US?

Hours after Maduro’s capture, and before Rodríguez addressed the National Defense Council, US President Donald Trump said at a press conference that Secretary of State Marco Rubio had spoken with the vice president. According to Trump, she appeared willing to work with Washington on a new phase for Venezuela.

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“She had a conversation with Marco. She said, ‘We’re going to do whatever you need.’ I think she was quite courteous. We’re going to do this right,” Trump said.

Trump’s remarks, however, surprised some analysts, who believe Rodríguez is unlikely to make concessions to the United States.

“She is not a moderate alternative to Maduro. She has been one of the most powerful and hard-line figures in the entire system,” Imdat Oner, a policy analyst at the Jack D. Gordon Institute and a former Turkish diplomat based in Venezuela, told CNN.

“Her rise to power appears to be the result of some kind of understanding between the United States and key actors preparing for a post-Maduro scenario. In that context, she would essentially serve as a caretaker until a democratically elected leader takes office,” the analyst added.

In her first messages following Maduro’s capture, Rodríguez showed no signs of backing down and, without referencing Trump’s statements, closed the door to any potential cooperation with the United States.

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Earlier in the morning, during a phone interview with VTV, Rodríguez said the whereabouts of Maduro and Flores were unknown and demanded proof that they were alive. Later in the afternoon, during the National Defense Council session, she escalated her rhetoric, condemned the US operation and, despite the circumstances, insisted that Maduro remains in charge of Venezuela.

“There is only one president in this country, and his name is Nicolás Maduro Moros,” said Rodríguez — now, by force of events, the most visible face of the government.

Reuters news agency contributed to this report.

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