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Can Eli Lilly become the first $1tn drugmaker?

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Can Eli Lilly become the first tn drugmaker?

Times are good at Eli Lilly. Wall Street’s insatiable appetite for weight-loss drug stocks looks set to turn the company into the world’s first $1tn drugmaker by market value.

But war stories about gloomier times are never far away when you run a pharmaceutical company. In the late 2000s, Eli Lilly’s share price neared all-time lows as patents of its blockbuster psychiatric drugs — chief among them Prozac, Zyprexa and Cymbalta — expired.

Consolidation was then sweeping the industry, recalls chief executive Dave Ricks, a 25-year veteran, and Eli Lilly was at risk of becoming “the back end of a hyphen to someone else”. The wheel of fortune has since turned. The company’s main problem is building production lines fast enough to meet demand for its blockbuster diabetes and weight-loss drugs Mounjaro and Zepbound, part of a new class of drugs known as GLP-1s.

The drugmaker has invested $20bn in manufacturing facilities over the past four years, and on Wednesday said it was spending a further $4.5bn on building a production facility for drugs in clinical trial in its home state of Indiana. The pool of possible patients is one of the largest of any drug in history: there are more than 100mn US adults with obesity and 1bn people worldwide.

“Everyone has a biomarker in their bathroom, it’s called a scale,” says Ricks, speaking from a production facility under construction on the site of Eli Lilly’s Indianapolis headquarters. “So many people get a benefit, and they get it pretty quickly, and so then there’s a consumer interest cycle that is pretty powerful.”

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With the most potent weight-loss shot and a pipeline of 11 experimental treatments, including what is widely expected to be the first approved small molecule GLP-1 pill, Eli Lilly stands to be the biggest winner in a market that is projected to grow to $130bn a year in peak sales by the end of the decade.

But Ricks is far from complacent. He spends much of his time working to boost manufacturing capacity to outcompete rival Novo Nordisk. Meanwhile, Eli Lilly is fighting off competition from copycat weight-loss drugs and other drug developers entering the lucrative field, and coming under increasing pressure from politicians and patients over the price of its treatments.

Investors are also becoming wary over the company’s frothy valuation, which stood at $842bn as of market close on Monday, or 54-fold higher than projected earnings over the next 12 months, a height never reached before in the industry.

“Everybody is jumping blindly on [Eli] Lilly and all these stocks so they will keep grinding up but they are priced for perfection,” says one top-10 shareholder. “If investors get scared about the 10 other players with weight-loss drugs and the prospect of pricing pressure, they could be in trouble.”

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Daniel Skovronsky
Daniel Skovronsky, Eli Lilly’s chief scientific officer, says the company’s long-term mission is not only to boost its success, but also to avoid pharma’s ‘boom and bust’ cycle © AJ Mast/FT
A manufacturing facility filled with stainless steel equipment and interconnected pipes
An Eli Lilly GLP-1 manufacturing facility in Indianapolis that is set to start producing this year. Its rival Novo Nordisk shook up the market with the launch of the GLP-1 drug Ozempic in 2017 © AJ Mast/FT

But the company hopes to consolidate its position among the top 10 most valuable companies in the US by staying ahead of the competition. For Eli Lilly, this will mean pouring its extraordinary revenues into research and development to prepare for when its weight-loss drugs reach the so-called patent cliff when generic competition arrives, sometime in the mid-2030s.

The tech stocks that compete for the title of most valuable company — the likes of Microsoft, Apple, Nvidia and Google — share a “stickiness with their customers . . . that the pharmaceutical industry in the past has lacked”, says Daniel Skovronsky, Eli Lilly’s chief scientific officer.

The long-term mission for the company is not just to rise to greater heights but to avoid a return to darker times by cultivating some of that consumer loyalty. “Our mission”, adds Skovronsky, “is to get out of that boom and bust cycle of pharma”.


In 2018, after Swiss drugmaker Roche turned down the rights to license a promising GLP-1 pill to treat type 2 diabetes from its sister company Chugai, a rivalry dating back more than a century boiled up once again.

Eli Lilly beat out its Danish competitor Novo Nordisk for the rights to the experimental drug after a short bidding war, paying just $50mn upfront, according to two people familiar with discussions. Novo Nordisk declined to comment.

Skovronsky could not recall whether the pill’s potential as a weight-loss treatment was even discussed at the time of the licensing deal.

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But the pill — now known as orforglipron, which looks set to be first small molecule anti-obesity pill if it launches as planned in 2026 — is one of several fronts in which Eli Lilly appears to be outmanoeuvring Novo Nordisk for supremacy in the weight-loss drug market.

“For a century, we’ve competed with [Novo Nordisk] directly or indirectly,” says Ricks. “Competition is good for consumers in that way: it speeds up things because you race, you work harder, we can iterate in ways that produce better products . . . so there has been a sort of leapfrogging.”

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In 1923, Eli Lilly was first out of the blocks with a commercial insulin product to treat diabetes, which until then was considered a death sentence. Novo, then a standalone company before its merger with Nordisk, created a longer-lasting version and the first insulin pen.

In 1982, Eli Lilly launched the first synthetic, mass-producible version of human insulin. In 2005, Eli Lilly then created the first GLP-1 drug — a twice-daily injection, but Novo Nordisk would revolutionise the market with the launch of Ozempic in the US in 2017.

Despite Novo Nordisk being first to market, Eli Lilly has benefited from “a second mover advantage” with the launch of its weight-loss medicines, says Rajesh Kumar, head of healthcare equity research at HSBC. “They can see what traps the guy ahead of them is falling into,” he says, allowing them to ramp up manufacturing faster and to invest in next-generation products.

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This year, Mounjaro and Zepbound, which are both based on the active ingredient tirzepatide, are set to generate $18.8bn in sales between them, according to analyst consensus estimates — edging closer to Novo Nordisk’s $27bn in projected revenues from Ozempic and Wegovy, despite being on sale for a shorter period of time. Sales from Eli Lilly’s GLP-1 franchise are projected to surpass Novo Nordisk’s by 2027.

Eli Lilly’s first laboratory building in 1876
Eli Lilly’s first laboratory building in 1876. The drugmaker’s early success included revolutionising diabetes treatment in the 1920s with the first commercial insulin product
The company’s present-day headquarters in Indianapolis
The company’s present-day headquarters in Indianapolis. Eli Lilly has invested billions in manufacturing facilities in recent years © AJ Mast/FT

If orforglipron launches on schedule in 2026, Eli Lilly would enjoy a two-year monopoly of the weight-loss pill market before rivals caught up. At the same time, the company is also developing retatrutide, a treatment that activates three different gut peptides and in mid-stage trials resulted in 24 per cent body mass reduction, far more dramatic than the effects of any existing treatment.

The company is also racing to prove the added benefits of tirzepatide for knock-on effects of obesity, such as sleep apnoea, cardiovascular risk and chronic kidney disease, helping to ease the path to wider insurance coverage. Medicare, the state-backed healthcare programme mostly for over-65s, only covers weight-loss drugs when a patient is suffering from another comorbidity.

“We’re going to eat the elephant one step at a time here . . . by proving the indications not just to lower weight but for the consequences of that,” says Ricks. “I think in five years we’ll look back and say mostly those diseases can be augmented by changing their weight . . . and the payers will look back and say, ‘Yeh, we should cover [tirzepatide] in all these conditions and the precursor condition which is medical obesity.’”

Beyond its longtime rival, Eli Lilly is also facing competition from other quarters. As many as 16 new obesity drugs could launch by the end of the decade, including from drugmakers AstraZeneca, Pfizer and Amgen, according to PitchBook.

But more imminently, Eli Lilly is fighting back against an array of copycat weight-loss drugs. The US Food and Drug Administration permits compounding pharmacies, which typically prepare customised medication, to reproduce trademarked drugs when there is a shortage, and these have flooded the market.

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Ricks argues that there was “no rationality” for tirzepatide to remain on the FDA’s shortage list because of Eli Lilly’s efforts to ramp up supply, adding that compounding presented a risk to patients. “Let’s partner together to solve the production problem, let’s not use this trap door, which exposes Americans to adulterated products with unapproved [active pharmaceutical ingredients].”

With competitors at Eli Lilly’s heels and its key advantage being eroded, investors see warning signs that the company’s valuation may be nearing its peak.

A top-25 shareholder predicts that Eli Lilly will pass the $1tn milestone but says that is “close to the top”. “There’s the inevitable patent cliff, there’s competition and soon there’s going to be a price war to the bottom,” says the investor. “It seems like this is peak enthusiasm for [Eli Lilly].”


If Eli Lilly really wants to escape the pharmaceutical industry’s boom and bust cycle, its research and development team will have to get to work on discovering the next era-defining medicine. The task for Eli Lilly is to determine “what is your next giant pie-in-the-sky thing”, says one investor.

The company is hoping such opportunities may be hidden in the real-world data from the rollout of its anti-obesity medications.

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Early signs suggest that the hundreds of thousands of patients prescribed tirzepatide are starting to see other surprising effects from the treatment: a reduction in anxiety and depression symptoms as well as better control over compulsive behaviours such as smoking and drinking, according to Skovronsky.

Eli Lilly has already put the treatments to work against autoimmune diseases, such as psoriatic arthritis, in combination with other medicines, but Skovronsky says that the effects on mental health and addiction “are intriguing enough that we’re considering . . . how to attack the question of whether these drugs can help those kinds of diseases”.

The drugmaker is also considering including people who are not overweight, but are at risk of weight gain, in future trials of its weight-loss pills and other treatments, suggesting it is already searching for ways to expand the weight-loss drug market.

The biggest question for Eli Lilly, however, is what the company will do with the unprecedented windfall from its weight-loss drugs.

Eli Lilly chief executive David Ricks
Eli Lilly chief executive Ricks says he has favoured early-stage R&D bets over big, set-piece acquisitions © AJ Mast/FT
A lab setup with three transparent vessels containing yellow liquid
Manufacturing equipment at the drugmaker’s new lab in Kinsale, Ireland. Ricks says the company kept going with diabetes and obesity research when other pharma groups gave up © Paulo Nunes dos Santos/Bloomberg

Between now and 2030, analysts expect the business to generate $187bn in free cash flow, with which Eli Lilly can do whatever it wants. As one venture capitalist put it: while industry watchers are obsessing over Eli Lilly’s market value, what will be more defining is what Lilly does “once the money comes in the door”.

“Our capacity to spend is going up so we should look at everything but probably not change our principles,” says Ricks, adding that he favoured early-stage R&D bets over big, set-piece acquisitions that provide a bump in revenues but curtail growth.

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“When this company’s future was in doubt . . . we made a bet on R&D and we survived that by being inventive,” says Ricks, pointing to how the company persisted with diabetes and obesity research when other pharma groups gave up.

“That’s probably the way we maintain momentum by being inventive,” says Ricks. “We deploy dollars by project, not by some top-down math . . . so that requires us to get into the weeds on each project and get excited about it or not.”

When Merck’s blockbuster cancer immunotherapy drug Keytruda launched in 2014, Skovronsky recalls rushing to catch up and launch Eli Lilly’s own version of the class of drugs known as checkpoint inhibitors. He predicts that many rival drugmakers will miss the next wave of innovation as they try to find a route into the obesity market.

Meanwhile, Eli Lilly will have the breathing room to pursue its next big innovation: now that Kisunla, its treatment for people with early-stage Alzheimer’s, has been approved in the US, it is putting the medicine to work as preventive treatment for the incurable brain disorder.

Skovronsky adds that Eli Lilly, whose previous biggest drug was depression treatment Prozac, is likely to push back into psychiatry. Non-opioid painkillers are also an area of potential growth, as the US continues to search for solutions to the opioid crisis.

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Companies “have gotten challenged by investors in the years coming up to the cliff not because the rest of the business isn’t growing through the cliff but because the rest of the business just is uninteresting”, says Jacob Van Naarden, who runs Eli Lilly’s oncology division.

For Eli Lilly, the challenge will be to prove to investors that the rest of its business can be as attractive as its blockbuster GLP-1 drugs. “If you remove the diabetes and obesity businesses, they don’t execute that well,” says one investor. “There’s some risk in just going into new areas, because just like Novo actually they’re really good at this one thing . . . the rest are a mixed bag.”

And the odds are long. Discovering hugely popular medicines like statin Lipitor, autoimmune medicine Humira, Keytruda and now the GLP-1s “happens pretty infrequently and usually not by the same company twice in a row”, says Van Naarden. “Maybe it’s us — that’d be great.”

Data visualisation by Ian Bott, Keith Fray and Patrick Mathurin

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Brass bands in Beijing make way for sticker shock at home as Trump returns to escalating inflation

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Brass bands in Beijing make way for sticker shock at home as Trump returns to escalating inflation

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump returned from the spectacle of a Chinese state visit to a less than welcoming U.S. economy — with the military band and garden tour in Beijing giving way to pressure over how to fix America’s escalating inflation rate.

Consumer inflation in the United States increased to 3.8% annually in April, higher than what he inherited as the Iran war and the Republican president’s own tariffs have pushed up prices. Inflation is now outpacing wage gains and effectively making workers poorer. The Cleveland Federal Reserve estimates that annual inflation could reach 4.2% in May as the war has kept oil and gasoline prices high.

Trump’s time with Chinese leader Xi Jinping appears unlikely to help the U.S. economy much, despite Trump’s claims of coming trade deals. The trip occurred as many people are voting in primaries leading into the November general election while having to absorb the rising costs of gasoline, groceries, utility bills, jewelry, women’s clothing, airplane tickets and delivery services. Democrats see the moment as a political opportunity.

“He’s returning to a dumpster fire,” said Lindsay Owens, executive director of Groundwork Collaborative, a liberal think tank focused on economic issues. “The president will not have the faith and confidence of the American people — the economy is their top issue and the president is saying, ‘You’re on your own.’”

The president’s trip to Beijing and his recent comments that indicated a tone-deafness to voters’ concerns about rising prices have suggested his focus is not on the American public and have undermined Republicans who had intended to campaign on last year’s tax cuts as helping families.

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Trump described the trip as a victory, saying on social media that Xi “congratulated me on so many tremendous successes,” as the U.S. president has praised their relationship.

Trump told reporters that Boeing would be selling 200 aircraft — and maybe even 750 “if they do a good job” — to the Chinese. He said American farmers would be “very happy” because China would be “buying billions of dollars of soybeans.”

“We had an amazing time,” Trump said as he flew home on Air Force One, and told Fox News’ Bret Baier in an interview that gasoline prices were just some “short-term pain” and would “drop like a rock” once the war ends.

Inflationary pain is not a factor in how Trump handles Iran

Trump departed from the White House for China by saying the negotiations over the Iran war depended on stopping Tehran from developing nuclear weapons. “I don’t think about Americans’ financial situation. I don’t think about anybody. I think about one thing: We cannot let Iran have a nuclear weapon,” Trump said.

That remark prompted blowback because it suggested to some that Trump cared more about challenging Iran than fighting inflation at home. Trump defended his words, telling Fox News: “That’s a perfect statement. I’d make it again.”

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The White House has since stressed that Trump is focused on inflation.

Asked later about the president’s words, Vice President JD Vance said there had been a “misrepresentation” of the remarks. White House spokesman Kush Desai said the “administration remains laser-focused on delivering growth and affordability on the homefront” while indicating actions would be taken on grocery prices.

But as Trump appeared alongside Xi, new reports back home showed inflation rising for businesses and interest rates climbing on U.S. government debt.

His comments that Boeing would sell 200 jets to China caused the company’s stock price to fall because investors had expected a larger number. There was little concrete information offered about any trade agreements reached during the summit, including Chinese purchases of U.S. exports such as liquefied natural gas and beef.

“Foreign policy wins can matter politically, but only if voters feel stability and affordability in their daily lives,” said Brittany Martinez, a former Republican congressional aide who is the executive director of Principles First, a center-right advocacy group focused on democracy issues.

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“Midterms are almost always a referendum on cost of living and public frustration, and Republicans are not immune from the same inflation and affordability pressures that hurt Democrats in recent cycles,” she added.

Democrats see Trump as vulnerable

Democratic lawmakers are seizing on Trump’s comments before his trip as proof of his indifference to lowering costs. There is potential staying power of his remarks as Americans head into Memorial Day weekend facing rising prices for the hamburgers and hot dogs to be grilled.

“What Americans do not see is any sympathy, any support, or any plan from Trump and congressional Republicans to lower costs – in fact, they see the opposite,” Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer of New York said Thursday.

Vance faulted the Biden administration for the inflation problem even though the inflation rate is now higher than it was when Trump returned to the White House in January 2025 with a specific mandate to fix it.

“The inflation number last month was not great,” Vance said Wednesday, but he then stressed, “We’re not seeing anything like what we saw under the Biden administration.”

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Inflation peaked at 9.1% in June 2022 under Biden, a Democrat. By the time Trump took the oath of office, it was a far more modest 3%.

Trump’s inflation challenge could get harder

The data tells a different story as higher inflation is spreading into the cost of servicing the national debt.

Over the past week, the interest rate charged on 10-year U.S. government debt jumped from 4.36% to 4.6%, an increase that implies higher costs for auto loans and mortgages.

“My fear is that the layers of supply shocks that are affecting the U.S. economy will only further feed into inflationary pressures,” said Gregory Daco, chief economist at EY-Parthenon.

Daco noted that last year’s tariff increases were now translating into higher clothing prices. With the Supreme Court ruling against Trump’s ability to impose tariffs by declaring an economic emergency, his administration is preparing a new set of import taxes for this summer.

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Daco stressed that there have been a series of supply shocks. First, tariffs cut into the supply of imports. In addition, Trump’s immigration crackdown cut into the supply of foreign-born workers. Now, the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz has cut off the vital waterway used to ship 20% of global oil supplies.

“We’re seeing an erosion of growth,” Daco said.

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Top Drug Regulator Is Fired From the F.D.A.

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Top Drug Regulator Is Fired From the F.D.A.

Dr. Tracy Beth Hoeg, the Food and Drug Administration’s top drug regulator, said she was fired from the agency Friday after she declined to resign.

She said she did not know who had ordered her firing or why, nor whether Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. knew of her fate. The Department of Health and Human Services did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The departure reflected the upheaval at the F.D.A., days after the resignation of Dr. Marty Makary, the agency commissioner. Dr. Makary had become a lightning rod for critics of the agency’s decisions to reject applications for rare disease drugs and to delay a report meant to supply damaging evidence about the abortion drug mifepristone. He also spent months before his departure pushing back on the White House’s requests for him to approve more flavored vapes, the reason he ultimately cited for leaving.

Dr. Hoeg’s hiring had startled public health leaders who were familiar with her track record as a vaccine skeptic, and she played a leading role in some of the agency’s most divisive efforts during her tenure. She worked on a report that purportedly linked the deaths of children and young adults to Covid vaccines, a dossier the agency has not released publicly. She was also the co-author of a document describing Mr. Kennedy’s decision to pare the recommendations for 17 childhood vaccines down to 11.

But in an interview on Friday, Dr. Hoeg said she “stuck with the science.”

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“I am incredibly proud of the work we were doing,” Dr. Hoeg said, adding, “I’m glad that we didn’t give in to any pressures to approve drugs when it wasn’t appropriate.”

As the director of the agency’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research, she was a political appointee in a role that had been previously occupied by career officials. An epidemiologist who was trained in the United States and Denmark, she worked on efforts to analyze drug safety and on a panel to discuss the use of serotonin reuptake inhibitors, the most widely prescribed class of antidepressants, during pregnancy. She also worked on efforts to reduce animal testing and was the agency’s liaison to an influential vaccine committee.

She made sure that her teams approved drugs only when the risk-benefit balance was favorable, she said.

The firing worsens the leadership vacuum at the F.D.A. and other agencies, with temporary leaders filling the role of commissioner, food chief and the head of the biologics center, which oversees vaccines and gene therapies. The roles of surgeon general and director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are also unfilled.

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Supreme Court is death knell for Virginia’s Democratic-friendly congressional maps

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Supreme Court is death knell for Virginia’s Democratic-friendly congressional maps

The U.S. Supreme Court

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The U.S. Supreme Court refused Friday to allow Virginia to use a new congressional map that favored Democrats in all but one of the state’s U.S. House seats. The map was a key part of Democrats’ effort to counter the Republican redistricting wave set off by President Trump.

The new map was drawn by Democrats and approved by Virginia voters in an April referendum. But on May 8, the Supreme Court of Virginia in a 4-to-3 vote declared the referendum, and by extension the new map, null and void because lawmakers failed to follow the proper procedures to get the issue on the ballot, violating the state constitution.

Virginia Democrats and the state’s attorney general then appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, seeking to put into effect the map approved by the voters, which yields four more likely Democratic congressional seats. In their emergency application, they argued the Virginia Supreme Court was “deeply mistaken” in its decision on “critical issues of federal law with profound practical importance to the Nation.” Further, they asserted the decision “overrode the will of the people” by ordering Virginia to “conduct its election with the congressional districts that the people rejected.”

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Republican legislators countered that it would be improper for the U.S. Supreme Court to wade into a purely state law controversy — especially since the Democrats had not raised any federal claims in the lower court.

Ultimately, the U.S. Supreme Court sided with Republicans without explanation leaving in place the state court ruling that voided the Democratic-friendly maps.

The court’s decision not to intervene was its latest in emergency requests for intervention on redistricting issues. In December, the high court OK’d Texas using a gerrymandered map that could help the GOP win five more seats in the U.S. House. In February, the court allowed California to use a voter-approved, Democratic-friendly map, adopted to offset Texas’s map. Then in March, the U.S. Supreme Court blocked the redrawing of a New York map expected to flip a Republican congressional district Democratic.

And perhaps most importantly, in April, the high court ruled that a Louisiana congressional map was a racial gerrymander and must be redrawn. That decision immediately set off a flurry of redistricting efforts, particularly in the South, where Republican legislators immediately began redrawing congressional maps to eliminate long established majority Black and Hispanic districts.

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