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Biden, Attal, Pitt the Younger — what is the right age for a politician?

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Biden, Attal, Pitt the Younger — what is the right age for a politician?

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When, in the closing weeks of 1783, Pitt the Younger became Great Britain’s youngest ever prime minister at the tender age of 24 — a record he retains in today’s UK — his government had a poor prognosis. It was dubbed “the mince pie administration” on the assumption it would not last much beyond the Christmas period, while satirists mocked the “infant Atlas”. Was the nation safe with “a kingdom trusted to a schoolboy’s care”?

But Gabriel Attal, the fresh-faced 34-year-old appointed last week as French PM, should be encouraged by Pitt’s example: before his untimely death, the Georgian premier went on to a successful near 20-year, two-term career in the top job and still makes the lists of great political leaders.

Attal has not yet reached the dizzy heights of command: as number two to the French president, his mentor, he has been described as “baby Macron”. Speculation is rife on whether the choice of a loyalist, subordinate in age (Élisabeth Borne, 62, female, and therefore never a Macron mini-me, resigned after less than two years), will end like Caesar’s sponsorship of Brutus: is it a chance for the protégé to overtake or even betray the older man?

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The promotion of Attal looks like a sign that Emmanuel Macron is banking on the French electorate having stereotypical assumptions about age and energy levels. The president, himself only 46, was the youngest ever to be elected in France in 2017, at 39. But these days his administration badly needs an injection of oomph.

However, do such Operation Young Bloods ever really deliver? “In presentational terms youth can be an advantage,” according to Steven Fielding, emeritus professor of political history at Nottingham university. For an incoming administration or a hopeful challenger “it highlights the vigour you’re going to bring to change”.

But, Fielding adds, it won’t work “at the end of a long spell of your party in power”. It’s a salutary warning not just to the French government but two of the UK’s incumbent parties, Conservative and Scottish Nationalist.

Both Tony Blair and John F Kennedy won power at the age of 43: Blair talked up a “young country”; JFK was the symbol of an optimistic future after two terms of Eisenhower, by then 70. David Cameron was also 43 when he became UK prime minister — no Pitt, but his smooth visage proved a useful, upbeat contrast during the 2010 election with Gordon Brown’s careworn features, with 13 years of Labour in power etched on them.

In recent months, Tory strategists casting around for attack lines to use against the opposition leader Sir Keir Starmer have had a go at his age — the Labour challenger is 61 to Sunak’s 43, the magic moment for Blair, Cameron and JFK. But it smacked of desperation; the attempt to portray Sunak as the change candidate has since been dropped.

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As for the SNP, 38-year-old Humza Yousaf’s hopes of offering a fresh start after taking over from Nicola Sturgeon as Scotland’s first minister in March last year seem dashed: the party, which has been the largest in the Scottish parliament since 2007, is embroiled in scandals and down in the polls.

Steve Richards, author of several books on Britain’s political leaders, disputes the idea of 43 as a modern ideal: it’s good for establishing an aura of energy, he admits, but never having been part of a previous government proved a problem for both Blair and Cameron — “better for them to have been 10 years older with experience of government”.

The ill health that plagued Labour’s postwar administrations showed the danger of being too old, Richards adds, while Margaret Thatcher was lucky to be elected at 53: “A good age: previous ministerial experience, but fit and energetic . . . too energetic!”

The glaring exception among western democracies to this preoccupation with youthful vitality, is, of course, today’s US. America’s constitution demonstrates an opposite concern, blocking anyone under 35 from becoming president. This year’s White House contest is likely to be the battle of the gerontocrats, pitting incumbent Joe Biden, now 81, against Donald Trump, 77. Both broke the upper age record when inaugurated the first time around. Observers are struggling to use even the deadly, backhanded compliment “sprightly” about either of them with any conviction.

It is “a sight to make surrounding nations stare” as the satire on Pitt’s premiership put it, but for the opposite reason. Perhaps the US should encourage Biden and Trump to look for some Macron-style mini-me protégés. Or perhaps in the latter case, we should pray they do not.

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miranda.green@ft.com

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Xi’s last frontier: China’s plan to transform its west

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Xi’s last frontier: China’s plan to transform its west

Additional contributions by Haohsiang Ko, Chris Campbell and Annalee Mather.

The location and route of the tunnel system for the hydropower dam are indicative, as official designs have not been made public. While the route shown is approximate, it follows an elevation change consistent with the proposed plans for the facility.

Mehebub Sahana, an environmental geographer at Manchester University, and Ye Huang, a researcher at Global Energy Monitor, assessed possible locations for the facility and reviewed satellite imagery to determine whether recent construction activity was linked to the project.

Images of major infrastructure projects included at the top of the story, in the order in which they appear: China News Service/Getty Images; CFOTO/Sipa USA; Xinhua/Shutterstock; CFOTO/Sipa USA; Reuters; Xinhua/Shutterstock; CFOTO/Sipa USA; CHINE NOUVELLE/SIPA/Shutterstock. Videos from ski resorts in Xinjiang were sourced from China’s Xiaohongshu social media platform.

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One by one, U.S. civil rights agency dismantles tools to fight discrimination

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One by one, U.S. civil rights agency dismantles tools to fight discrimination

The EEOC was established by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to address entrenched discrimination in employment.

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In 1966, the newly-established Equal Employment Opportunity Commission issued a rule to tackle entrenched discrimination on the job.

Every year, companies with a hundred or more workers would turn over to the government information about the race, ethnicity, sex and job categories of their employees.

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This EEO-1 data, as it’s known, has helped the federal agency figure out where people of color and women are not getting hired or promoted. Over decades, the EEOC’s work has led to settlements worth billions.

Now, as part of a realignment of civil rights enforcement under President Trump, the EEOC is seeking to end its annual data collection while also getting rid of a 1979 regulation that allowed employers to take certain steps to address race and gender imbalances revealed by the data.

Together, the moves would mark an about-face in the civil rights agency’s efforts to fulfill its mission.

Andrea Lucas, the Trump-appointed chair of the EEOC, did not respond to NPR’s questions about the two proposals, which have been submitted to the White House for review.

But in interviews and public remarks, Lucas has repeatedly warned that programs or policies aimed at helping specific groups, such as Black people or women, are unlawful under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 if they exclude others.

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“Regardless of what has happened before, the way to stop discriminating based on race is to stop discriminating based on race. The end. Full stop,” Lucas said at the Fortune Workplace Innovation Summit earlier this month. “I think that that’s a more beautiful vision of our country, and I think it’s consistent with the text of the statute.”

A roadmap for addressing discrimination

The 1979 regulation the EEOC seeks to rescind was issued with this very dilemma in mind: Can a company remedy discrimination by giving special consideration to those who were deprived of opportunities in the past?

The answer back then was yes. The agency gave the go-ahead for mentoring programs and even hiring targets.

“The EEOC says you can take some of these voluntary efforts, even though they will be race- or gender-conscious,” says Chai Feldblum, who served on the commission during the Obama and first Trump administrations. “This is the EEOC giving employers the roadmap of how they can take race and gender into account in a positive way and not violate the law.”

The guidelines, issued in January 1979, made clear that companies first had to document a problem, and then come up with a reasonable and time-limited plan for how to increase the number of minorities or women in their ranks.

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Five months later, the Supreme Court embraced that roadmap. In a 5-2 decision known as Weber, the court found that an affirmative action plan to remedy past discrimination was lawful provided it did not “unnecessarily trammel the interests of white employees” and that it was temporary.

In 1987, the court issued another decision, known as Johnson, extending protection to efforts aimed at helping women.

Now known as the Weber-Johnson standard, it’s still the law regardless of what happens with the EEOC’s 1979 regulation, says Feldblum. But for how long, she’s not sure.

“I think the Supreme Court is just waiting for a case that might allow them to overturn those two important cases,” she says.

How data has helped root out discrimination

The more imminent change, assuming the EEOC’s proposals go forward, is the demise of the agency’s annual collection of employee demographics. Usually, the data collection begins in late spring. So far this year, there’s been no word of it.

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Since the 1960s, the EEOC has recovered billions of dollars for workers who have suffered discrimination on the job, and in many cases, EEO-1 data played a key role.

“It’s one of the first things that you can look at as you’re trying to learn more,” says Karla Gilbride, who served as the EEOC’s general counsel during the Biden administration.

Protecting U.S. workers from unlawful discrimination — already a hard task — could become significantly harder if the government no longer has that data within arm’s reach, Gilbride says. Having to subpoena data would make enforcement far more laborious and less efficient.

A lawsuit against Bass Pro Shops

Consider the lawsuit against Bass Pro Shops, first filed in 2011.

The EEOC alleged the company, formally known as Bass Pro Outdoor World, discriminated against Black and Hispanic job applicants by not hiring them — not just at one store, but across the country, even in places with sizable Black and Hispanic populations.

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“Store by store by store, sort of the same idea, where you had areas that had a significant number of Blacks and Latinos, and either zero or very few at the stores,” says David Lopez, who was the EEOC’s general counsel at the time and now leads the Civil Rights, Migration and Workplace Law Initiative at Arizona State University.

A Bass Pro Shops Outdoor World retail store in Irvine, Calif.

A Bass Pro Shops Outdoor World retail store in Irvine, Calif.

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The EEOC saw that pattern because it had Bass Pro’s demographic data on file. Government investigators could easily compare the outdoor gear shop to other retailers in the same counties. They could also compare Bass Pro’s workforce to the available pool of workers in the surrounding areas.

While the data by itself could not prove discrimination, Lopez says it was a green light to agency investigators to dig further.

“Because they had a reason to investigate, they were able to discover that there were managerial comments that were reflective of discriminatory animus, that they were looking for a certain type of person,” says Lopez.

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Someone who was white, according to the government’s complaint.

Bass Pro called the allegations “threadbare” and accused the government of merely relying on “a handful of isolated incidents of alleged inappropriate behavior.”

EEOC investigators later bolstered their case, identifying implicated managers and job applicants by name and compiling a list of dozens of Bass Pro stores with a low representation of Black and Hispanic employees.

Finally, in 2017, the company settled for $10.5 million. Bass Pro did not admit to any wrongdoing, but agreed to appoint a diversity director and to make good-faith efforts to recruit and hire non-white candidates.

Lopez considered the settlement a big win, one of many he oversaw in his time at the EEOC that were built on data.

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“You can have a hunch, but there’s nothing like the cold, hard numbers,” he says.

Agency chair says data has been misused

Early indications of the EEOC’s plan to stop gathering data came a year ago.

In announcing the opening of the 2025 data collection period, Lucas posted a message warning employers of their obligations under federal civil rights law.

“You must not use the information collected and reported in your organization’s EEO-1 Component 1 report to justify treating employees differently based on their race, sex, or other protected characteristic,” she wrote.

In an interview with NPR earlier this year, Lucas explained her missive. She said a number of companies have been misusing the data — including in ways that have hurt white people and men.

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Lucas believes the only people who should know the gender and race of a company’s employees are its lawyers and human resources staff. Instead, after the 2020 murder of George Floyd by a white police officer, a number of companies published their demographic data as part of public commitments to address the lack of diversity within their ranks.

Equal Employment Opportunity Commission chair Andrea Lucas is changing the priorities of an agency that had long focused its efforts on protecting vulnerable and underserved workers.

Equal Employment Opportunity Commission chair Andrea Lucas has served on the commission since 2020, appointed by President Trump.

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Subsequently, she contends, companies began making decisions about whom to hire, promote and interview for jobs based on sex or race, noting some even gave hiring managers financial incentives to hit diversity targets.

That use of demographic data crosses the line, she says. “All it has to do is motivate — in whole or in part — your decision making, and you’re into unlawful territory.”

Lucas declined to single out any company by name, citing the confidentiality of agency investigations. But according to court documents, the EEOC has accused Nike and The New York Times of discrimination against white employees and job applicants. The two companies are among many that published their demographic data along with their diversity-related goals for several years.

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A focus on data in select cases

Paradoxically, Lucas has at times talked up the importance of data.

“There is no other way to protect victims of harassment and discrimination unless you collect information about them,” she said while speaking in April at a conference at Harvard organized by the Brandeis Center, an independent civil rights organization.

In that instance, she was defending the EEOC’s subpoena, requiring the University of Pennsylvania to turn over employee information that the agency doesn’t routinely collect: the names, addresses and phone numbers of Jewish employees who may have witnessed antisemitic acts on campus.

The university has, so far, refused to comply with the subpoena, noting in court filings that it echoes terrifying periods of history for Jewish communities.

“Driving a car without a dashboard”

The profound changes underway at the EEOC have kept David Cohen busy. The president of the management consulting firm DCI Consulting has fielded many calls from confused clients, wondering whether the work they’ve been doing to promote equal opportunity should continue.

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For now, he’s telling clients that keeping track of their employee demographics is a smart business move, whether the government requires it or not.

Without it, he says, a company has no way of knowing if it has a problem — whether it’s recruiting from too narrow a pool, or has a bad manager somewhere, or is screening out qualified candidates for no good reason.

“It’s like you’re driving a car without a dashboard. You have no idea what’s going [on]. Am I speeding? Am I not speeding? Is my check-engine light on?” he says. “You have nothing.”

He’s been reminding clients that while priorities have shifted at the EEOC, federal civil rights laws haven’t changed.

“Stay within the law, and you will be okay,” he says.

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Video: Another Night of Violent Protests Outside a Newark ICE Detention Center

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Video: Another Night of Violent Protests Outside a Newark ICE Detention Center

new video loaded: Another Night of Violent Protests Outside a Newark ICE Detention Center

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Another Night of Violent Protests Outside a Newark ICE Detention Center

Protesters and the police clashed again outside of an ICE detention center in New Jersey on Saturday night.

“Shut down Delaney Hall.” “Shut down Delaney Hall.” “Mikie Sherrill, do better. Mikie Sherrill, do better.”

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Protesters and the police clashed again outside of an ICE detention center in New Jersey on Saturday night.

By Cynthia Silva

May 31, 2026

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