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15 years later, Democrats reckon with votes supporting North Dakota abortion ban

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15 years later, Democrats reckon with votes supporting North Dakota abortion ban


Abortion entry in North Dakota is about to vary dramatically. On July 28, a 2007 legislation banning the process — with slim exceptions for rape, incest and the mom’s life — will take impact.

It’s a 15-year-old legislation, written and handed in a bygone period, when the best to an abortion secured by Roe v. Wade appeared ironclad. Passing the legislation had no quick penalties then, and existed as little greater than a sign to pro-life voters that the state was on their facet. However after a late June Supreme Court docket choice ending the best to abortion, that legislation will now reshape the politics of North Dakota ladies’s well being care.

And with out Democrats’ help, it wouldn’t have been attainable.

When the 2007 abortion ban handed, it got here with exceptional bipartisan backing. The state Home handed the invoice 68-24, with 14 of its 33 Democrats lending their votes. Within the Senate, the measure handed 29-16, and eight of the chamber’s 21 Democrats supported it — sufficient to have blocked it, had these senators voted the opposite approach.

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A handful of Democrats

who backed

the invoice

are nonetheless within the Legislature. Senate Minority Chief Joan Heckaman, D-New Rockford, is one in every of them.

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State Sen. Joan Heckaman

“I feel all of us worth life. And I feel that is most likely one of many causes I voted for that invoice,” Heckaman mentioned. Pressed on whether or not she believes it’s a great legislation, Heckaman mentioned it’s “debatable.”

“I do not need any abortions to occur,” she mentioned “However on the identical time, the Legislature has been negligent of its job of fulfilling the well being care for girls and newborns. We do not maintain the younger mothers, we do not be sure that they’ve what they want. And I feel we have a protracted solution to go there.”

State Sen. Tim Mathern, D-Fargo and an elder statesman amongst a shrinking Democratic caucus, was one other supporter of the invoice. He mentioned he’s happy with work he did in 2007 to insist on a number of exceptions that make the legislation much less strict — similar to exceptions for instances of rape and incest and to guard the mom’s life. Like Heckaman, he mentioned he’s dissatisfied in an absence of methods that help infants and new dad and mom.

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“There’s additionally concern concerning the youngster — the opposite life that we’re coping with right here. That life can also be worthy of our society’s consideration and concern,” he mentioned. He added that the legislative course of includes compromise, and lamented that it’s turn into extra of a “black and white course of” that’s typically pushed by the outer edges of debate.

Mathern acknowledged, although, he sees a shift since 2007.

“I feel society has modified … when it comes to the idea of bodily integrity as being an idea wholly impartial from the problem of the lifetime of one other particular person,” he mentioned. “And I feel that has extra power as we speak from the general public than it did 15, 20 years in the past.”

In a single respect, Mathern is clearly right: quite a bit is totally different from the place it was 15 years in the past, when rural Democrats weren’t but a rarity and when abortion was much less of a partisan debate. In truth, the 2 main sponsors within the Home have been Democrats.

Since then, the Democratic-NPL has been decimated by advances the GOP has made in rural areas, because the nation more and more polarizes into extra city, left-of-center enclaves and extra sparsely populated conservative zones.

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In North Dakota, Democrats are hardly aggressive west of Interstate 29 anymore. Nationally, it’s exhausting to think about a contemporary Democratic caucus break up on the problem of abortion — and for lots of voters, that’s what issues. To listen to Mathern inform it, North Dakota Democrats can’t outrun the repute of these nationwide Democrats.

“I do not assume your rank-and-file Democrats modified,” he mentioned. “However I feel the nationwide narrative about what Democrats consider and what Republicans consider has turn into taken in by North Dakotans.”

Mac Schneider, lively in North Dakota Democratic politics from 2008 to 2018, has watched loads of these adjustments occur.

“Once I began (as a state senator) again in ’09, the Tip O’Neill saying that every one politics are native — I feel that was largely true,” Schneider mentioned. “Now I feel it is largely true to say all politics are nationwide.”

A lot of North Dakota’s trendy abortion debate traces to 1991, when an anti-abortion measure — with exceptions for rape, incest and to avoid wasting a mom’s life — handed the North Dakota Legislature. It was met with a veto by Gov. George Sinner, who as soon as aspired to the Catholic priesthood.

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“I’m a Catholic and … I agree with the present Catholic judgment that abortion is fallacious,” Sinner mentioned on the time. “The problem right here, nonetheless, is the position of the legislation.”

However Sinner signed a invoice that imposed a 24-hour ready interval on abortions, and required ladies obtain data on medical dangers and alternate options.

1991 was a 12 months of intense battle over abortion. The Related Press additionally recollects that days after the passage of the abortion invoice, 26 folks “stormed” a Fargo abortion clinic, and that 10 North Dakota anti-abortion protests noticed 210 folks arrested over the course of the 12 months.

Sinner’s selections slowed the success of the anti-abortion motion. Nevertheless it couldn’t masks that the Legislature was overwhelmingly against the process; the ban had handed within the Senate 32-21, and within the Home 64-39.

“The truth that it did cross confirmed the vast majority of our legislative representatives did communicate out in opposition to abortion,” Renee Klein, chief of the North Dakota Proper to Life, informed the Related Press that 12 months.

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By 2007, Gov. John Hoeven — now the state’s senior Republican U.S. senator — was able to signal an abortion ban, and did. It nonetheless left critics uncertain what would come subsequent, and raised questions that extra politicians will certainly face in coming years.

“Assume you are present process chemotherapy and located your self pregnant. What would you do?” Rep. Kenton Onstad, D-Parshall, questioned in 2007. “What does this legislation permit you to do?”

The state confronted the problem simply seven years later, although, when in 2014 North Dakota voters shot down a “personhood” poll measure that may have added language to the state structure noting that “the inalienable proper to life of each human being at any stage of improvement have to be acknowledged and guarded.” Politico

recollects

that critics had anxious the measure may “limit entry to abortion even earlier than viability, criminalize in-vitro fertilization or restrict end-of-life remedy selections.”

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One of many largest questions now about Roe v. Wade is generally about how its aftermath will unfold; it’s already messy and unclear. In Florida, a decide this week moved to dam a 15-week abortion ban, citing the state structure. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, and Joe Manchin, D-W.V.,

steered within the aftermath of the ruling

that justices Brett Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsuch misled them.

Former Sen. Heidi Heitkamp, D-N.D., steered one thing comparable. Heitkamp, who in 2018 misplaced her seat to Sen. Kevin Cramer, R-N.D., had voted for Gorsuch however in opposition to Kavanaugh’s affirmation.

“I believed that Brett Kavanaugh repeatedly lied underneath oath, so I trusted nothing he mentioned about his place on Roe v. Wade,” Heitkamp texted a reporter this week. She added on Gorsuch that “I feel he knew on the time that he testified that he was a possible vote to overturn Roe v. Wade however hid behind veiled language on ‘set up precedent’ to only get by means of the affirmation course of.”

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“As a result of I’ve extra respect for Justice Gorsuch, it’s a larger disappointment that he wasn’t extra clear,” she mentioned.

State Rep. Josh Boschee, D-Fargo is the Home minority chief. He lamented the “absoluteness” of the Supreme Court docket’s choice, he mentioned, worrying that docs may hesitate in some components of the nation to carry out important care on pregnancies harmful to a pregnant mom.

However he additionally identified that the Democratic-NPL welcomes every kind of candidates, particularly when a reporter identified that Mark Haugen, the get together’s U.S. Home candidate,

is pro-life

.

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“Our caucus, in comparison with the Republican caucus, isn’t a caucus that sits down and says, ‘you must vote this fashion,’” Boschee mentioned. He acknowledged, although, that there are supporters who need extra “litmus exams” for politicians on abortion and the rights of sexual minorities and extra.

“However a part of governing is with the ability to take the knowledge you will have and attempting to make the perfect choice you’ll be able to,” he added. “What I might say to Democratic voters is that you should have conversations with candidates, each Republican and Democrat, concerning the points which are vital to you.”





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North Dakota

ND Rural Water Systems Association celebrates 50 years

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ND Rural Water Systems Association celebrates 50 years


BISMARCK, ND (kxnet) — Members of the North Dakota Rural Water Systems Association (NDRWSA) celebrated their 50th Anniversary on Tuesday, July 16, at North Dakota’s Gateway to Science in Bismarck.

The association was established with a mission to ensure that all North Dakotans had access to affordable and clean drinking water. It was founded the same year that the 1974 Safe Drinking Water Act was passed by Congress and signed into law by President Gerald Ford.

Since then, the NDRWSA has helped many rural areas across the state with funding and construction of water systems, giving clean and affordable drinking water to many North Dakotans living in rural communities across our state.

“So, even after 50 years, there’s still people out there, in Rural North Dakota that are hauling water. There’s still people in small communities that drink sub-standard water,” said Eric Volk, Executive Director of NDRWSA.

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Volk says the association still has more important work to do in the coming years to ensure other rural communities are not forgotten. “There’s partnerships out there, between the State of North Dakota, the Federal Government, and the local entities. I think we all can accomplish our goal,” of expanding access to more rural communities he said.

Volk adds that a little over 300,000 people in North Dakota receive their drinking water from rural water systems, that serve 268 towns across the state.



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North Dakota lawmakers work to update harassment policy

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North Dakota lawmakers work to update harassment policy


Lawmakers on the Legislative Procedure and Arrangements Committee meet July 11, 2024, at the Capitol. Pictured are, from front, Sen. Kathy Hogan, Sen. David Hogue, Rep. Glenn Bosch, Sen. Ron Sorvaag, Rep. Emily O’Brien and Rep. Dennis Johnson. (Mary Steurer/North Dakota Monitor)

By Mary Steuer (North Dakota Monitor)

BISMARCK, N.D. (North Dakota Monitor) – Lawmakers are reviewing the Legislature’s workplace harassment policy following a rise in complaints to the North Dakota Ethics Commission.

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The policy, which dates back to 2018, outlines a process for reporting and investigating allegations of sexual harassment or discrimination-based hostility. It covers not just lawmakers, but legislative staff as well as third parties like lobbyists and media.

According to Emily Thompson, director of Legislative Council’s Legal Division, no allegations have been filed under the policy since it was adopted.

Still, she said the buzz surrounding recent complaints filed with the Ethics Commission prompted legislative staff and lawmakers to reevaluate the policy. The goal is to make sure the Legislature is prepared to handle harassment complaints if and when they do come up.

“When looking at the Ethics Commission and all of the different complaints that have been arising in media attention, we took a closer look at our policy against workplace harassment,” Thompson told members of the Legislative Procedure and Arrangements Committee last week.

The Legislature adopted the rules ahead of the 2019 session in wake of the #MeToo movement, said Sen. Kathy Hogan, D-Fargo, who helped spearhead the policy.

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“I went to find out what our harassment policy was, and we didn’t have one,” Hogan said in a Friday interview.

The policy puts legislative leadership in charge of receiving harassment complaints. There’s also a complaint form and a checklist to guide officials through the intake and investigation procedures.

Hogan said she’s interested in revising the policy to allow some complaints to be resolved informally, like through third-party mediation. That could help address minor disputes between members of the Legislature that don’t warrant a full investigation, she said.

“How do you screen the cases, the initial reports, to try and resolve them at the lowest level?” Hogan said. “That’s the kind of issue we’re beginning to look at now.”

Rep. Zac Ista, D-Grand Forks, proposed adding a provision to allow complaints that don’t clearly state violations of the harassment policy to be dismissed.

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There also was discussion over whether the policy should include greater protections for people accused of unfounded complaints. Currently, any records related to complaints would become public after the complaints are investigated, or within 75 days after the complaint is filed, Thompson said.

“What would happen if a review panel determined the complaint was frivolous, and the potential damage for reputation by it not being confidential?” said House Majority Leader Rep. Mike Lefor, R-Dickinson.

Lefor questioned whether the complaint process should more closely mirror the Ethics Commission’s, which keeps most complaints confidential unless they are substantiated and the accused has an opportunity to appeal.

House Minority Leader Rep. Josh Boschee, D-Fargo, said it may also be worth exploring confidentiality protections for people who come forward to report potential harassment

“I can share that in at least one instance, maybe two, where people came forward concerned about this type of behavior,” he said. “They stopped from moving forward with the process once they found out it was going to become public at some point.”

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Committee chair Sen. Jerry Klein, R-Fessenden, indicated the committee would work with Legislative Council on draft revisions to the harassment policy before its next meeting this fall.

The last time the policy underwent revisions was after the 2021 expulsion of former Rep. Luke Simons from the statehouse related to harassment allegations, Hogan said.

The Legislature added a provision requiring a panel of lawmakers to review the complaint within 48 hours after it is submitted, for example. Hogan said the committee is now considering softening that deadline.

“We wanted to be really aggressive,” she said. “We might have gone too far.”

The Legislature also expanded its mandatory harassment training, which takes place before each session, Hogan said. According to an agenda on the Legislature’s website, the 2023 training was an hour and 45 minutes and was combined with presentations on legislative ethics. That included a 15-minute presentation for legislative leaders tasked with receiving potential complaints.

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Although there had been allegations of inappropriate behavior involving Simons dating back to 2018, no formal harassment complaints were ever filed, The Bismarck Tribune reported in 2021.

Legislative Council Director John Bjornson had kept notes about his discussions with staff about Simons.

In a February 2021 note, Bjornson wrote: “Clearly there is a major reluctance to file a formal complaint because they believe there is a lack of support from legislators for staff regardless of the knowledge that certain legislators are habitual offenders of decency,” the Tribune reported.

In a Monday interview, Bjornson said he’s hopeful the Legislature’s climate has improved in the wake of Simons’ expulsion.

“I think that people saw that there is some degree of discipline for someone that acts inappropriately,” he said. “We have not had any complaints filed, so it’s hard to tell.”

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Doug Leier: Biology drives the direction of North Dakota fishing regulations

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Doug Leier: Biology drives the direction of North Dakota fishing regulations


WEST FARGO – Count me among the anglers who have lived through the drought of the 1980s and witnessed firsthand the 25-plus years of booming fisheries in North Dakota, which few will argue began with the 1993 drought-busting and continues to a lesser degree today.

Doug Leier is an outreach biologist for the North Dakota Game and Fish Department. Reach him at dleier@nd.gov.
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Anglers recall when North Dakota fishing waters were fewer than 200 and now number about 450. I’ll also agree with the philosophy that we’d like to keep our fishing as good as we can for as long as we can. Who wouldn’t?

So, along the way, I’ve heard anglers suggest differing regulations could or should be implemented to help preserve or maintain the fisheries. My short answer is it wasn’t regulations that created the “good old days” of fishing that we’ve been enjoying. And there’s no regulations that would save our fisheries from a 1980s-style drought. Like it or not, it’s hard to argue.

Before you start firing off emails, realize the fisheries biologists entrusted with the responsibility of managing our fisheries love the fisheries like you do. They realize some regulations can be implemented socially without much of an impact on the fishery. So, when it comes to implementing slot limits, one-over or trophy regulations, there’s plenty of biology and data to consider.

Walleye anglers care about the resource and often express concern when they believe their peers are keeping too many small or big fish. These anglers often think a length limit will solve the problem, and sometimes they are correct. Length limits, if applied appropriately, can help improve or protect a fishery. However, when applied inappropriately, length limits can harm the fishery they were meant to protect.

Minimum length limits are likely to benefit fisheries that meet all of the following:

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  • Low reproductive or stocking success.
  • Good growth.
  • Low natural mortality.
  • High angling mortality (fish dying from harvest or after release).

Maximum length limits (one fish longer than 20 inches, for example) are likely to benefit fisheries that meet all of the following criteria:

  • Reproduction is limited by the number of adult fish.
  • High angling mortality of large fish.

Harvest slot length limits must meet all of the requirements for a minimum length limit and a maximum length limit, since they are basically a combination of the two.

Protected slot length limits are likely to benefit fisheries that meet all of the following criteria:

  • Good natural reproduction.
  • Slow growth, especially for small fish.
  • High natural mortality of small fish.
  • High angling effort.

Currently, the Devils Lake walleye population does not meet many of the criteria necessary to benefit from a minimum length limit.

In 2008, walleye growth was similar to the North American average, but in recent years, growth has been slower. Reproduction and stocking success is generally good, and total mortality is low, so angling mortality isn’t excessive. Additionally, with high numbers of smaller walleye in the lake most years, a minimum length limit would needlessly restrict harvest opportunities for anglers and could further decrease growth due to increased competition if some fish were protected by a minimum size limit.

Maximum length and one-over limits

Today, Devils Lake’s walleye population does not meet any of the criteria necessary to see a benefit of a maximum length limit.

Large walleye hatches of late indicate that current regulations are maintaining sufficient numbers of adults in the lake. Six of the seven largest hatches, in fact, have been produced since 2008. While the percentage of adults longer than 15 inches in 2012 was relatively low at 24%, the second-largest walleye hatch ever was recorded, indicating there are ample adults in the lake to produce a good hatch if conditions are favorable.

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Protected slot length limits

Currently, the Devils Lake walleye population does meet some of the criteria necessary for a protected slot length limit to be effective, but not all of them. Natural reproduction tends to be good, growth is slower than average and angling effort is significant. However, natural mortality of small walleye is relatively low, so forcing anglers to harvest small walleye would be wasteful as these fish could be allowed to grow over time. Additionally, fish in a protected slot limit don’t really need the protection, as total mortality of the population in general isn’t excessive.

Before you climb on board and suggest “we need new fishing regulations,” ask yourself: Is it based on biology – or not?

Doug Leier

Doug Leier is an outreach biologist for the North Dakota Game and Fish Department. Reach him at dleier@nd.gov.

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