Business
Column: The Trump shooting and the glorification of guns
Much is still not known about Saturday’s shooting at a Trump rally in Pennsylvania, but it’s clear that the incident placed the stupidity and hypocrisy of America’s gun culture in high relief.
Former President Trump was nearly assassinated while addressing the rally. One spectator seated in the bleachers near him, Corey Comperatore, 50, was killed and two spectators were critically injured and are currently hospitalized. The shooter, identified by the FBI as Thomas Crooks, 20, was killed at the scene.
That the glorification of guns erupted (again) into violence at a political gathering was always a case of not if, but when. Trump and his acolytes have infused their rhetoric with violent imagery.
They endorsed the tactics of the violent mob that stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021; Trump himself promised to pardon those who have been convicted of federal crimes in connection with the insurrection.
‘Two-thirds of our [survey] participants in 2022 and three-fourths in 2023 rejected political violence as never justified — not just in general, but for one specific objective after another.’
— Garen Wintemute, director of the California Firearm Violence Research Center
Not three weeks ago I wrote about two developments that hinted, if hazily, that the long arc of our debate over guns might be trending toward rationality.
One was an “advisory” from U.S. Surgeon General Vivek Murthy identifying firearm violence as a public health crisis. The other was a Supreme Court decision upholding a ban on gun ownership by domestic abusers.
The instant reaction by the gun rights lobby to Saturday’s shooting shows that the obstacles to that trend remain powerful indeed.
Calls to tone down the rhetoric of the presidential campaign were heard from both sides of the aisle. But not proposals to ban weapons such as those reportedly carried by the shooter, much less to tighten the laws and regulations on gun sales.
Here’s an aspect of America’s relationship with guns relevant to Saturday’s shooting: The vast majority of Americans are fearful that political violence could affect the outcome of our elections. More on that in a moment.
The weapon used by the apparent shooter Saturday was a semiautomatic AR-15, law enforcement sources say. To experts in mass shootings, this was almost predictable. The AR-15 was used in 10 of the 17 deadliest mass shootings in America since 2022, according to a roster published last year by the Washington Post.
The death toll from those shootings was 207. Nevertheless, Republican members of Congress paraded around Washington last year with lapel pins bearing the weapon’s silhouette, handed out by a congressman who owned a gun shop. Among those wearing the pin was Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.), who was photographed with it on Feb. 1, 2023, two days after a mass shooting in her home state left 11 people wounded.
Some features of the aftermath of Saturday’s shooting are also predictable.
There will be pleas by the gun lobby not to “politicize” Saturday’s incident, as if gun control isn’t a political issue. But don’t be misled: Republicans and the right wing started politicizing the shooting within minutes.
Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.): “The Democrats and the media are to blame for every drop of blood spilled today.” Rep. Mike Collins (R-Ga.) called for Pennsylvania authorities to “immediately file charges against Joseph R. Biden for inciting an assassination.” Etc., etc. (Thanks to Kevin Drum for peering into the fever swamp and compiling the first acrid bubbles.)
As for the tone of political rhetoric, who’s responsible for its bloodthirstiness? Let’s take a look. After a violent attack at the San Francisco home of former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi seriously injured her husband, Paul, Trump lined up with a conspiracy theory that suggested that Paul Pelosi knew his attacker.
“It’s — weird things going on in that household in the last couple of weeks. … The glass it seems was broken from the inside to the out so it wasn’t a break in, it was a break out,” he said on a right-wing radio program.
The conspiracy claims have long since been debunked. The attacker, David DePape, has been sentenced to 30 years in prison on federal charges and is awaiting sentencing on five felony convictions in state court.
Appearing at the California GOP convention last year about 11 months after the attack, Trump mocked Pelosi and her family: “How’s her husband doing, anybody know?” Trump said to a jeering crowd. “And she’s against building a wall at our border, even though she has a wall around her house — which obviously didn’t do a very good job.”
During the 2016 campaign, Trump said that “maybe … 2nd Amendment people” could stop his Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton, from being able to appoint Supreme Court judges. The 2nd Amendment covers the right to bear arms.
Republican Party policy on guns is on a one-way ratchet — toward more guns and less control. After being critically wounded by a gunman and fervant opponent of Trump who took aim at a congressional outing in 2017, Rep. Steve Scalise (R-La.), a member of the House leadership, could have taken a stand in favor of better gun control. He went in exactly the opposite direction, saying that the incident reinforced his support for gun rights.
“I was a strong supporter of the 2nd Amendment before the shooting,” he said, “and frankly, as ardent as ever after the shooting in part because I was saved by people who had guns.”
“There’s no magic bill you can file to stop people from doing evil things, whether it’s with a bomb or a knife or whatever weapon they choose,” Scalise said more than a year later.
And who can forget the Christmas card mailed out by Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) in 2021, depicting himself, his wife and five children brandishing assault weapons around the Christmas tree, under the legend, “Merry Christmas! ps. Santa, please bring ammo”?
Gun rights advocates assert that they’re only reflecting the people’s will. Nothing could be further from the truth. The Gallup poll has consistently shown a majority of respondents favoring stricter laws on gun sales over the last three decades; in 2023, the figure was 56%, with only 12% favoring less strict laws and 31% accepting the laws as they are now. Since 2000, only about 34% to 42% reported “having” a gun in their home. That’s a decline since the 1960s through the mid-’90s, when the figure reached as high as 50%.
Those latter figures may be misleading. Researchers at Northeastern and Harvard universities found that only about 28.8% of U.S. adults personally owned firearms in 2021, with an additional 10.4% living in households with guns but not personally owning them.
Research on Americans’ concerns about political violence may be more telling. That includes data assembled by the California Firearm Violence Research Center at UC Davis.
The center reported that in its annual nationwide surveys “nearly one-third of participants (32.8%) considered violence to be usually or always justified to advance at least one political objective.
But as the center’s director, Garen Wintemute, wrote in an op-ed for the Hill, that support for this notion has been concentrated in the right wing.
Among those “much more likely than others to endorse political violence” are “Republicans and MAGA-supporting Republicans in particular; those who endorse QAnon, the white supremacy movement, Christian nationalists and other extreme right-wing organizations and movements,” he wrote.
Americans overwhelmingly oppose using violence to achieve a political objective, but understand its use for self-defense or the defense of others.
(UC Davis)
Firearm owners also supported violence for political aims, “but only by a small margin, unless they owned assault-type rifles, had bought firearms during the COVID pandemic or regularly carried loaded firearms in public.”
The center’s 2023 survey added a few specifications to this list, all drawn from the sociopathic spectrum: “Racists, sexists, xenophobes, homophobes, transphobes, Islamophobes and antisemites,” Wintemute wrote.
He added these words of optimism: “Two-thirds of our participants in 2022 and three-fourths in 2023 rejected political violence as never justified — not just in general, but for one specific objective after another. Of the participants who considered violence justified in at least one instance, the vast majority (about 70% in 2022 and 60% in 2023) were unwilling to engage in it themselves. These findings provide grounds for hope and directions for a way forward.”
As Wintemute observed, silence about the implications of these findings won’t quell the potential that a political turn could be achieved by violence.
“It’s a time to mobilize,” he wrote. “The great majority of us who reject political violence need to make our opposition known, over and over and as publicly as possible. We need to create or join movements that do the same. People pay attention to what their family, friends, co-workers, social media contacts and well-known public figures say.
“Our task is to ensure that violence doesn’t determine the outcome of this year’s elections — that 2024 isn’t the year when the term ‘battleground states’ takes on a new and bloodier meaning. It begins with each of us making and acting on this commitment: Not if I can help it.”
Business
In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers
Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.
As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.
Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.
Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.
That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.
“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”
The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.
The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.
“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.
“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”
SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.
The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.
City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.
There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.
“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.
Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.
California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.
That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.
In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.
Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”
Business
Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns
A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.
The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.
The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.
“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”
Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.
It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.
Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.
“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.
Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.
“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”
Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.
In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.
In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.
A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”
“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.
Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.
L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.
Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.
Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.
“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”
The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.
“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.
Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.
Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.
The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.
Business
Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley
Dear Mr. Pelley:
I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.
Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.
Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.
Sincerely,
Nick Bilton
Executive Producer, 60 Minutes
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