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With 'Prime Day' ahead, here's what to do about porch pirates

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With 'Prime Day' ahead, here's what to do about porch pirates

Amazon’s annual sale starts Tuesday, which means even more impulsive purchases will be packaged and dropped onto porches across the state this week.

Some of those parcels won’t make it into the buyer’s home, however. That’s because package theft is commonplace in California, as well as the rest of the United States.

According to estimates compiled by Capital One, 119 million packages were stolen in 2023 — a big number, although it represents only about 0.5% of the 21.7 billion shipments in the U.S. that year.

With Americans receiving multiple packages per week on average, the odds eventually catch up to many consumers. According to Security.com, 44% of those surveyed last year said they’d had a package stolen at some point.

In California, one out of five people have at least one package stolen every year, Capital One estimated. That makes them a bit more likely to be victimized than other Americans, but their average loss — $40 — is lower than the typical loss for all U.S. consumers, which Security.com put at roughly $50.

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The best defense against package theft is also the least practical one: Be at your door when the delivery person arrives. Short of that, Amazon and other delivery services offer options that are more secure than your porch.

If you do fall victim to package theft, you have a number of different routes to a refund. None of them are guaranteed, however.

Here are answers to some common questions about porch piracy and tips for how to avoid it.

If my package is stolen, how do I get a refund?

Under normal circumstances, no one is legally obligated to cover your losses to porch pirates. One exception would be when the delivery company is responsible for the loss — for example, when the package is stolen by the driver or delivered to the wrong address.

Some retailers will refund your money to keep you happy, and you may be able to wrangle a refund from the delivery company, especially if the package had been insured. Whatever route you take, you’ll have to jump through some hoops.

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Step 1 is determining that the package has actually been delivered. You can (and should) enroll in services from the U.S. Postal Service, UPS and FedEx that let you to track all the packages they’re delivering to your home. In many cases, the services can send you a text as soon as your package arrives.

Be forewarned that the notifications are not 100% accurate; drivers will occasional mark a package delivered prematurely, then bring it to your doorstep a day or two later. Amazon advises people to wait two days before concluding that the “delivered” package has definitely been delivered — and taken.

Don’t assume that a package has been stolen just because it’s not at your front door. Different drivers use different techniques to deter porch pirates, so make sure to look around your property in case the driver found a drop-off spot that was easy to reach but out of sight.

Step 2 is filing a police report. You probably won’t get the “Law & Order” treatment of your lost item; you’re filing a report mainly to create a public record (and because some sellers require it), not to launch an investigation.

Step 3 is contacting the seller. If you ordered from Amazon, the seller often turns out to be a third party selling through Amazon’s Marketplace. How the seller responds will vary. Some will file a claim with the delivery company for the insured value of the package, then use the proceeds to make a refund. Others may simply tell you that it’s your problem to solve.

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Amazon has a reputation for making refunds when items are stolen after Amazon delivers them, especially when the items are from third-party sellers covered by the company’s “A-to-z Guarantee.” But there’s no blanket promise of refunds.

“While the vast majority of deliveries make it to customers without issue, we recognize package theft is a reality all delivery companies contend with, especially during busy times of year,” said Montana MacLachlan, an Amazon spokesperson. “We encourage anyone who’s been a victim of theft to report the crime to law enforcement and notify Amazon’s Customer Service team so we can provide any assistance possible.”

If Step 3 fails, Step 4 is filing a claim with the company that delivered the package — you can do so through its website, and you typically have to file it within 60 days of the scheduled delivery date. You’ll need to provide a receipt, invoice or other proof of the item’s value.

Although FedEx, UPS and other delivery companies pledge to investigate claims, they don’t promise refunds. Packages are routinely insured for up to $100 by FedEx and UPS unless the shipper pays for more insurance, so even if your claim is approved, whether you recover the full value could depend on whether the shipper bought extra insurance. Also, if UPS approves a claim, it typically pays the shipper, not you, so you’ll have to rely on the shipper to reimburse you for your loss.

Your homeowner’s or renter’s insurance covers stolen packages, but chances are your deductible is greater than the value of the sweater or Instant Pot taken from your porch. If you paid for the item with a credit card, you may have a better option: Visa, Mastercard and American Express all offer a form of insurance that covers theft losses, with limits on the types of items and amount of loss covered. You can submit a claim through the relevant card’s website.

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How do I prevent my packages from being stolen?

Delivery companies offer a number of ways to protect your deliveries. The most straightforward (but least convenient) one is having your package delivered to one of the company’s retail outlets or partners, then picking it up from there.

Amazon has self-service lockers at thousands of retailers, groceries, pharmacies and convenience stores across the country. You can search for one near you on Amazon’s website.

UPS allows users of its My Choice service to have all their deliveries made to a nearby UPS Store outlet or retail partner at no extra charge. If they want to change the delivery of just one package, UPS charges a $6 fee unless the customer has a My Choice Premium membership, which costs $20 a year. To select an alternative location, sign into your My Choice account and follow the prompts under Delivery Preferences. To pick up a package there, you’ll need to present an ID that shows an address that matches the one on the shipping label.

FedEx offers to hold your packages for up to seven days at one of its retail partners, including FedEx Office locations, Walgreens, Office Depot and Dollar General. You can search for a location on the FedEx website.

For no additional charge, you can arrange for all of your deliveries to go to an alternative location, or just set them one at a time. You’ll pick the package up by showing a government-issued photo ID and proof of address, or you can provide a QR code to someone else so they can pick it up for you.

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To get started on the FedEx site, either log into you FedEx Delivery Manager account or enter the tracking number for the package you’re expecting.

Alternatively, all three of those companies allow you to redirect a package to a neighbor you know will be home to receive the delivery. They also allow you to specify potentially safer spots on your property or in your building for packages to be dropped off. And if you’re away on vacation, UPS and FedEx allows you to delay your deliveries for one to two weeks.

Amazon offers another option in certain parts of the country if you’re enrolled in Amazon Prime and have an internet-connected garage door opener: Its drivers can deliver packages inside your garage. Going this route, however, requires you to give Amazon the ability to open your garage, which will be encoded into the label on your package for one-time use. It’s a leap of faith, although the company says it has a number of safeguards, such as verifying “the driver, package and package location via multi-step authentication before granting them temporary, one-time access to your garage.”

When ordering something online, try to have the shipper require a signature for delivery. You won’t be given that option often, though; it’s typically used to protect expensive items, such as laptop computers.

Some security consultants recommend installing a security camera or a doorbell with a built-in webcam, which can record porch thieves in the act. That may help you obtain a refund from the shipper; whether it will drive off thieves is another story. One study found that security cameras had a “modest but significant effect” on crime rates, leading to a roughly 13% decrease. But there’s not a lot of data from published studies that suggest doorbell cameras deter porch pirates.

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Some less conventional solutions have found their way onto the market as well.

Parcel Vault sells a kit that can put a package door in your wall so packages can be dropped inside your home (it also sells full-size doors with built-in package doors). And Package Guard sells a Frisbee-sized, internet-connected device that you place on your porch to receive packages; it sends you an alert when deliveries are placed on it, and it emits a loud alarm if they are removed without your authorization.

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.

As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.

Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.

Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.

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That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.

“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”

The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.

The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.

“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.

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“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”

SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.

The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.

City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.

There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.

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“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.

Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.

California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.

That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.

In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.

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Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

Dear Mr. Pelley:

I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.

Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.

Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.

Sincerely,

Nick Bilton

Executive Producer, 60 Minutes

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