Education
Hillel, the Campus Jewish Group, Is Thriving, and Torn by Conflict

It was chicken tenders night at Yale’s chapter of Hillel, the Jewish student group, and the basement dining hall was packed with boisterous, hungry students attracted by overflowing vats of kosher fried chicken and vegan mac and cheese.
Some students kissed the mezuza on the way in. Others were not even Jewish, but came for the food and companionship, a sign of the pluralism that Hillel — the dominant Jewish campus organization in the United States — says it embraces.
Yet under the surface, there were signs of strain, after months of divisive protests on campus over the war in Gaza. A silent question hung in the air, several students said: “Which side are you on?”
Few American organizations have been touched by clashes over the war quite the way Hillel has. The movement, founded in 1923 at the University of Illinois, now has chapters at 850 colleges and universities around the world, from highly selective private schools like Yale to big state universities like Texas A&M. The Hillel movement, including Hillel International and the campus Hillel chapters, had $200 million in revenue in 2023, received from tens of thousands of donors.
Hillel centers are where college students go to cement their sense of Jewish identity, or to discover it. Its slogan is “all kinds of Jewish,” and it aims to be welcoming to all.
But as the conflict in Gaza continues, some Jewish students believe that Hillel is not critical enough of the Israeli government’s conduct of the war, and too defensive in its support of Zionism, a belief in the right of Jews to a Jewish state in their ancestral land of Israel.
Hillel, for its part, is unapologetic. “Hillel as an institution has been and remains committed to the support of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, that fulfills the right of Jewish self-determination in an ancestral homeland,” Adam Lehman, Hillel’s chief executive officer, said in an interview.
The shock of the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023, against Israel has moved many Jewish students to explore what it means to be Jewish, fueling significant growth in interest in Hillel on campuses around the world. During the 2023-24 school year, as the conflict in the Middle East escalated, a record 180,000 students participated in Hillel activities at least once, 12,000 more than the year before, according to the organization. There was also an uptick in the number of “super-users,” who visited Hillel at least six times.
Over the last year and half, though, the solidarity that came with that identity has cracked.
The fissures can be felt in public life and in synagogues. And the division among Jews more generally is playing out among Jews on campus, as some complain that Hillel is too aligned with Israel, while others say that it is too open to critics of Israel.
Many students find it hard to divorce themselves from Hillel completely, especially in this time when they may not feel safe expressing their Jewish faith and identity outside their own community.
Some students, like Emanuelle Sippy, a senior at Princeton, look for a middle ground. She still goes to Hillel for prayer services, meals and lectures. But in the search for a more congenial left-wing political environment, she also helped to revive a small rival group, the Alliance of Jewish Progressives, on her campus.
“There is a group of people — very close friends, people I respect and admire — who are fighting battles within these institutions like Hillel,” she said. “They might be showing up to events. Hillel might be counting them. It doesn’t mean they don’t have criticisms.”
This is not the first time that there has been a schism among students at Hillel.
Students at Harvard launched an Open Hillel movement in 2012, in protest against the parent organization’s policy against partnering with anti-Israel groups. In December 2013, students at Swarthmore Hillel declared themselves the first “Open Hillel” chapter in the nation, vowing to promote open inquiry, regardless of ideology.
The current ideological split feels sharper, as campus protests for and against Israel have led to arrests, suspensions and lawsuits. When it comes to the campus Hillel, “a lot of students don’t feel comfortable going in for political reasons,” said Danya Dubrow-Compaine, a senior and a co-founder of Yale Jews for Ceasefire.
There is also a growing generation gap. In a Pew survey conducted in February 2024, 38 percent of adults under 30 years old said Israel’s reasons for fighting Hamas were valid, down from 41 percent two years earlier. That compares with 78 percent of people 65 and older who said the same, up several points from the earlier survey.
Elijah Bacal, a sophomore who is an organizer for Yale Jews for Ceasefire, said the institutional leadership of the Slifka Center, as Yale’s Hillel is known, has been slow to adapt.
“I think there is a real, honestly, just like an out-of-touchness,” Mr. Bacal said.
Hillel is still one of the first places Jewish students go when arriving on campus, to meet others, do homework and enjoy a meal with friends.
“I was looking for a place where my intellectual life wouldn’t be siloed into the classroom, but would spill out to a broader community,” said Medad Lytton, a Yale senior.
After Oct. 7, he said, he “felt a strong sense of peoplehood.” A singing circle at Slifka helped him connect with others to express his grief. “It’s kind of a second home for me,” he said of the center.
Nili Fox, a junior at Washington University in St. Louis, was brought up in a religious Jewish family, and sought out Hillel as soon as she arrived on campus. After Oct. 7, Hillel was her “rock,” she said.
“It has really been helpful to know that whenever I feel uncomfortable I have a place where I was supported and loved, no matter what,” Ms. Fox said.
Other students are dismayed by what they perceive as Hillel’s uncritical view of Israel in the face of a complicated and morally challenging reality.
Some students object to Hillel houses flying the Israeli flag, which they see as a symbol of a nation that has, from Ms. Sippy’s perspective, committed war crimes.
Uri Cohen, the executive director of the Slifka Center at Yale, says the flag represents Hillel’s values.
“There are some who don’t come because it crosses a line for them, and there are many who come,” Mr. Cohen said. “Slifka is very clear. We are a Zionist institution. We are also not checking anybody’s credentials at the door.”
In January, Yale Hillel hosted a talk by Naftali Bennett, a former Israeli army commando, defense minister and prime minister, who was once considered a protégé of Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s current prime minister. Many Jewish students objected to Mr. Bennett’s hawkish politics.
(At a later talk at Harvard Business School, Mr. Bennett joked that he would give exploding pagers to people who disagreed with him, according to The Harvard Crimson.)
Mr. Bacal, the organizer with Yale Jews for Ceasefire, helped lead a peaceful protest against Mr. Bennett in the lobby of the Slifka Center. He did not contest Mr. Bennett’s right to speak, Mr. Bacal said, but he did not see why the event had been held in a spiritual place, a chapel where students went to pray and that contained an ark with a Torah in it.
“I think it’s a real shame, because the Jewish community at college should welcome and represent all Jews on campus to the best of its ability, no matter where they are coming from,” he said.
Another student, Netanel Crispe, a senior, said that he objected not to the speaker but to Hillel’s having allowed the protest against him. Mr. Crispe said that Slifka staff stopped him and several others from filming the protest.
He faulted Yale Hillel for trying “to play to both sides in a way that doesn’t reflect core values.”
Mr. Cohen, Slifka’s director, defended the invitation the center extended to Mr. Bennett, noting that his talk drew 300 people to a space that only held 100. “We did it out of our love for Israel and our love for Zionism, and the opportunity of giving access for our students to an influential world leader,” he said.
To illustrate Hillel’s dilemma, Mr. Bacal, the protest leader, recalled how honored he was to lead Shabbat services for the first time. His parents came to town to be there, and friends attended. But it took place around the time of the Naftali Bennett event, and one of his friends stayed away in protest.
She told Mr. Bacal she did not feel comfortable stepping into Slifka that week. “I totally get that,” Mr. Bacal said.
Alain Delaquérière, Susan C. Beachy and Sheelagh McNeill contributed research.

Education
At Black Colleges, a Stubborn Gender Enrollment Gap Keeps Growing

Before stepping foot on Howard University’s campus, Skylar Wilson knew she would see more women there than men. But just how many more stunned her: Howard, one of the most elite historically Black colleges and universities in the nation, is only 25 percent men — 19 percent Black men.
“I was like, ‘Wow,’” said Ms. Wilson, a 20-year-old junior. “How is that possible?”
Howard is not unique. The number of Black men attending four-year colleges has plummeted across the board. And nowhere is this deficit more pronounced than at historically Black colleges and universities, or H.B.C.U.s. Black men account for 26 percent of the students at H.B.C.U.s, down from an already low 38 percent in 1976, according to the American Institute for Boys and Men. There are now about as many non-Black students attending H.B.C.U.s as there are Black men.
The decline has profound implications for economic mobility, family formation and wealth generation. Raj Chetty, a Harvard economist who uses large data sets to study economic opportunity, has found that the income gap between America’s Black and white populations is entirely driven by differences in men’s economic circumstances, not women’s.
The causes are many. Higher college costs, the immediate financial needs of Black families, high suspension rates in high school and a barrage of negative messages about academic potential all play roles in the decline of Black male enrollment and college completion. Howard estimates that its cost of attendance for undergraduates easily exceeds $50,000 a year.
“If we are serious about reducing race gaps in economic opportunity, household wealth, et cetera, then our attention should be squarely focused on economic outcomes for Black boys and men — period. Full stop,” said Richard Reeves, president of the American Institute for Boys and Men.
But now programs designed to nurture Black academic achievement may be dismantled by the Trump administration, which deems them “racist” diversity, equity and inclusion efforts. Cultural centers, mentorship programs, work force recruitment activities and scholarship programs are all threatened by the White House’s promise to cut funding to universities that do not eliminate what it calls racial preferences.
On Wednesday, Mr. Trump asked the Supreme Court to allow him to terminate more than $600 million in teacher training grants, which would decimate two of the Education Department’s largest professional development programs. Both were designed to place teachers in underserved schools and diversify the educational work force.
“It’s a perpetuating cycle,” said Dr. Cheryl Holcomb-McCoy, chief executive of the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education. “If you don’t see other Black male educators, then it’s hard for you to see yourself in that position.”
On Thursday, the Department of Health and Human Services targeted California medical schools for maintaining what Trump administration officials called “discriminatory race-based admissions,” though bolstering the number of Black doctors has long been a goal of the medical establishment.
“Put simply, educational institutions may neither separate or segregate students based on race, nor distribute benefits or burdens based on race,” Craig Trainor, the Education Department’s acting assistant secretary for civil rights, wrote in a memo to universities in February.
Black educators say burdens are already distributed unfairly. Society undermines Black men’s belief in their own potential, starting from early education and continuing through professional development, said Dr. Derrick Brooms, executive director of the Black Men’s Research Institute at Morehouse College, an elite, all-male H.B.C.U. in Atlanta.
Colleges like Howard may be the starkest of manifestations. Payton Garcia, a Howard sophomore, recalled being one of three men in his introduction to philosophy class, which has about 30 students.
“We did a Cuba trip,” he recalled. “I was the only male that was in the class.”
Recent shifts in higher education, driven in part by conservative policies in Washington, have wrought large changes in predominantly Black colleges, positive and negative. The Supreme Court’s ban on race-based college admissions drove up interest in some H.B.C.U.s and strengthened the application pool overall, Dr. Brooms said. But he’s still concerned about the long-term trend.
Dr. Brooms said at this point, Morehouse may have to re-evaluate its recruitment strategy, including looking abroad: “Perhaps there may be some Black men in Canada who may want to attend.”
On campuses like Howard’s, the gender disparity is understood. Women run the place.
“Everybody knows that the women dominate this campus,” said Tamarus Darby Jr., a 20-year-old sophomore at Howard.
“You see predominantly women out here running for positions, and then you see their friends, young women, showing up for them and supporting them,” he said. “It’s different for the men.”
According to students and faculty at Howard, Black male students can have a difficult time finding both themselves and a community.
One night last October, young men gathered in small groups on the Howard yard and wrote down what they were most afraid of — “I have a fear of failure,” said Joshua Hughes, a senior who led the “burning of the fears” that night. “I have a fear of letting my family down. I have a fear of not living up to my full potential.”
Some read their fears aloud before tossing their writings into a giant firepit as a drum line banged African djembes.
In 2019, Calvin Hadley, then a senior adviser to Howard’s president, was asked how Howard could better engage men on campus. He put together a survey of students, faculty and staff, and then hosted several barbershop listening sessions. Something clicked.
“We had these very detailed, emotional conversations around manhood, around masculinity, around relationships,” said Mr. Hadley, now Howard’s assistant provost for academic partnerships and student engagement.
Male fears can work against college attendance, students said. Fears of failure may deter Black men from higher education, even as fears of letting their families down drive them prematurely into the work force, before their earning potential can be reached.
Mr. Darby said many of his friends didn’t have parents or family who attended college, or they thought the costs were prohibitive. “So they were trying to find those other avenues to make money and to be successful, not thinking that college was the number one thing that was going to get you there,” he said.
As a middle schooler, Jerrain Holmes, a 20-year-old sophomore, recalled thinking: “College? What is college?” He added, “I knew I just wanted a job.”
But in his Detroit-area high school, he enrolled in a college readiness program, and it made all the difference.
“As a general proposition, young men are arriving on college campuses less skilled academically than women,” Mr. Reeves said. “That’s even more true of men of color, Black men.”
That leads to problems of completion, which are at least as significant as declining enrollment.
The first year of college is crucial for male retention, and a lack of services can lead young men to feel isolated or that they don’t belong, Dr. Brooms said.
“If you can show you can keep people, that folks can persist to graduation, that becomes a recruitment tool itself,” said Dr. Brooms.
On a recent warm, breezy spring day on campus, Howard students lay on blankets, chatting. Some set up tables to sell merchandise, displaying the famed entrepreneurial “Howard hustle.” Others campaigned for student senate or royal court. The gender disparity was on the minds of the students.
Christian Bernard, a 22-year-old senior from affluent Potomac, Md., is a third-generation legacy student. He was on the yard selling items from his clothing brand, emblazoned with the slogan “Worth It.” He started the brand amid the turmoil and grief of June 2020, after the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer and the swell of Black Lives Matter demonstrations.
He chose Howard for its soccer program and his family ties. Before injuries derailed his athletic career, he made strong friendships with his teammates.
“There’s a lot of male camaraderie here at Howard,” he said.
Those studying the challenges that young Black men face are careful to avoid a battle of the sexes. Women have faced historical challenges of their own. Some people perceive female gains as a threat to men in a zero-sum battle for resources and power.
Mr. Reeves said that is a mistake, particularly when it comes to family formation.
Asking the young men on campus how the gender gap affects dating will draw a sheepish grin. They understand their advantage.
Young women are thinking about it too. “Those ratios,” said Nevaeh Fincher, a sophomore, can be “rough.”
“A lot of the boys feel like they’ve got options,” Ms. Fincher said, “which, if we’re being honest, they do.”
The lack of college-educated Black men could change family structures and bread winning patterns, placing more financial burdens on Black women. College-educated Black women already have higher lifetime earnings than college-educated white women because they work more years over the course of their lives, despite lower annual earnings, according to the Kansas City Federal Reserve.
For young women who care about the future of Black America, in general, all of this is alarming.
“We see a lot of school programs and districts that are giving up on students and giving up on Black men before they even give them a chance,” said Ms. Wilson. She’s seen it in the male students she mentors, who say their teachers don’t offer much encouragement.
“They expect them to be bad,” she said. “They expect them to be problems.”
Education
Video: Why Is ICE Detaining College Students?

The Trump administration is trying to deport pro-Palestinian students who are legally in the United States, citing national security. First Amendment experts say that violates free speech protections. Anemona Hartocollis, a national reporter for The New York Times covering higher education, looks at the students’ legal cases and how the Trump administration’s actions could change the culture of American universities.
Education
Leaders of Harvard’s Middle Eastern Studies Center Will Leave

Two of the leaders of Harvard University’s Center for Middle Eastern Studies, the director and associate director, will be leaving their positions, according to two professors with direct knowledge of the moves.
The department had been under criticism from alumni that it had an anti-Israel bias, and the university more broadly has been under intense pressure from the federal government to address accusations of antisemitism on campus.
The director, Cemal Kafadar, a professor of Turkish studies, and the associate director, Rosie Bsheer, a historian of the Middle East, did not respond to messages seeking comment on Friday.
The news was first reported by The Harvard Crimson, the student newspaper. A spokesman for the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences, James Chisholm, declined to comment, saying only that the matter was a personnel matter.
David Cutler, the interim dean of Social Science, announced in an email on Wednesday obtained by The New York Times that Dr. Kafadar would be stepping down from his post at the end of the academic year.
Dr. Cutler did not respond to a message late Friday.
Faculty members who have spoken with both professors say each believes they were forced out of their posts.
Harvard has been under a microscope over its response to accusations of antisemitism on campus. The university has also been under pressure from Republicans to be more welcoming to conservative viewpoints.
On Tuesday, Hopi Hoekstra, the dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, which houses the Middle East center, sent a letter to all center heads asking what changes they would make in furtherance of intellectual diversity, according to an email obtained by The Times.
Dr. Hoekstra asked that the center heads be prepared to discuss, among other things, the degree to which their programs and seminars met “goals of diversity of and exposure to different ideas, perspectives and topics.” The email also asked the center leaders how they promoted “respectful dialogue across controversial topics” and the changes they would make.
This is a moment of precariousness for international students and scholars who study the Middle East. Last week, under pressure from the Trump administration, Columbia University agreed to a list of demands, including placing its Middle East, South Asian and African Studies department, along with its Center for Palestine Studies, under the review of an administrator.
On Friday evening, Columbia announced that it was replacing its current president for the second time in less than a year, amid controversy over how it had agreed to those demands.
The executive committee of Harvard’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors condemned “the abrupt termination” of the center’s leaders in a statement.
“In the context of recent events, the decision appears to be a shameful attempt to escape punishment from the Trump administration for engaging in academic discussions about topics the president disfavors,” the statement said. “These firings cede the university’s decision-making authority to bullies and bad-faith actors committed to silencing speech with which they disagree.”
Asli Bali, the president of the Middle East Studies Association, said in an interview late Friday that Columbia’s decision to bend to the Trump administration could be a “death knell” for Middle East programs.
“Now their universities are on notice that the government is looking for a settlement that includes abridging the autonomy of centers and departments devoted to the study of the Middle East,” Professor Bali said.
She added: “I’ve never seen anything comparable to this. This is totally unprecedented.”
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