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How Online Hatred Toward Migrants Spurs Real-World Violence

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How Online Hatred Toward Migrants Spurs Real-World Violence

On New Year’s Day, a Telegram user in Portugal posted an ominous message that the wait was over. This was the year to stop the “Population Replacement” — a conspiracy theory that immigrants of color are taking over.

In the days and weeks that followed, thousands more posts like it appeared on Telegram, X, YouTube and elsewhere — with increasingly racist and violent overtones. They called for migrants to leave, accusing them of committing crimes and stealing jobs.

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Soon, a Portuguese extremist group organized a raucous protest in Lisbon. People chanted parts of the national anthem that calls on citizens to take up arms. More protests followed.

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In early May, a group of men assaulted migrants in Porto in two attacks, beating several with clubs in their home. One escaped by leaping from a window. A video circulated on local media after showed blood splattered throughout the apartment.

The violence that flared in Porto was neither spontaneous nor unexpected. It followed months of vitriol on social media that came not only from disgruntled Portuguese, but also from prominent far-right figures inside and outside the country.

The posts linked a global network of agitators who have seized on the influx of migrants seeking political asylum or economic opportunity to build seething followings online.

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Ideas like this once festered on the fringes of the internet but are now increasingly breaking through to the mainstream on social media platforms like X and Telegram, which have done little to moderate the content. The ability to clip and share videos and to instantly translate foreign languages has also helped make it easier to spread hateful material across geographic and cultural divides.

These networks peddle a toxic brew of bigotry online that officials and researchers say is increasingly stoking violence offline — from riots in Britain to bloody attacks in Germany and arson in Ireland. Establishing a direct correlation between online language and events in the real world is difficult, but researchers and officials said the evidence of a link has become overwhelming.

“What is said ultimately will shape what people will do,” said Rita Guerra, a researcher at the Center for Psychological Research and Social Intervention in Lisbon who studies online hate in Portugal. “That is why this is very concerning, not just for Portugal and Europe, but worldwide.”

‘Fuel for a Fire’

In Britain, false and inflammatory posts by white supremacists and anti-Muslim agitators set off clashes across the country after the stabbing deaths of three children in Southport, a town outside Liverpool, on July 29.

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Posts on TikTok, YouTube, X and Telegram circulated false or unsubstantiated claims that the attacker was a Syrian refugee, when in fact he was from Wales.

July 29

Not much info yet, but it will be a Muslim culprit followed by violence protests.⚡️

July 30

British patriots in Southport want justice for little girls who lost their lives. Patience is over.

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Whoever riots gets heard, the British need hearing.

July 31
  • 10:31 a.m.
  • The Netherlands

How many more white children have to die before we take action?

Aug. 1

This is how the police treat white people who are protesting over the murder of three little girls.

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Note: Hashtags have been removed from some posts. All times are Greenwich Mean Time.

Since then, unrest has convulsed Britain. Protesters clashed with the police, lit cars on fire and ransacked businesses.


Source: PA Media, via Agence France-Presse

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“They used Southport as fuel for a fire,” Lee Marsh, a Liverpool resident, said at a demonstration against racism on Wednesday. “The only thing that should have happened online,” he added, “was support and respect for those families of the girls killed.”

The incendiary language inundated social media platforms despite their own policies prohibiting it, according to the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a nonprofit research organization in London that has tracked the fallout of the stabbing. The companies, the organization said, lack “an understanding of the real-world impacts of misinformation” that appears on their platforms.

Elon Musk, the owner of X, himself weighed in on the events, declaring last weekend that “civil war is inevitable” in Britain.

Since Mr. Musk bought the platform, then known as Twitter, in 2022, the company has reinstated far-right figures who had previously been banned, leading to a sharp increase in hateful content on the platform. Mr. Musk has also used it to rail against governments he says have failed to bring immigration under control.

Representatives from Meta, X and TikTok did not respond to requests for comment. A spokesman for Telegram said “calls to violence are explicitly forbidden” by its terms of service.

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YouTube, when contacted by The New York Times about this article, suspended the account of Grupo 1143, the extremist group organizing protests in Portugal. “Any content that promotes violence or encourages hatred of people based on attributes like ethnicity or immigration status is not allowed on our platform,” the company said, “and we’re committed to removing this content as quickly as possible.”

Immersed in Rabid Content

Racism and xenophobia have haunted the internet since the earliest dial-up connections, but they have, by most accounts, become pervasive in recent years.

Online influencers have weaponized the issue of immigration with disinformation and racist conspiracy theories, including one that predicts a “great replacement” of white people by nefarious global forces.

“Europe has been invaded by the world’s scum, without a single bullet being fired,” Tommy Robinson, one of Britain’s most notorious activists, wrote on X days before the attack in Porto in May. The post included a video with a voice over in Portuguese and subtitles in French.

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Right-wing political parties in Europe have surged with the use of similar anti-immigrant language. In the United States, Donald J. Trump has made the influx of refugees and migrants a central issue in this year’s presidential election.

Russia, too, has used immigration as a cudgel in its propaganda in Europe, amplifying incidents and protests, including the recent unrest in Britain, through its state media and covert bot networks.

European governments have stepped up warnings about the threat of extremism online, but they are struggling to find effective ways to respond while respecting freedoms of speech and assembly.

In the Netherlands, the National Coordinator for Counterterrorism and Security warned last year that people “can immerse themselves in rabid content for years, until an isolated incident incites them to concrete violence.”

After the recent violence in Britain, the government urged the public to “think before you post,” warning that hateful messages could amount to a crime. On Friday, a man from Leeds was sentenced to 20 months for posts on Facebook calling for attacks on a hotel housing asylum seekers. Among hundreds of people arrested was a 55-year-old woman from near Chester for a social media post said to “stir up racial hatred.”

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“The internet has evolved from a passive cheering section to the active shaping and fomenting of ethnic and sectarian conflict,” said Joel Finkelstein, a founder of the Network Contagion Research Institute in New Jersey, which studies threats online. “This new reality poses a profound challenge to democracies, which find themselves ill-equipped to manage the rapid dissemination of these dangerous ideas.”

A Front Line

In 2023, researchers from the Network Contagion Research Institute and two universities documented a hashtag was going viral across Ireland that said the country was full. It was used to promote demonstrations in cities across the country against efforts to build housing for migrants.

One of the researchers, Tony Craig of Staffordshire University in England, warned that the campaign would inevitably lead to violence. “It’s going to get worse,” he said last summer.

He was prescient.

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In November, a homeless immigrant from Algeria stabbed three children and their guardian in Dublin. Within hours, the internet churned with calls for protest — and retaliation — and soon hundreds rioted on Parnell Square in the city’s center. It was the worst public unrest in Ireland in years.

After the riots, the government vowed to toughen the law against incitement. “It’s not up-to-date for the social media age,” Leo Varadkar, the prime minister then, said.

The challenge is that the incitement also comes from outside their borders. Only 14 percent of posts on X about the stabbings and resulting outcry originated in Ireland, according to an analysis by Next Dim, a company that tracks activity online.

Since then, accounts online have continued to foment anger. This year, agitators circulated maps with the locations of migrant housing, which have become targets. Outside one center in June, protesters slit the throats of three pigs as a threat to Muslims believed to be living there.

Last month, a former paint factory being converted to housing for asylum seekers in Coolock, near Dublin, became a new flashpoint.

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March 18

All of Coolock needs to come out and stop this and protect our children.

May 22

🔥🇮🇪🔥🇮🇪🔥🇮🇪🔥🇮🇪🔥🇮🇪🔥🇮🇪 Lets Give Them Hell

July 15

Ireland burns as they continue to fiddle about with Hate Speech legislation.

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Note: Hashtags have been removed from some posts. All times are Greenwich Mean Time. • Source: StringersHub, via Reuters (Video)

As anger about the project spread online, arsonists twice attacked the building. On July 19, hundreds gathered nearby, leading to a violent confrontation with the police.

Driving the Conversation From Afar

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A leading figure in the growing chorus of bigotry online has been Mr. Robinson, the notorious activist whose real name is Stephen Yaxley-Lennon.

Mr. Robinson has been known for his ardent anti-immigration views for more than a decade, but by 2019 he faced bans or other restrictions on Facebook, Instagram, X and YouTube for spreading hateful content and struggled to find much of an audience online.

Then, last November, X reinstated Mr. Robinson. (“I’m back!” his profile declares). He now has more than 960,000 followers on the platform.

Mr. Robinson’s prolific posts are widely shared across like-minded accounts on other platforms and in other countries.

An example of his reach was clear in March, when he reacted to news of a fire at a migrant housing center in Berlin. He posted a brief video clip on Telegram claiming that migrants had deliberately set fire to the center, located in the city’s old Tegel Airport, “in hope of securing better” accommodations.

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His followers replied with a torrent of hateful and racist comments, according to an analysis by the SITE Intelligence Group. Though the cause of the fire remained unclear, the insinuation that it was intentional caromed from Britain to the Netherlands and Portugal and back to Germany.

March 12

We’ve seen this regularly across Europe, burning the facilities provided to them by the taxpayers in hope of securing better.


Note: All times are Central European Summer Time.

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Joe Düker, a researcher at the Center for Monitoring, Analysis and Strategy, an organization in Germany that studies extremism, said Mr. Robinson’s post helped drive the narrative in Germany, where the authorities reported 31 violent crimes against migrants in the first three months of this year. An extremist group active in Austria and Germany, Generation Identity Europa, forwarded his post on Telegram to its own followers.

Asked whether he believes his social media posts contribute to violence, Mr. Robinson responded: “I believe the teachings in the Koran contribute to violence. Shall we ban it?”

Other figures have similar international reach, including Eva Vlaardingerbroek in the Netherlands, Martin Sellner in Austria and Francesca Totolo in Italy. They often amplify one another’s posts, forming a global echo chamber of hatred toward migrants.

“There isn’t enough of an appreciation of how transnational these networks are,” said Wendy Via, a founder of the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism, an organization in the United States that tracks the spread of racism.

‘Whoever riots gets heard’

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In the initial hours after the stabbing attack in England, when little information was released by the authorities, agitators quickly stepped into the void.

July 29

Not much info yet, but it will be a Muslim culprit followed by violence protests

The attacker is alleged to be a Muslim immigrant

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July 30

Attacker confirmed to be Muslim. Age 17. Came to UK by boat last year.


Note: Identifying information has been removed. All times are Greenwich Mean Time.

By the time officials said that the suspect was a 17-year-old British citizen from Wales, it was too late. Angry calls for protests had swept TikTok, Telegram and X, calling people into the streets. “Whoever riots gets heard,” Mr. Robinson declared. “The British need hearing.”

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Source: PA Media, via Agence France-Press

One Telegram channel created to discuss the stabbing shared the address of 30 locations to target for protest. The platform blocked the channel, but only after it had swelled to more than 13,000 members.

“They won’t stop coming,” one member of the group said, “until you tell them.”

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State regulators will fast-track reviews of rate hikes sought by home insurers amid wildfire losses

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State regulators will fast-track reviews of rate hikes sought by home insurers amid wildfire losses

The state insurance commissioner took action Friday to speed up reviews of rate hikes sought by home insurers after efforts to address the issue through fast-track legislation got bogged down amid opposition from a consumer group.

California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara issued a bulletin outlining steps his department would take to more quickly reach a decision on whether to decline, approve or amend applications from insurers, who have pulled back from the state’s market amid wildfire losses.

It now takes on average about seven months for insurers to get decisions on their rate applications — an untenable pace as insurers such as State Farm, Farmers and others have either declined to renew some policies or stopped writing new ones.

“Consumers are hurting, businesses continue to lose coverage, wildfires are ravaging our state — and we do not have the luxury of time,” Lara said in a written statement accompanying his announcement.

The bulletin is an element of the commissioner’s Sustainable Insurance Strategy, a package of wide-ranging reforms intended to stabilize the home insurance market.

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In May, Gov. Gavin Newsom said that he was proposing a so-called “trailer bill” to be adopted as part of the state budget in July that would require regulators to complete their review of insurers’ rate applications within 60 days, though the language also allowed for extensions.

However, the bill was not introduced amid opposition from Consumer Watchdog, the L.A. consumer group that was key to passage in 1988 of Proposition 103, the landmark insurance reform initiative that provided for an elected insurance commissioner with authority to deny insurer rate hikes. The group worried the proposal would weaken consumers’ voice in the review process.

The bulletin issued Friday calls for the department to review a complete rate application within 60 days, and if more time is needed to make a decision, regulators must outline their position on what remains unresolved. It also allows for two more 30-day extensions, after which the department would issue an “estimated” rate the company could accept or reject. If it is rejected, the process would continue with 30-day extensions.

Home insurers who seek rate hikes in excess of 7% cannot implement the estimated rate without the consent of intervenors, such as consumer groups, if they have been granted the right to take part in the review process and have petitioned for a hearing on the application. The bulletin also applies to other types of property and casualty insurance.

That language is similar to, though less detailed than, what the governor proposed in May. As a bulletin, it serves to “clear the air” about the department’s obligations and does not constitute a new regulation, said Michael Soller, Lara’s deputy commissioner of communications.

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Jamie Court, president of Consumer Watchdog, said the group remains concerned about the effort to speed regulatory reviews. He noted that under Proposition 103, consumer groups have only 45 days to file an application to intervene in the review process, with the commissioner given 15 days to approve their request — a 60-day process in itself.

“We don’t know all the unresolved issues until we have a back and forth with the company. This clearly short circuits the role of the public intervenor in the process and diminishes the voice of the public participant,” he said.

The group had sought to amend the governor’s proposal to clearly lay out the role of consumer groups in the process, he said, including by adding a provision that would not start the clock on the 60-day rate review until after the commissioner approves an intervention by a third party, if one was sought. He said Consumer Watchdog was making progress with its concerns in the Legislature when Lara decided to proceed with the bulletin.

Newsom declared his support of Lara’s action, calling it “necessary to address California’s insurance crisis,” in a statement included in the department’s announcement.

Currently, it has been the department’s practice to seek automatic waivers from insurers when it runs up against the 60-day rate review deadline already written into law by Proposition 103. Regulators then seek additional 30-day waivers as needed. It is this practice that the department and insurers have cited as a cause of the lengthy rate reviews.

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Rex Frazier, president of the Personal Insurance Federation of California, a trade group of property and casualty insurers, said the bulletin appeared to be consistent with a larger overall agreement the department reached with the industry last year to make the market more attractive to insurers.

However, he said it remains to be seen how the changes are implemented, including the new requirement that regulators offer an “estimated” rate within 120 days of the initial rate filing.
“They can low ball that. It’s not like the department ever would be compelled to put anything in an estimated rate that they’re not comfortable with,” he said.

Court expressed the opposite concern, saying that the estimated rate could result in insurer rate giveaways. He said he expected the department would have to issue additional guidance on the meaning of an estimated rate.

Consumer Watchdog will closely watch how the bulletin is implemented on a case-by-case basis and would consider litigation if it decides the department is violating the language of Proposition 103, he said.

The department is developing what it calls a “data reconciliation tool” before it implements the rules — software that will prevent insurers from filing incomplete rate applications, which slow the review process by forcing regulators to seek additional information. The software is not expected to be ready until next year, Soller said.

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Also Friday, Lara issued another bulletin barring insurance companies from canceling or not renewing policies for some 185,000 policyholders affected by the Park, Borel and Gold Complex fires.

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Stellantis Will Lay Off Up to 2,450 at Michigan Truck Plant

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Stellantis Will Lay Off Up to 2,450 at Michigan Truck Plant

Stellantis announced plans on Friday to lay off as many as 2,450 workers later this year at a pickup truck plant near Detroit, the latest sign of trouble for the trans-Atlantic automaker.

The layoffs are expected to begin as early as Oct. 8 at the Ram truck plant in Warren, Mich., where production will be reduced to one shift from two, the company said on Friday.

Stellantis’s chief executive, Carlos Tavares, has said the company needs to cut costs, and he has noted that at least one North American factory was operating at an unsatisfactory level.

The company has been hit by sluggish sales in North America, where it generates most of its profits, as well as bloated costs and manufacturing inefficiencies. It reported last month that profits in the first six months of 2024 fell by nearly half to 5.6 billion euros (about $6 billion).

“It is an understatement to say that the first-half 2024 results were disappointing and humbling,” Mr. Tavares said on a call with analysts after the earnings report. “This is a bump on the road that we are now fixing and that we are going to fight against to make sure that we can rebound from here, and that we fix the operational issues that we face.”

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The layoffs are related to a planned transition to a new version of the Ram pickup that is just going into production at a plant in Sterling Heights, Mich. The Warren plant will continue making an older version of the truck on one shift, the company said on Friday, adding that the actual number of workers affected will probably be lower than the 2,450 noted in a report to the state of Michigan.

While some laid-off workers could be moved to other plants or return to the Warren factory at some point, the company acknowledged that some would be let go permanently. Employees who leave the company will be offered a year of unemployment benefits that supplement any assistance they receive from the state.

The United Automobile Workers union had no immediate comment on the Stellantis announcement. In contract talks with the company last year, the union won the reopening of a plant in Belvidere, Ill., which the company announced in late 2022 that it planned to close, with the potential loss of 1,350 jobs.

Stellantis was formed in the 2021 merger of Fiat Chrysler and the French company Peugeot S.A. In North America, it sells vehicles under the Chrysler, Jeep, Ram and Dodge brands. Its brands in Europe and other parts of the world include Peugeot, Citroën, Fiat and Opel.

Mr. Tavares, 65, a Portuguese engineer who has spent most of his career in France’s auto industry, has promised that the combined company would find economies of scale to deliver greater profits than its two halves had generated on their own.

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Last year, it looked as if Mr. Tavares was delivering. In 2023, Stellantis reported a record profit of €18.6 billion, with much of it coming from the sale of Jeeps, Ram pickups and other trucks in the United States.

But for about the last 12 months, Stellantis has been producing more vehicles in North America than its customers are buying, and its inventories have grown, forcing the company to offer discounts that cut into its profit margins.

In July, Mr. Tavares said Stellantis was aiming to cut €50 million in costs in North America by the end of the year. “We still have ahead of us a lot of cost-saving actions,” he said.

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In deal with union, Hotel Figueroa in downtown L.A. to hire back some restaurant workers

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In deal with union, Hotel Figueroa in downtown L.A. to hire back some restaurant workers

For months Hotel Figueroa in downtown Los Angeles has been locked in a labor dispute over restaurant staff who were let go after they attempted to unionize.

On Wednesday, the union representing the workers announced it had reached a tentative deal that requires the hotel to take over operations of a cafe, a bar and staff kitchen from a contractor and rehire some of the laid-off employees.

The deal is part of a broader agreement between the hotel and the union, Unite Here Local 11, that covers about 60 housekeepers, front desk workers and engineers, said Unite Here Local 11 spokesperson Maria Hernandez. If approved by the workers, the deal would put an end to intermittent work stoppages that have roiled the hotel for more than a year.

Under the agreement, non-tipped workers would see higher wages, including an immediate $5-per-hour wage boost, as well as other benefits. The union reached a similar tentative agreement this week with the Glendale Hilton.

For more than a year, Unite Here Local 11 has led a strike that initially involved about 60 hotels in Los Angeles and Orange counties, where contracts covering more than 15,000 workers expired in June of last year. All but a few had eventually agreed to new contracts, but Hotel Figueroa and a handful of others held out.

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Rahim Ladha, a spokesperson for private equity firm BentallGreenOak, or BGO, which owns Hotel Figueroa, confirmed the firm as well as the hotel’s operator, Highgate Hotels, had agreed to the deal, but declined to provide other comment.

As the union continues to try to hash out agreements with the remaining hotels, one of Unite Here’s three presidents, Kurt Petersen, said the union is determined to extract greater concessions from the holdouts. “If you fight, you pay more. That’s our mantra. Everyone who has decided to lengthen this fight, they need to pay a bit of a tax.”

Nohelia Gonzalez, who has worked as a housekeeper at the hotel for three years, said the contract campaign has been difficult for her and other workers. On a typical morning, she wakes up at 3:40 a.m. to make the three-hour commute on public transportation from the San Fernando Valley to get to the hotel before her 8 a.m. shift. But during the strike, she would wake up even earlier to make it to 7 a.m. picket lines.

Gonzalez, 54, was on the picket line in January when several of her co-workers were bruised by small metal balls fired by some sort of air rifle.

“It’s been really tough, we’ve had horrible experiences,” Gonzalez said. “It was a long, hard-fought battle. [The agreement] means the world to so many of us.”

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It was not clear exactly how many laid-off food and beverage workers would be hired back. Sparrow Italia and La Casita at Driftwood, two other dining establishments at the famed hotel that were shuttered in February, were not included in the agreement and remain closed.

Recalled employees who choose to come back to work at Café Fig, Bar Magnolia and the cafeteria for workers will be folded into the already existing bargaining unit of Hotel Figueroa workers, but their terms of employment will need to be separately negotiated, said Hernandez, the union spokesperson.

Tensions among restaurant workers at Hotel Figueroa flared soon after hospitality group Noble 33 took over food and beverage operations for the hotel in 2021, according to workers and union organizers. Workers said they were forced to take on multiple jobs without more pay as their colleagues left and management didn’t back-fill positions.

In December, back-of-house food and beverage workers for Noble 33 notified their management that they intended to form a union and submitted the necessary paperwork to do so. Days later, Noble 33 announced it was shuttering all food and drink services at the hotel.

Noble 33 followed through on the closures and laid off an estimated 100 employees in February.

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Soon after, the hotel brought in a new third-party management company to take over food and beverage services. Unite Here Local 11 filed a complaint with the Los Angeles city attorney’s office alleging the hotel and the new food operator had violated the city’s “right to return” law that requires new hotel owners or new operators to keep the site’s employees during a transitional period.

Hotel Figueroa at the time denied the premise of the workers’ complaint, stating that it was acting in accordance with worker retention laws.

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