Business
How China Could Wield Its Control of Rare Earths Against Trump
As President Trump prepares to meet China’s top leader at a summit in Beijing this week, one of the most pressing issues facing the United States, the European Union and Japan lies in China’s restrictions on exports of rare-earth metals and magnets essential to advanced manufacturing.
Manufacturers of commercial aircraft, electronics, cars, semiconductor manufacturing equipment and military hardware are facing acute shortages of rare earths, many of which are refined almost exclusively in China. Prices for some of these metals have soared as much as a hundredfold since Beijing halted most exports in early April last year.
China announced on Oct. 9 that it planned to impose sweeping new restrictions on exports of rare earths and products containing even trace amounts of Chinese rare earths. Three weeks later, Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, agreed at a meeting with Mr. Trump to postpone those measures for a year, though the restrictions issued in April remained in place.
A senior administration official said Sunday that the United States was in frequent contact with China about rare earths, and that it remained unclear whether this week’s summit would produce an agreement to extend the one-year reprieve. But the official, speaking on the condition of anonymity before the diplomatically sensitive meeting, said he was confident the two sides would reach an extension before the postponement expired.
Beijing has offered few hints about its intentions. Asked about rare earths at a news briefing last month, Mao Ning, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, said that “the two sides need to jointly deliver on the important common understandings between the two presidents, and provide greater stability to China-U.S. economic and trade cooperation.”
Business groups are pressing for immediate clarity, warning that Beijing’s restrictions are already disrupting manufacturing outside China and that companies need time to get ready for any tougher measures.
“How do you prepare? We simply don’t know what’s going to happen,” said Jens Eskelund, president of the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China, at a news briefing in Beijing last month.
The American Chamber of Commerce warned in a report released Monday that the rare-earth restrictions were part of a broader effort by China to tighten its grip on global supply chains.
“As China’s control over critical inputs and technologies expands, so, too, does its ability to weaponize this leverage,” the report said.
China’s Ministry of Commerce has said the export-license requirements it imposed last spring on seven categories of rare earths and related magnets are not intended as a tool for leverage in trade or geopolitical disputes, but are necessary because the materials have both military and civilian applications.
But Beijing announced the licensing rules just two days after Mr. Trump imposed steep “Liberation Day” tariffs on China and other countries. China has also linked its control over rare earths to demands that the European Union ease its tariffs on imported Chinese electric vehicles. And after a dispute with Japan over Taiwan in November, Beijing tightened limits on rare-earth shipments to Japan.
Even without the postponed additional restrictions, China has severely reduced exports of rare earths such as samarium, yttrium and dysprosium, which are already in critically tight supply outside China. Samarium, used in commercial aircraft, fighter jets and missiles, sells for about $2 a kilogram inside China but $50 to $500 a kilogram abroad, depending on the level of processing.
China has all but stopped exporting it.
“The aerospace industry is in critical need of samarium,” said Ilya Epikhin, a senior rare-earths specialist at the consulting firm Arthur D. Little. ”It can significantly impact the commercial aircraft production.”
In a statement, Airbus said it “does not buy rare earths or magnets directly, but they are used in our supply chain and we are closely engaging with our suppliers to ensure resilience.” Boeing said that it was working with its suppliers and that it did not see “a near-term impact.”
Yttrium is also scarce outside China, although industry specialists said Beijing had allowed a few shipments to the United States in recent weeks. The Chinese authorities have not explained the decision, which has been interpreted either as a good-will gesture before the summit or a delayed result of China’s pledge in October to permit some exports.
Yttrium is prized as a heat insulator. It is used in semiconductor manufacturing equipment to prevent excess heat from leaking between the tightly packed lasers that cut computer chips, and in jet engines and missiles to shield electronics and other systems from extreme heat.
Dysprosium is widely used in magnets for automotive systems, including brakes, steering and electric motors, as well as drones, including military models. China has restricted exports of dysprosium, which sells for about $200 a kilogram domestically but commands far higher prices overseas, according to Argus Media, a London-based commodity market data firm.
MP Materials, which owns the only rare-earths mine in the United States at Mountain Pass, Calif., said on its earnings call last week that it had begun work on the initial stages of refining the types of rare earths that China had restricted. The company currently produces easier-to-process rare earths at its Mountain Pass mine and refinery.
James Litinsky, MP’s chairman and chief executive, said in an interview that the company would not make the substantial investments needed for the later stages of purifying rare earths, such as yttrium, without long-term purchase commitments from customers. Western manufacturers, however, have been reluctant to sign contracts for fear that China could resume exports of far cheaper material.
Chinese refineries retain a major cost advantage because they process enormous volumes of rare earths each year, much of them used for electric car production. This gives them economies of scale.
Beijing also has some reasons to continue postponing expanded restrictions, which are slated to take effect in November and December. Two weeks after the U.S. midterm elections on Nov. 3, the presidents, prime ministers and other leaders of 21 Asian and Pacific economies are set to gather in Shenzhen, a Chinese metropolis next to Hong Kong, for their annual summit. Chinese officials may not want that meeting overshadowed by global economic difficulties tied to China’s export controls.
If Mr. Trump and Mr. Xi fail to reach an agreement this week, they may have another chance in the coming months. Officials have discussed a possible visit by Mr. Xi to the United States this year to reciprocate Mr. Trump’s trip to China.
Ruoxin Zhang contributed research.
Business
Dozens of Polymarket Bets Show Signs of Insider Trading, The Times Finds
On the evening of Thursday, June 12, a small group of internet gamblers made a highly specific prediction on Polymarket, the betting website that offers odds on virtually everything.
Thirteen users wagered a total of $140,000 that Israel would strike Iran by the end of that week, even as the odds suggested that an attack was unlikely. Seven of the accounts had been opened just days earlier. Another had a history of bets related to military action against Iran — and had won money on all of them.
Israel attacked Iran later that day, netting the accounts more than $600,000 in profits.
The explosive growth of prediction markets like Polymarket has rattled the political world over the last year, fueling concerns about a new kind of insider trading by military leaders and government officials with access to confidential plans. A military reservist was recently indicted in Israel for a scheme to bet on the June strike, while a U.S. Army Special Forces soldier was accused last month of wagering on the capture of Nicolás Maduro, the president of Venezuela.
Those bets represent only a slice of the suspicious activity on Polymarket. A New York Times examination found that more than 80 Polymarket users have placed bets with suspicious characteristics, including 38 whose well-timed wagers have drawn little or no public attention. They won money across nearly 30 topics dating back to at least 2024, from Israel’s strike on Iran last year to the regulatory debate over cryptocurrency trading.
The Times’s examination also revealed previously unreported red flags in some of the high-profile bets that have drawn scrutiny. The findings were based on a series of warning signs that hint at insider trading without proving it definitively. Those signals include long-shot bets that pay off, well-timed wagers by recently opened accounts and bets by users who gamble on only a few related topics without ever losing, among other considerations.
The Times identified more than 11,000 Polymarket accounts that exhibited some combination of those characteristics, then manually reviewed the most striking cases, comparing the users’ trading histories against overall prediction market activity. Many of the examples involved military operations, which have attracted a surge of betting this year.
While the accounts The Times examined make up a small portion of Polymarket’s users, they show how suspicious wagers can unfold on the site and highlight the vulnerability of prediction markets to manipulation. Polymarket’s trading data is publicly visible, which makes it possible to reconstruct betting patterns with second-by-second accuracy.
One of the highest-profile cases occurred at the start of the year, when the idea that Mr. Maduro would soon be ousted as Venezuela’s leader seemed unlikely. The odds on Polymarket reflected that doubt, sitting at around 7 percent. Then something unexpected happened: The United States swept into Venezuela on Jan. 3 and arrested Mr. Maduro.
Somehow, one user appeared to know the arrest was coming. The account had placed large bets on Jan. 1 and Jan. 2 predicting that Mr. Maduro would be “out” as Venezuela’s leader before the end of the month. When Mr. Maduro was captured on Jan. 3, the user pocketed more than $400,000. Prosecutors later charged Master Sgt. Gannon Ken Van Dyke, the special forces soldier, with using classified information to make that bet.
A similar betting pattern played out when Polymarket offered odds on whether the United States would announce a cease-fire in the war with Iran by April 7.
At least seven users placed bets in the hours before President Trump announced the agreement in a Truth Social post on April 7. Collectively, they won more than $1.4 million, including two users who each walked away with over $400,000 in profits.
The Times also found warning signs in areas unrelated to America’s foreign policy. In 2024, a user created a Polymarket account and placed a single long-shot bet that a financial product tied to the cryptocurrency Ether would be approved by the Trump administration. A month later, the user withdrew $50,000 in profits after regulators blessed the product.
Based on the public data alone, it is impossible to conclude whether these users were insiders who had access to nonpublic information. Many sophisticated bettors use automated bots to place well-timed wagers that may appear suspicious at first glance, while some prediction market traders pride themselves on making giant bets against the odds that occasionally pay off.
But The Times’s examination adds to evidence suggesting that Polymarket has been exploited by users with information that is not publicly available.
Last month, the nonprofit Anti-Corruption Data Collective released a report about Polymarket that found heavy bettors on underdog outcomes — an event with at most a 35 percent likelihood — won more than half the time on topics related to the military, calling it a sign of “potential insider trading.” Similar wagers on other topics were profitable only 14 percent of the time, the report found.
Polymarket has pledged to combat insider trading, saying it has “no place” on the platform. A company spokeswoman said the firm “continuously monitors its markets for suspicious activity and regularly engages with relevant authorities when appropriate.”
Polymarket and its main rival, Kalshi, are the most popular prediction markets. But they differ in important ways. Polymarket’s main platform processes wagers in crypto, creating a public record of transactions. Much less data is available about the bets on Kalshi, which announced in February that it had opened more than 200 insider-trading investigations resulting in over a dozen “active cases.”
Robert DeNault, Kalshi’s head of enforcement, said in a statement to The Times that insider trading was banned on the platform. “We surveil, investigate and punish it,” he said.
Coordinated Activity
For years, prediction markets occupied a legal gray area in the United States. A tiny financial agency, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, barred Polymarket from serving U.S.-based customers in 2022, while Kalshi battled those regulators in court for authorization to offer bets on congressional elections.
Now the landscape is shifting in these firms’ favor.
Kalshi won its case in October 2024, paving the way for election betting in the United States. Within a year, Polymarket secured regulatory approval to start offering some services, though the majority of its betting markets, including wagers on military action, are still available only overseas. Sergeant Van Dyke gained access to the website using a virtual private network, a tool that disguises a user’s location, according to court papers.
Together Kalshi and Polymarket draw $25 billion in monthly trading volume, up from less than $2 billion a year ago, an explosion of popularity that poses a challenge to regulators.
Under federal law and agency regulations, insider trading on prediction markets is prohibited, though what qualifies as an offense is a complex legal question. Some advocates for the sites argue that certain insiders can help generate more accurate forecasts, making prediction markets a useful source of information.
In a CBS “60 Minutes” interview last fall, Shayne Coplan, Polymarket’s chief executive, called insider trading “an inevitability” that comes with “a lot of benefits,” while stipulating that trading platforms need to draw an ethical line somewhere.
“What’s cool about Polymarket is that it creates this financial incentive for people to go and divulge the information to the market,” he said at an Axios conference in November. “Or someone tells someone, and then the market responds.”
But potential insider activity does not always create a clearer picture for the public, The Times found. Someone with insider knowledge can employ a range of strategies to accumulate large, profitable positions without moving the needle on the odds.
In January 2025, a Polymarket user who regularly wagered on Washington politics began betting that President Joseph R. Biden Jr. would pardon his brother James Biden. The user placed 53 separate bets worth more than $20,000, even as the odds declined.
Less than 40 minutes after the user’s final bet on Jan. 20, the White House announced that Mr. Biden had signed a last-minute pardon for his brother. The user earned $200,000, cashed out and has not bet since.
The Times’s review also found possible coordination among Polymarket accounts that placed bets at identical times. Such activity can signal that an individual user deployed automated bots to avoid detection, obscuring a large position across many accounts.
A possible example emerged on Feb. 27, when Mr. Trump at 3:38 p.m. gave the order to strike Iran while he was aboard Air Force One. Over the next few hours, at least 27 accounts placed thousands of dollars of simultaneous bets predicting that the United States would attack by Feb. 28. When the strike began around 1 p.m. on Feb. 28, the accounts collected profits of more than $700,000.
Much of the suspicious activity has been concentrated on the conflicts in the Middle East. Of the 27 betting topics that The Times flagged, 12 focused on the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran.
In February, Israeli authorities charged the military reservist with using nonpublic information to help an accomplice make more than $100,000 betting on Polymarket about the timing of Israel’s attacks on Iran and Yemen.
“It’s happening now,” the soldier texted his accomplice, just as military planes took off for the June attack, according to the indictment.
In court this month, the reservist’s lawyer argued that his client’s unit in the Israeli Air Force had a penchant for gambling, a risk-taking impulse that was common in the military.
An Israeli military representative said the defense forces had taken steps to “strengthen oversight and control systems” since the Polymarket bet was exposed.
Political Ripples
The rise of suspicious trading has caused alarm in Washington.
The Senate passed a resolution last month barring senators and their staff members from using prediction markets. In April, Mr. Trump said he was “never much in favor” of the sites and lamented that “the whole world unfortunately has become somewhat of a casino.”
Within days, he reversed himself, noting that people working in the prediction business are “pretty happy with it.” Mr. Trump’s eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., is an adviser to Kalshi and Polymarket, and the family’s social media company, Trump Media, has announced plans to offer a prediction market.
The scrutiny on prediction markets has put a spotlight on the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. Historically, the agency has overseen markets for oil, agricultural goods and certain financial instruments known as swaps. Because prediction market bets are classified as swaps, the agency has argued, the sites fall under its purview as well. But the C.F.T.C. has a relatively small staff and a spotty record of enforcement that has drawn skepticism from critics.
Michael Selig, the agency’s chairman, is an outspoken prediction market enthusiast who has hopscotched the country giving speeches about the technology’s potential to rival traditional media as an information source.
“It’s really important that we protect these markets here in the U.S.,” he said at a crypto conference in March.
In a statement to The Times, Mr. Selig said the agency had a “renewed focus on efficiency” and was using artificial intelligence to bolster its capabilities. “There are no gaps in our ability to fulfill our mission,” he added.
As concerns have intensified, Polymarket has promised to monitor for misconduct. But its public pronouncements are sometimes contradictory.
Three weeks before the Special Forces soldier was indicted, Mr. Coplan, Polymarket’s chief, was interviewed at Harvard Business School, where he was asked about suspicious activity in the Maduro betting market.
“For the Maduro one, it’s actually a very funny story — it’s not what it seems,” Mr. Coplan said. “It’s just more of a fluke than it is some sort of exciting thing.”
Once the federal charges were announced, Mr. Coplan told a different story, writing on social media that Polymarket had “flagged this, referred it, and cooperated throughout the process” with the Justice Department.
In April, Kalshi said it had unearthed three examples of insider trading — all congressional candidates who had placed bets on their own races.
In one case, Kalshi said, a Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate in Virginia placed a bet that he would join the race, a decision he clearly controlled. Kalshi fined him more than $6,000 and gave him a five-year ban from the platform.
Because prediction market data is public, the hunt for insider trading has also become a social media phenomenon.
On X, users post screenshots of prediction markets with strange patterns or bets from new accounts. Some traders have built strategies around identifying insiders and then copying suspicious wagers before other bettors catch on.
One market that was flagged on social media centered on a prominent internet sleuth, who announced in February that he was preparing a detailed investigation into an unnamed crypto company whose employees had “abused internal data.”
Speculators on Polymarket started betting on who the sleuth’s target might be. Between Feb. 24 and Feb. 26, an anonymous user who had just joined Polymarket bet more than $65,000 that it was Axiom, a crypto trading firm. (Axiom did not respond to a request for comment.)
The wager was correct. On Feb. 26, the sleuth accused Axiom employees of insider trading.
It’s unclear who made the bet. The sleuth said that he had been “retained” to investigate Axiom, and that he had reached out to the firm before posting his findings.
The anonymous bettor walked away with $411,647 in profits.
Johnatan Reiss contributed reporting.
Business
L.A.’s surging real estate prices have cooled, so why is nobody buying condos?
Even as the relentless rise in Los Angeles housing costs seems to have paused, condominium sales slowed to a trickle this year.
The number of condo units sold in the first two months slid to a more than 20-year low, according to figures from real estate data firm Attom. The median price of a condo fell nearly 5% in February compared with a year earlier, the property information provider said.
Cooling condo sales may be an early sign of broader weakness in the market.
Stubbornly high home-loan rates, a decline in the construction of new units, and economic angst are all keeping people and property developers from doing more deals, said Richard Green, director of the Lusk Center for Real Estate at USC.
“When the housing market softens, and it has, condos usually go softer faster than single-family homes,” he said. “People prefer single-family houses to condos.”
The median price of a Los Angeles County condo fell 4.5% in February, compared with a year earlier. The median price of a single-family home fell 1.6%.
Median rents in L.A. recently fell to a four-year low, a small sign of hope for tenants who felt like it was only a matter of time before they were priced out of the city.
Condos, like other properties, shot up in value earlier in the pandemic but have been moving sideways in L.A. for the last two years, with the median price meandering around $700,000 for a two-bedroom condominium.
“The market is experiencing more of a pricing plateau than a major correction,” said Rob Barber, chief executive of Attom.
Even as prices have flattened out, fewer deals are getting done.
In January and February, fewer than 2,000 condominiums were sold in Los Angeles County, according to Attom data. That is more than 40% fewer than a recent peak five years ago, and the worst start to the year since 2005, when Attom began collecting the data.
A view of the Vue, a 16-story rental complex in San Pedro.
(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Unlike other big cities such as Miami, New York and Chicago, which are known for abundant condo choices, Los Angeles and other California cities have fewer options, in part because many housing developers steer clear of building them.
Developers say California’s high costs of land and labor, as well as tough government regulations, fees and taxes, have forced them to stop building in the Golden State, even as prices have soared.
L.A.’s weak condo market is part of a larger development problem in which builders increasingly favor rental apartments — or avoid the region altogether.
San Diego is a rare example of a nearby metropolis that has been able to convince more builders to build more.
The city is more welcoming to developers, industry insiders say, with fewer regulations and fees, better planning and less rent control.
In the last quarter of 2025, the number of new apartments under construction in San Diego County rose 10% from three years earlier, CoStar data show. New apartment construction in Los Angeles County tumbled 33% over the same period, hitting an 11-year low in the three months through December. San Diego is expanding its apartment pool at nearly twice the rate of L.A. and other major city clusters in the state.
Condos are particularly tough for builders to invest in because California law allows homeowners associations, or HOAs, to sue developers for construction defects for up to 10 years after a building is completed.
It is common for an HOA to sue the developer as the 10-year statute of limitations nears, often for what developers consider minor or perceived issues. Because of the high litigation risk, the insurance premiums that developers pay for condo projects are often three to five times higher than those for an identical apartment building.
Occupied apartment buildings, meanwhile, are considered stabilized assets. A developer can build them, fill them with renters, and then sell the entire building to an investor, such as a pension fund or a real estate investment trust, for a predictable profit.
“If you sell it, you’re done,” Green said. “The multifamily market has been overwhelmingly a for-rent product for many, many years here in California.”
None of the six Southern California counties from Ventura County to San Diego County tracked by Attom saw median condo prices rise year over year. The biggest drop was 8.6% in Ventura County in February from a year earlier.
“Condo buyers tend to be more rate sensitive and are also dealing with rising HOA fees, insurance costs and stricter financing conditions,” Barber said. “At the same time, condo prices have remained relatively resilient, suggesting demand has cooled but not disappeared altogether.”
HOA fees have been rising with inflation and the upkeep costs of older buildings, making it tougher for consumers to buy condos.
“In California, it’s becoming clearer that they are more expensive to own than people think,” Green said. “We haven’t built much lately. The condominium market is generally older, 40- to 50-year-old places, and they need a lot of work. A lot of capital improvements are coming home to roost.”
Business
EBay rejects GameStop’s $56-billion takeover offer
California online marketplace EBay said Tuesday its board rejected GameStop’s unsolicited $56-billion takeover offer.
The proposal was “neither credible nor attractive,” EBay’s board said in a statement. The San José company said it rejected the bid after considering various factors, including how it could impact growth and profitability.
“With its differentiated global marketplace and a clear strategy, EBay’s Board is confident that the company, under its current management team, is well-positioned to continue to drive sustainable growth, execute with discipline, and deliver long-term value for our shareholders,” the board’s letter to GameStop’s Chief Executive Ryan Cohen said.
The rejection sets back video game retailer GameStop’s bold ecommerce ambitions to take on bigger rivals such as Amazon. Cohen told news outlets that he planned to grow EBay, noting that the company, like GameStop, also focuses on selling collectibles such as trading cards.
Analysts expressed skepticism about the offer, including how GameStop would pay for the takeover. As of Tuesday, GameStop, headquartered in Texas, has a market cap of $10 billion. That’s much lower than EBay’s $48-billion market cap.
GameStop didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.
Earlier this month, GameStop announced it offered to acquire EBay for $125.00 per share in cash and stock. The proposal represented a 46% premium to EBay’s closing price on Feb. 4, according to a news release from the company. GameStop also started buying EBay shares and has a 5% stake in the company.
A letter from investment bank TD Securities to GameStop said that it was “highly confident” that the company would raise up to $20 billion to fund the deal.
Questions still swirled around whether GameStop could afford to buy eBay and compete with Amazon.
In an interview with CNBC, Cohen said the company was offering “half cash” and “half stock” when pressed for more details about how GameStop would finance the takeover bid.
“We have the ability to issue stock in order to get the deal done, but the full details of the offer on our on our website,” he said in the interview.
Cohen told the Wall Street Journal that the company planned to take the offer directly to shareholders if EBay wasn’t open to the proposal.
GameStop has also been grappling with the rise of online shopping. The company has closed roughly 470 stores nationwide in January, according to an unofficial blog tracking GameStop’s store closures. The company’s revenue for fiscal year 2025 totaled $3.63 billion, down roughly 5% compared to the 2024 fiscal year. As GameStop slashed costs, its net income grew to $418.4 million.
EBay has also been trying to cut back while adapting to changes in the ways people shop. The company said it plans to acquire fashion marketplace Depop from Etsy for $1.2 billion in cash to reach young consumers. In February, EBay announced it would lay off 6% of its workforce, roughly 800 jobs.
On Tuesday, EBay’s share price rose 2% to around $110. GameStop’s stock fell more than 3% to roughly $22 per share.
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