Texas
Federal investigators were preparing two Texas housing discrimination cases — until Trump took over
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The findings were stark. In one investigation, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development concluded that a Texas state agency had steered $1 billion in disaster mitigation money away from Houston and nearby communities of color after Hurricane Harvey inundated the region in 2017. In another investigation, HUD found that a homeowners association outside of Dallas had created rules to kick poor Black people out of their neighborhood.
The episodes amounted to egregious violations of civil rights laws, officials at the housing agency believed — enough to warrant litigation against the alleged culprits. That, at least, was the view during the presidency of Joe Biden. After the Trump administration took over, HUD quietly took steps that will likely kill both cases, according to three officials familiar with the matter.
Those steps were extremely unusual. Current and former HUD officials said they could not recall the housing agency ever pulling back cases of this magnitude in which the agency had found evidence of discrimination. That leaves the yearslong, high-profile investigations in a state of limbo, with no likely path for the government to advance them, current and former officials said. As a result, the alleged perpetrators of the discrimination could face no government penalties, and the alleged victims could receive no compensation.
“I just think that’s a doggone shame,” said Doris Brown, a Houston resident and a co-founder of a community group that, together with a housing nonprofit, filed the Harvey complaint. Brown saw 3 feet of water flood her home in a predominantly Black neighborhood that still shows damage from the storm. “We might’ve been able to get some more money to help the people that are still suffering,” she said.
On Jan. 15, HUD referred the Houston case to the Department of Justice, a necessary step to a federal lawsuit after the housing agency finds evidence of discrimination. Less than a month later, on Feb. 13, the agency rescinded its referral without public explanation. HUD did the same with the Dallas case not long after.
The development has alarmed some about a rollback of civil rights enforcement at the agency under President Donald Trump and HUD Secretary Scott Turner, who is from Texas. “The new administration is systematically dismantling the fair housing enforcement and education system,” said Sara Pratt, a former HUD official and an attorney for complainants in both Texas cases. “The message is: The federal government no longer takes housing discrimination seriously.”
HUD spokesperson Kasey Lovett disagreed, saying there was precedent for the rescinded referrals, which were done to gather more facts and scrutinize the investigations. “We’re taking a fresh look at Biden Administration policies, regulations, and cases. These cases are no exception,” Lovett said in a statement. “HUD will uphold the Fair Housing Act and the Civil Rights Act as the department is strongly and wholeheartedly opposed to housing discrimination.”
The Justice Department did not respond to a request for comment.
The Harvey case concerns a portion of a $4.3 billion grant that HUD gave to Texas after the hurricane inundated low-lying coastal areas, killing at least 89 people and causing more than $100 billion in damage. The money was meant to fund better drainage, flood control systems and other storm mitigation measures.
HUD sent the money to a state agency called the Texas General Land Office, which awarded the first $1 billion in funding to communities affected by Harvey through a grant competition. But the state agency excluded Houston and many of the most exposed coastal areas from eligibility for half of that money, according to HUD’s investigation. And, for the other half, it created award criteria that benefited rural areas at the expense of more populous applicants like Houston.
The result: Of that initial $1 billion, Houston — where nearly half of all homes were damaged by the hurricane — received nothing. Neither did Harris County, where Houston is located, or other coastal areas with large minority populations. Instead, the Texas agency, according to HUD, awarded a disproportionate amount of the aid to more rural, white areas that had suffered less damage in the hurricane. After an outcry, GLO asked HUD a few days later to send $750 million to Harris County, but HUD found that allocation still fell far short of the county’s mitigation needs. And none of that money went directly to Houston.
HUD launched an investigation into the competition in 2021, ultimately finding that GLO had discriminated on the basis of race and national origin, thereby violating Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and possibly the Fair Housing Act as well.
“GLO knowingly developed and operated a competition for the purpose of allocating funds to mitigate storm and flood risk that steered money away from urban Black and Hispanic communities that had the highest storm and flood risk into Whiter, more rural areas with less risk,” the agency wrote. “Despite awareness that its course of action would result in disparate harm for Black and Hispanic individuals, GLO still knowingly and disparately denied these communities critical mitigation funding.”
GLO has consistently disputed the allegations. It contends that many people of color benefited from its allocations. The Texas agency has also argued that the evidence in the case was weak, citing the fact that, in 2023, the Justice Department returned the case to HUD. At the time, the DOJ said it wanted HUD to investigate further. The housing agency then spent more than a year digging deeper into the facts and assembling more evidence before making its short-lived referral in January.
Asked about the rescinded referral, GLO spokesperson Brittany Eck told ProPublica: “Liberal political appointees and advocates spent years spinning false narratives without the facts to build a case. Four years of sensationalized, clickbait rhetoric without evidence is long enough.”
The other HUD case involved Providence Village, a largely white community north of Dallas of around 9,000 people. Purported concerns about crime and property values led the Providence Homeowners Association to adopt a rule in 2022 prohibiting property owners from renting to holders of Section 8 Housing Choice Vouchers, through which HUD subsidizes the housing costs of poor, elderly and disabled people. There were at least 157 households in Providence Village supported by vouchers, nearly all of them Black families. After the HOA action, some of them began leaving.
The rule attracted national attention, leading the Texas Legislature to prohibit HOAs from banning Section 8 tenants. Undeterred, the Providence HOA adopted amended rules in 2024 that placed restrictions on rental properties, which HUD found would have a similar effect as the previous ban.
Throughout the HOA’s efforts, people peppered community social media groups with racist vitriol about voucher holders, describing them as “wild animals,” “ghetto poverty crime ridden mentality people” and “lazy entitled leeching TR@SH.” One person wrote that “they might just leave in a coroner’s wagon.”
The discord attracted a white nationalist group, which twice protested just outside Providence Village. “The federal government views safe White communities as a problem,” flyers distributed by the group read. “The Section 8 Housing Voucher is a tool used to bring diversity to these neighborhoods.”
In January, HUD formally accused the HOA, its board president, a property management company and one of its property managers of violating the Fair Housing Act. The respondents have disputed the allegation. The HOA has argued its rules were meant to protect property values, support well-maintained homes and address crime concerns. The property management company, FirstService Residential Texas, said it was not responsible for the actions of the HOA.
The HOA and FirstService did not respond to requests for comment. The property manager declined to comment. Mitch Little, a lawyer for the HOA board president, said: “HUD didn’t pursue this case because there’s nothing to pursue. The claims are baseless and unsubstantiated.”
The Providence Village and Houston cases stretched on for years. All it took was two terse emails to undo them. “HUD’s Office of General Counsel withdrew the referral of the above-captioned case to the Department of Justice,” HUD wrote to Pratt this month regarding one of the cases. “We have no further information at this time.” That was the entirety of the message; neither email explained the reasoning behind the decisions.
The cases may have fallen victim to a broader roll-back of civil rights enforcement at the Justice Department, where memos circulated in January ordering a freeze of civil rights cases and investigations.
The development is the latest sign that the Trump administration may dramatically curtail HUD’s housing discrimination work. The agency canceled 78 grants to local fair housing groups last month, sparking a lawsuit by some of them. HUD justified the cancellations by saying each grant “no longer effectuates the program goals or agency priorities.” (Pratt’s firm, Relman Colfax, is representing the plaintiffs in that suit.) And projections circulating within HUD last month indicated the agency’s Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity could see its staff cut by 76% under the new administration.
If HUD does not pursue the cases, the complainants could file their own lawsuits. But they may not soon forget the government’s about-face on the issue. “If there is a major flood in Houston, which there almost certainly will be, and people die, and homes get destroyed, the people who made this decision are in large part responsible,” said Ben Hirsch, a member of one of the groups that brought the Harvey complaint. “People will die because of this.”
Disclosure: Texas General Land Office has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
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Texas
Pro-gambling interests fail to gain ground in Texas primaries as legislative roadblocks remain
Despite failing to defeat a slate of anti-gambling candidates this primary cycle and facing powerful opposition in the Texas Capitol, casino interests say they are undeterred in their effort to elect legislators favorable to their industry in hopes of one day legalizing gambling in the state.
Republican state Reps. David Lowe, Terri Leo-Wilson, Mark Dorazio and Andy Hopper, all gambling opponents, defeated primary challenges from candidates backed by billionaire Miriam Adelson’s Las Vegas Sands casino empire on Tuesday. Outspoken anti-gambling activist Cheryl Bean also overcame opposition from Texas Sands PAC and Texas Defense PAC – super PACs funded by the casino company – in the open race for the Republican nomination to represent House District 94 in Tarrant County.
“If the prize is destination resort casinos in Texas, Las Vegas Sands is now further away from it in 2026 than they were in 2023,” said Mark Jones, a political science fellow at Rice University.
In a news release Wednesday morning, Sands PAC said it would continue to invest in and organize for Texas candidates in favor of bringing casino gambling to Texas.
“The long game matters,” read the statement. “And Texas Sands PAC is playing to win.”
The statement underscores the industry’s strategy to spend millions of dollars across the state in hopes of slowly growing its standing in both chambers of the Texas Legislature. Adelson donated $9 million to both Texas Sands PAC and the Texas Defense PAC last summer to back pro-gambling candidates. Candidates received direct donations from Texas Sands PAC, while the Texas Defense PAC spent millions more to indirectly boost candidates through mail, digital, and voter-contact campaigns.
Republican Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, who leads the Texas Senate, remains a vocal critic of legalizing gambling: in both the 2023 and 2025 legislative sessions, he vowed that the Senate would not even vote on pro-gambling bills.
In 2023, sports gambling legislation advanced from the House but died in the Senate. Two years later, neither casino nor sports gambling bills got traction in the House despite millions spent on lobbyists by Las Vegas Sands.
With the 75-year-old Patrick securing the Republican nomination for a fourth four-year term as lieutenant governor, the deadlock looks unlikely to break any time soon.
But Sands appears to have nothing but time and money, pursuing incremental wins until the Senate is run by someone more sympathetic.
Adding to its base of support in the House, however, has proven challenging.
Republican businessman Kyle Morris, Lowe’s opponent, received $140,000 from the Texas Sands PAC but lost by more than 27 percentage points, according to unofficial results from the Texas Secretary of State. Morris was the single largest beneficiary of the PAC among non-incumbent candidates.
Meanwhile, former Mont Belvieu City Manager Nathan Watkins, Leo-Wilson’s opponent, received $110,000 and lost his race by 25 percentage points, according to unofficial results.
Those defeats come after Republican John Huffman, the former mayor of Southlake, failed to advance to the runoff in the Senate District 9 special election in November despite receiving $1.2 million from the Texas Sands PAC, according to campaign finance reports.
“Our mission remains unchanged: trust Texas voters,” Andy Abboud, senior vice president of government relations for Sands, wrote in a statement Wednesday. “We have and will continue to support candidates who are committed to a business-friendly environment that keeps the Texas economy strong, competitive, and growing. Cycle after cycle, the record speaks for itself, and we are proud of the role we played in delivering those results. We congratulate every candidate who earned the trust of Texas voters.”
Las Vegas Sands’ perseverance in the face of a string of defeats makes sense when factoring in the value legal casino gambling in Texas could bring to the company, said Matthew Wilson, an associate professor of political science at Southern Methodist University.
“There’s enough to gain that they’ll continue to spend,” Wilson said. “If Texas does at some point open up to casino gambling, there will be an enormous amount of money to be made here in the state.”
Sands does have a significant cohort of supporters, and its Sands PAC gave direct donations to more than 40 incumbents in the House and Senate leading up to Tuesday’s election.
“They’ve been successful in protecting a lot of incumbents, but that doesn’t move the needle on the issues they care about,” Wilson said.
If anything, gambling is losing ground in Texas: The Texas Lottery Commission was abolished this year after allegations of corruption surrounding a winning ticket sold by an online courier. And some conservative lawmakers are pointing to recent NBA gambling-related indictments as an example of the moral decay caused by gambling.
Despite the defeats, available public polling in the state shows strong public support for legalizing both casinos and sports gambling, though Republican voters have expressed mixed views. Legalizing gambling in Texas would require the voters to weigh in on the issue directly through an amendment to the state constitution.
“I definitely think they’re in the long game,” Jones said. “I do think that they had hoped the long game wouldn’t be so long.”
The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans – and engages with them – about public policy, politics, government, and statewide issues.
Texas
GOP Rep. Tony Gonzales of Texas ends reelection bid after admitting to affair with aide
FILE – Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-Texas, speaks during a news conference Dec. 7, 2022, on Capitol Hill in Washington.
Mariam Zuhaib/AP
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Mariam Zuhaib/AP
WASHINGTON — Republican Rep. Tony Gonzales of Texas said late Thursday he was withdrawing from his reelection race, after having admitted an affair with a former staff member who later died by suicide, but he vowed to finish out his term in Congress.
He had faced calls from GOP leadership to end his reelection bid, and from others in Congress to resign.
“After deep reflection and with the support of my loving family, I have decided not to seek re-election,” Gonzales said in a statement posted late Thursday to X.
The move is the latest in a quickly changing situation that stunned Capitol Hill and resulted in a House Ethics Committee investigation into his conduct. Gonzales’ decision to bow out of the race appears to clear the field. On Tuesday, he had been forced into a May runoff against Brandon Herrera, a gun manufacturer and YouTube gun-rights influencer who narrowly lost to him in the 2024 primary.
House Speaker Mike Johnson and the GOP leadership earlier Thursday had called on Gonzales to withdraw from reelection after Gonzales, a day earlier, acknowledged a relationship that has upturned the political world in his home state and in Washington.
“We have encouraged him to address these very serious allegations directly with his constituents and his colleagues,” said Johnson, Majority Leader Steve Scalise, Whip Tom Emmer, and GOP Conference Chairwoman Lisa McClain in a statement.
“In the meantime, Leadership has asked Congressman Gonzales to withdraw from his race for reelection.”
Johnson, R-La., has been under enormous pressure from his own GOP lawmakers to take action, and several Republicans have already called for Gonzales to step aside. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla., has introduced two resolutions to punish Gonzales. The first seeks to remove him from his assignments on the House Appropriations and Homeland Security committees, while the second seeks to censure him.
House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries of New York, meanwhile, said he would support expelling Gonzales from the House, a rare step that requires a two-thirds vote from the chamber.
GOP leaders notably did not call for Gonzales to resign from office as they struggle to maintain their slim majority in the House, which they hold by only a handful of seats.
Their move came after Gonzales, appearing on the “Joe Pags Show,” was asked whether he had a relationship with the aide, Regina Ann Santos-Aviles.
Santos-Aviles, 35, died after setting herself on fire in the backyard of her home in Uvalde, Texas. The Bexar County Medical Examiner’s Office later ruled her death a suicide.
“I made a mistake and I had a lapse in judgment, and there was a lack of faith, and I take full responsibility for those actions,” Gonzales said.
The congressman, now in his third term, had said he would not step down in response to the allegations, telling reporters recently that there will be opportunities for all the details and facts to come out.
Gonzales, a father of six, first won his seat in 2020 after retiring from a 20-year career in the Navy that included time in Iraq and Afghanistan.
In the interview broadcast Wednesday, Gonzales said he had not spoken to Santos-Aviles since June 2024. She died in September 2025.
“I had absolutely nothing to do with her tragic passing, and in fact, I was shocked just as much as everyone else,” Gonzales said.
Gonzales went on to say he had reconciled with his wife, Angel, and has asked God to forgive him. He also said he looked forward to the Ethics Committee investigation.
Johnson and GOP leadership urged that committee to “act expeditiously.”
Under House ethics rules, lawmakers may not engage in a sexual relationship with any employee of the House under their supervision.
Texas
Andrew McCutchen, 39, and the Texas Rangers agree to a minor league contract, AP source says
The Texas Rangers and veteran outfielder Andrew McCutchen agreed to a minor league contract on Thursday, a person with knowledge of the deal told The Associated Press.
The person confirmed the agreement to the AP on condition of anonymity because the contract had not been finalized and a physical exam still needed to be completed. The 39-year-old McCutchen would make $1.5 million this season while playing in the major leagues if he’s added to the 40-man roster, the person said.
McCutchen has three weeks of spring training to show the Rangers he’s worth a spot. They’re well-positioned in the outfield with rising standouts Wyatt Langford in left field and Evan Carter in center field and veteran newcomer Brandon Nimmo in right field.
Still, Carter was limited by injuries to 63 games in 2025, so depth is a concern that McCutchen could help alleviate. His right-handed bat could also serve as a natural complement at the designated hitter spot, where left-handed hitter Joc Pederson is slated for the bulk of the playing time.
McCutchen played the last three seasons for the Pittsburgh Pirates, the club that drafted him in the first round in 2005 and promoted him in 2009 for his major league debut. McCutchen played his first nine years in MLB with the Pirates, making five straight All-Star teams and winning the 2013 National League MVP award while becoming one of the most popular players in that franchise’s history.
McCutchen bounced around with four other teams between 2018 and 2022, before reuniting with the Pirates. He played in 135 games last season, with 13 home runs, 57 RBIs and a .700 OPS. When the Pirates reported to spring training last month, general manager Ben Cherington publicly kept the door open to bringing back McCutchen, but the signing of veteran Marcell Ozuna effectively eliminated a spot on their roster for him.
“No matter what, Andrew’s a Pirate and certainly our desire will be to continue to have a really strong relationship with him into the future, whatever that looks like,” Cherington said then.
AP Baseball Writer Ronald Blum contributed to this report.
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