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Exploding pagers join long history of killer communications devices

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Exploding pagers join long history of killer communications devices

Israeli spies have a decades-long history of using telephones — and their technological successors — to track, surveil and even assassinate their enemies.

As far back as 1972, as part of their revenge on the Palestine Liberation Organization for the killing of 11 Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics, Mossad operatives swapped out the marble base of the phone used by Mahmoud Hamshari, the PLO’s representative in Paris, in his French apartment.

On December 8, when he answered the phone, a nearby Israeli team remotely detonated the explosives packed inside the replica base. Hamshari lost a leg and later died.

In 1996, Israel’s internal security agency, Shin Bet, managed to trick Yahya Ayyash, a skilled Hamas bombmaker responsible for the killing of dozens of Israelis, into accepting a call from his father on a Motorola Alpha cell phone brought into Gaza by a Palestinian collaborator.

Hidden inside the phone was about 50g of explosives — enough to kill anybody holding the phone to their ear. Both instances are now part of Israeli spy legend.

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Among former intelligence officials, the cases are considered textbook successes, in which the phones served several crucial purposes: monitoring and surveilling the target ahead of the assassination; identifying and confirming the identity of the target during the assassination; and finally making it possible to use small explosive charges that killed only Ayyash and Hamshari in each case.

A memorial for Hamas bombmaker Yahya Ayyash who was killed in 1996 by Israel via explosives in a phone
A guerilla wearing a hooded face mask, stands on a balcony in the Olympic Village in Munich
On September 5 1972, Palestinian militants took 11 members of the Israeli Olympic team hostage in Munich © Popperfoto/Getty Images

As hundreds of pagers suddenly exploded across Lebanon on Tuesday afternoon, the suspicion has immediately turned to Israel, the only regional power with a spy network capable of carrying out such an audacious, sophisticated and co-ordinated attack.

Hizbollah, the militant group many of whose devices were blown up in the attack, said that “we hold the Israeli enemy fully responsible”.

Israel’s military declined to comment on the attack, though Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was on Tuesday evening consulting with his top security chiefs after the blasts, which killed at least 12 people including a child, and injured thousands.

The Lebanese militant group had turned to the pagers to avoid Israeli surveillance after a public plea by Hizbollah’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, for its operatives to ditch their smartphones as Israel stepped up attacks against its commanders during almost a year of intensifying clashes.

With no GPS capabilities, no microphones or cameras, and very limited text broadcasting, pagers — at least in theory — have smaller “attack surfaces” than smartphones, making them tougher to hack.

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Hizbollah appears to have preferred them for the same simplicity: they collect very little data to be siphoned off by Israel’s military intelligence.

But they seem not to have counted on the possibility that the tiny devices, usually powered by single AA or AAA batteries — and in the newest models, lithium — could be forced to explode.

Many of the explosions were captured on CCTV cameras as the targets went through the rhythms of daily life in supermarkets or strolling through southern Beirut.

They appear to have taken place within half an hour of each other, and were preceded either by a message or the beeping of an alert that prompted many to take the old-school communications devices out to look at their LCD screens, according to local media reports and videos posted on social media.

Two Israeli former officials, both with backgrounds in hacking the communications and other operations of the country’s enemies, told the FT that pagers do not usually have batteries large enough to be forced to explode with enough intensity to cause the injuries seen on the videos posted from Beirut hospitals.

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Many of the injured in the videos are missing fingers and have facial injuries, while others are bleeding profusely from their upper thighs — near where trouser pockets would normally be — and in some cases from their abdomens.

Both ex-officials said there was not enough publicly available evidence to confirm how exactly the detonations were executed and co-ordinated.

They said two obvious possibilities existed: a cyber attack in which a malware forced the pager’s lithium battery to overheat and then explode, or an intervention known as a “supply chain attack”, in which a shipment of pagers bound for Lebanon may have been intercepted and a tiny amount of explosive surreptitiously inserted.

Given the small size of the explosions, both ex-officials said the cyber attack was possible, if technically complex.

“It’s not easy, but you can do it to a single device remotely, and even then you can’t be sure if it will catch fire or actually explode,” said one of the ex-officials. “To do it to hundreds of devices at the same time? That would be incredible sophistication.”

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Police officers inspect a car inside of which a hand-held pager exploded, Beirut, Lebanon
Police officers in Lebanon inspect the inside of a car after a handheld pager exploded © Hussein Malla/AP

As Hizbollah made its switch away from smartphones, sourcing a technology that became largely obsolete in the early 2000s would have required the import of large batches of pagers into Lebanon.

But making them work effectively on existing mobile phone networks would be relatively easy, said one of the Israeli ex-officials.

Even today, a small market exists for pagers in industries where employees need to receive short text messages, from hospitals to restaurants and mail sorting warehouses.

While the text messages themselves could very easily be intercepted by Israeli intelligence, their true intent could be disguised by using codes or pre-arranged signals, making their appeal to Hizbollah obvious, said one of the ex-officials.

Since Hizbollah operatives were the most likely group to be using the pagers in Lebanon, an attacker could be relatively sure that they were mainly engaging with militant targets, the ex-official said.

“Even for Hizbollah, this should be a very easy investigation — were all the devices in question from the same manufacturer, maybe arriving in the same or similar shipments?” said one of the former officials.

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“Or were they all kinds of different devices, from all kinds of shipments and given to a varied group of [operatives] — junior, senior, political?”

If they were all from a single batch, or a single supplier, it raises the possibility that the shipments were intercepted and small amounts of modern explosives inserted.

One possibility, the second official said, is that the explosive was hidden within the batteries themselves, a trick that Israeli and western intelligence agencies have long worried that terrorists would try on a commercial airliner.

That is why many airport security checks ask passengers to turn on their laptops to show their functioning screens and batteries, and ensure that the battery compartment has not been swapped out for explosives.

The second ex-official, who has worked on previous Israeli cyber-sabotage operations, said it was relatively simple to create a functioning lithium battery that nestles a small explosive charge within it.

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But he said there were risks linked to doing this at scale: “The enemy is not simple, and of course they will carefully check any device before it is allowed anywhere near a senior member.”

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America’s bid for energy supremacy is being forged in war

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America’s bid for energy supremacy is being forged in war

Additional work by Jana Tauschinski

Oil and gas tanker location and destination data are from Kpler. The map shows the latest position for vessels with an active AIS signal on April 19–20, filtered by minimum capacity thresholds: crude tankers of at least 50,000 deadweight tonnage (DWT); oil product tankers of at least 55,000 DWT; oil/chemical tankers of at least 40,000 DWT; LNG carriers of at least 150,000 cubic metres; and LPG carriers of at least 50,000 cubic metres. Net fossil fuel import data by country are based on Ember analysis of the IEA World Energy Balances 2023.

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Roommate faces murder charges in deaths of 2 University of South Florida doctoral students

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Roommate faces murder charges in deaths of 2 University of South Florida doctoral students

A 26-year-old man is facing two counts of first-degree murder in the deaths of two University of South Florida doctoral students who went missing last week, local authorities said Saturday. 

The Hillsborough County Sheriff’s Office in Florida said that evidence presented to the state attorney’s office resulted in the charges against Hisham Abugharbieh, the roommate of Zamil Limon, one of the doctoral students. 

Abugharbieh is accused of premediated murder with a weapon. He was arrested on Friday, the same day Limon was found dead. 

The family of Nahida Bristy, the other doctoral student, told CBS News that police said she is also likely dead. That is based on the volume of blood discovered at Abugharbieh’s residence, which he shared with Limon.

“Police told us she is no longer with us,” Bristy’s brother, Zahid Prato, said early Saturday.

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The family was told her body may never be found and police believe she may have been dismembered, according to Prato. 

CBS News has reached out to police for more information.

Authorities said in a statement Saturday they were still searching for Bristy.

Limon’s remains were found on the Howard Franklin Bridge in Tampa Friday morning, Chief Deputy Joseph Maurer with the Hillsborough County Sheriff’s Office said. His cause of death was pending autopsy results.

Deputies with the sheriff’s office took Abugharbieh into custody on Friday after responding to a domestic violence call at a home in the Lake Forest Community, a neighborhood near USF’s Tampa campus, officials said. He also faces charges of domestic violence and evidence tampering, as well as a charge of failing to report a death to law enforcement.

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Limon and Bristy, both 27, had last been seen in the Tampa area on April 16. 

Limon was studying the use of AI in environmental science and was set to present his doctoral thesis this week, his family said. Bristy is studying chemical engineering. 

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Rubio’s Absence From Iran Talks Highlights Stay-at-Home Role

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Rubio’s Absence From Iran Talks Highlights Stay-at-Home Role

When President Barack Obama negotiated a nuclear deal with Iran more than a decade ago, his point man was Secretary of State John Kerry. Over 20 months of talks, Mr. Kerry met with his Iranian counterpart on at least 18 different days, often several times per day.

High-level nuclear diplomacy was a natural role for the top U.S. diplomat. Secretaries of state traditionally take the lead on the country’s biggest diplomatic tasks, from arms control treaties to Israeli-Palestinian agreements.

But as President Trump prepares to send a delegation to the latest round of U.S.-Iran talks in Pakistan this weekend, his secretary of state, Marco Rubio, will remain where he often does: at home.

Mr. Rubio did not attend the last U.S. meeting with Iran earlier this month. Nor did he join several meetings held over the past year in Geneva and Doha. Mr. Rubio has also been absent from U.S. delegations abroad working to settle the war in Ukraine and Israel’s war in Gaza. Despite a long period of crisis and war in the region, he has not visited the Middle East since a brief stop in Israel last October.

In recent months, Mr. Rubio — consumed with his second role, as Mr. Trump’s national security adviser — has not traveled much at all.

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During the Biden administration, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken made 11 foreign trips from January 2024 to late April 2024, stopping in roughly three dozen cities, according to the State Department. So far this year, Mr. Rubio has visited six foreign cities, including a stop in Milan for the 2026 Winter Olympics.

Mr. Trump has outsourced much of his diplomacy to others, including his friend Steve Witkoff, a wealthy associate from the world of Manhattan real estate, and his son-in-law, Jared Kushner. Mr. Witkoff and Mr. Kushner have spearheaded diplomacy with Israel, Ukraine and Russia, as well as Iran, whose delegation they will meet for the second time this month in Islamabad, Pakistan’s capital.

Mr. Rubio’s distance from the trenches of diplomacy reflects his dual role on Mr. Trump’s national security team. For the past year, he has served as the White House national security adviser even while leading the State Department — the first person to do so since Henry A. Kissinger in the mid-1970s.

The secretary of state runs the State Department, overseeing U.S. diplomats and embassies worldwide, as well as Washington-based policymakers. Working from the White House, the national security adviser coordinates departments and agencies, including the State Department, to develop policy advice for the president.

The twin roles reflect Mr. Rubio’s influence with Mr. Trump, and offer him a way to maintain it. For Mr. Rubio, less time abroad means more time at the side of an impulsive president prone to making critical national security decisions at any moment.

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As Mr. Witkoff, Mr. Kushner and Vice President JD Vance met with Iranian officials in Pakistan earlier this month, Mr. Rubio was at Mr. Trump’s side at an Ultimate Fighting Championship event, noted Emma Ashford, an analyst of U.S. diplomacy at the nonpartisan Stimson Center in Washington. “Rubio clearly prefers to stay close to Trump,” Ms. Ashford said.

Mr. Rubio accepted the national security adviser job on an acting basis last May after Mr. Trump reassigned the job’s previous occupant, Michael Waltz. But officials say that Mr. Rubio is expected to keep it indefinitely.

That arrangement is not inherently bad, Ms. Ashford added. And she noted that previous presidents had entrusted major diplomatic tasks to people other than the secretary of state. President Joseph R. Biden Jr. delegated his C.I.A. director, William J. Burns, to handle diplomacy with Russia and cease-fire negotiations between Israel and Hamas, for instance.

But she echoed the complaints by many current and former diplomats that Mr. Rubio seems less like someone performing both jobs than a national security adviser who sometimes shows up at the State Department. “I do think it’s to the detriment of the whole department of State and to America’s ability to conduct diplomacy in general that we effectively have the secretary of state position sitting vacant,” she said.

Tommy Pigott, a State Department spokesman, contested such claims. “Anyone trying to paint Secretary Rubio’s close coordination with the White House and other agencies as a negative could not be more wrong,” he said. “We now have an N.S.C. and State Department that are totally in sync, a goal that has eluded past administrations for decades.”

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Mr. Rubio divides his time between the State Department and the White House, often spending time at both in the same day. In an interview with Politico last June, Mr. Rubio said he visited the State Department “almost every day.”

While there, he often meets with visiting dignitaries before returning to the White House. Last week, Mr. Rubio presided over a meeting at the State Department between Lebanese and Israeli officials that set the stage for a cease-fire in Lebanon.

His twin jobs “really do overlap in many cases,” he said. “In many cases you end up being in the same meetings or in the same places; there’s just one less person in there, if you think about it,” Mr. Rubio added. “A lot of people would come to Washington, for example, for meetings, and they’d want to meet with the national security adviser and then meet with me as secretary of state. Now they can do both in one meeting.”

Asked about his travel schedule during a news conference last December, Mr. Rubio said he had less reason to travel abroad because “we have a lot of leaders constantly coming here” to visit Mr. Trump at the White House. Mr. Rubio also joins Mr. Trump’s foreign trips in his capacity as national security adviser.

Many national security veterans call the arrangement unwise, saying that both jobs are extremely demanding and incompatible with one another.

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It was not easy even for Mr. Kissinger, who had firmly established himself over more than four years as national security adviser before convincing President Richard M. Nixon to let him take on an additional role as secretary of state in 1973. (In a reversal of Mr. Rubio’s approach, Mr. Kissinger was in constant motion, including a round of Middle East shuttle diplomacy that kept him on the road for 33 straight days.)

“In general, it’s a mistake to combine those roles,” said Matthew Waxman, who held senior roles at the National Security Council, State Department and the Pentagon during the George W. Bush administration.

“That said, it’s not necessarily a bad thing that a dual-hatted Rubio is so offscreen right now,” Mr. Waxman added. “Especially while so much attention is focused on high-wire diplomacy with Iran, someone needs to manage foreign policy around the rest of the world.”

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