New York
Democrats Weigh Whether a Lawmaker’s Ethnicity Counts More Than Ideology
Outside a Sikh temple in the Little Punjab section of Queens, hundreds of people lined up around the block, waiting to receive plates of hot chickpea curry and deep-fried bhatura bread. It was the third Sunday in April, and the temple had prepared thousands of meals to celebrate the Indian harvest festival Vaisakhi.
Inside, the local assemblywoman, Jenifer Rajkumar, who had traded her signature red dress for one in harvest yellow, was working the crowd.
“Who here likes to have a Punjabi representative in office?” she asked the congregants, referring to herself. About half of them raised their hands.
Ms. Rajkumar registered faint disapproval. Everyone should raise their hands, she said, because “as a community, we have never been more powerful.”
She had a point. Last November, many of the people in the room had helped elect Zohran Mamdani as the first South Asian American to become the mayor of New York City. But as Ms. Rajkumar seeks another term in office, her race may test whether this community’s support of Mr. Mamdani was rooted more in identity or ideology.
Her Democratic primary opponent, David Orkin, is a democratic socialist who is also courting the mayor’s supporters, and earlier that afternoon, he had also visited the temple. He was accompanied by an entourage of progressive South Asian volunteers who helped to ingratiate him with the local community.
Ms. Rajkumar, who had brought her mother along, gave an impassioned speech; Mr. Orkin helped make the festival’s bread.
The June primary contest has grown fractious, with each candidate accusing the other of election fraud and Mr. Orkin recently suing to kick Ms. Rajkumar off the ballot. The primary may also be a measure of the Democratic Socialists of America’s growing momentum in New York.
Mr. Orkin is the first Democrat to primary Ms. Rajkumar, the incumbent, since she won her seat in 2020, when she and Mr. Mamdani made history as the first South Asian Americans elected to the State Assembly.
But this year, the same progressive South Asian and Indo-Caribbean networks that helped elect Mr. Mamdani as mayor are trying to rally an energized South Asian electorate around Mr. Orkin, potentially dividing voters in Queens who might otherwise gravitate toward backing Ms. Rajkumar.
Mr. Orkin, an anti-Zionist Jew, has now become a familiar figure at South Asian temples and community events in Queens, being squired about by members of DRUM Beats, the political arm of Desis Rising Up & Moving, and the newly formed Hindus for Human Rights Action.
“During Ramadan I probably went to like eight iftars,” Mr. Orkin said. “Every Friday, I’m going to masjid and doing jummah prayer, and then I think we’re gonna get into a practice of, every Sunday, going to a gurudwara.”
Andrew Singh, an Indo-Caribbean DRUM Beats organizer who lives around the block from Ms. Rajkumar’s office, spends much of his free time phone-banking for Mr. Orkin and introducing him to congregants at local temples, so as to “not let the identity politics get in the way,” he said.
Ms. Rajkumar is running on more than her identity. She came to office after serving as the state’s first director of immigration affairs under Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, where she created a $31 million fund to provide legal services for immigrants.
As a second-term lawmaker, she successfully championed legislation in 2023 that made Diwali — a festival observed by Hindus, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists — a public school holiday in New York, an achievement noted by many people interviewed for this article.
More recently, Ms. Rajkumar gained broader attention for her frequent and often perplexing appearances at news conferences and events held by Eric Adams, Mr. Mamdani’s predecessor as mayor. She also unsuccessfully ran for public advocate last year, losing to the incumbent, Jumaane Williams, by more than 50 percentage points in the Democratic primary.
Ms. Rajkumar has always said that her Indian parents’ rags-to-riches journey was what inspired her to work in government. Her family was one of millions that had been dispossessed during the 1947 Partition of India, and her parents, both doctors, “came to America with $300 and a suitcase.”
Her back story, as well as her work in the Legislature, has earned the respect and continued support from members of the Bangladeshi American Society, including many who also backed Mr. Mamdani’s mayoral candidacy.
“The vote that we did with Mamdani is totally different,” explained Mohammad Ali, the head of the Bangladeshi American Society. He and a dozen other local leaders who have supported Ms. Rajkumar said that they voted for Mr. Mamdani not because of his socialist platform, but, at least in part, because they felt they knew him.
Mr. Ali characterized Ms. Rajkumar as “a true friend to our community.”
But her track record has failed to impress DRUM Beats, whose leaders say she has not meaningfully delivered for her working-class constituents.
“Vast parts of the community know that she is just like every other politician,” said Simran Thind, a Punjabi organizer who recently took Mr. Okrin to two Sikh temples during Vaisakhi. “She shows up, she says a few words in our language and she leaves.”
The organization’s executive director, Fahd Ahmed, said that, early on, it had been willing to try to work with Ms. Rajkumar. Then the assemblywoman formed a close alliance with Mr. Adams, and any hope that they could reconcile their differences evaporated.
“It just reinforced what we were already assessing her to be: pro-police, pro-real estate, pro-corporation, highly focused on personal relationships,” Mr. Ahmed said.
Ms. Rajkumar defended her relationship with Mr. Adams, saying that she “got to be involved in every single issue in this city,” adding, “everyone saw me everywhere.”
It was also a practical calculation, she said, allowing her to “deliver for my constituents in ways they had never been delivered for before,” like making Diwali a school holiday. She compared her appearances with Mr. Adams to Mr. Mamdani’s visits to the Trump White House.
Some left-leaning groups remain dubious.
In March, Mr. Orkin, 34, met with progressive organizers at Saar Indian restaurant in Midtown Manhattan, where he chatted over masala coated canapés and happily accepted the endorsement of Hindus for Human Rights Action.
The posters decorating the walls of the restaurant championed “A Free Palestine,” but the Hindu group, which has modeled itself after Jewish Voice for Peace Action, aims to fight right-wing Hindu nationalism in the Indian diaspora.
The group’s political director, Ria Chakrabarty, explained that its decision to endorse Mr. Orkin was motivated by its distrust of Ms. Rajkumar. Since 2020, Ms. Rajkumar has been accused — including by Mr. Mamdani — of welcoming right-wing Hindu nationalist ideology into her orbit, by accepting campaign donations from people and groups supportive of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi. (Ms. Rajkumar and the Coalition of Hindus of North America have characterized those accusations as discriminatory for singling out the Hindu donors of a Hindu politician.)
“Five years ago, she might not have been as unpalatable,” Ms. Chakrabarty said. “But this is, for us, a moment of real clarity.”
When Mr. Orkin addressed the gathering that night at Saar, he acknowledged the seeming incongruity of his own presence.
“Probably to some of you I am just a random white guy,” he said. But as a longstanding member of Jewish Voice for Peace, he said he was also someone who could understand the perspective of the progressive Hindus and noted the importance of “speaking out against Hindu nationalism and its very obvious connections to Zionism.”
A resident of Ridgewood, in the district’s more liberal northern enclave, Mr. Orkin spent the last three years working as a staff attorney at the immigrant-advocacy nonprofit Make the Road New York. He is openly gay, Jewish, Mexican on his mother’s side, and speaks fluent Spanish. He got the idea to run for office last July, after campaigning for Mr. Mamdani, and his background was appealing enough to DRUM Beats that the group endorsed him on Day 1 of his campaign.
Amit Pratap Shah, a leader of the Ridgewood Nepalese Society, said that “at a very grass-roots level, when it comes to support, we have to first look at who can be the best candidate for our community.” He said that he voted for Mr. Mamdani and supported Ms. Rajkumar, but added that his Nepali cultural center welcomes diverse voices and “it’s up to our community members to decide what they want to support.”
At the moment, Mr. Shah said, he thought that Ms. Rajkumar was the favorite because “people know her.” Then he reconsidered. Mr. Orkin, he allowed, “also visited our community center.”
New York
Video: Knicks Fans Rejoice After Game 4 Victory
new video loaded: Knicks Fans Rejoice After Game 4 Victory
By Jiawei Wang
June 11, 2026
Watch Today’s Videos
Knicks Stage Historic Game 4 Comeback Against Spurs
1:47
Spurs Snap Knicks’ Playoff Win Streak to Take Game 3 of N.B.A. Finals
1:57
Spurs Beat Knicks, Quieting New York City Crowds
1:01
Trump Booed at Game 3 of N.B.A. Finals
0:22
Watch Parties Canceled as Police Tighten Security at N.B.A. Finals
1:02
The Knicks Have Celebrity Fans. The Spurs Have Nuns.
1:11
Today’s Videos
U.S.
Politics
Immigration
NY Region
Science
Business
Culture
Books
Wellness
World
Africa
Americas
Asia
South Asia
Donald Trump
Middle East Crisis
Russia-Ukraine Crisis
Visual Investigations
Opinion Video
Advertisement
SKIP ADVERTISEMENT
New York
This Parking Spot Is Free. Should It Be?
What if the city …
Added More Metered Spots in Busy Neighborhoods
Less than 3 percent of parking spaces on New York City streets have paid meters. That’s only about 80,000 spots.
Most of the meters that do exist are along busy corridors, with higher hourly rates in the core of Manhattan.
Where are NYC’s parking meters?
The placement of meters often feels arbitrary. Much of the East Village, a busy Manhattan neighborhood, has no meters. Nostrand Avenue, a major artery in Brooklyn, has meters over most of a five-mile stretch, but they end abruptly north of Fulton Street.
A busy commercial corridor in Bedford-Stuyvesant lacks meters
Adding more meters in busy neighborhoods could improve turnover for spots, research suggests, and raise revenue for the city.
Seeking alternatives to avoid paying for meters overnight, car owners may choose to move to garages — which can cost $500 per month or more, depending on the neighborhood — park farther afield, or sell their cars. They could also turn to car-share programs, which set aside parking for shared vehicles.
When the city tries to add meters, there is often fierce opposition from neighbors, including on the Upper West Side of Manhattan last year, where residents revolted, the local City Council member complained people had been “blindsided” and the city backed down.
Critics argue that those pushing for reforms “hate people who own cars,” in the words of Vickie Paladino, a City Council member who represents a district in Queens that is home to many car owners.
How realistic is this? The city can add additional meters on its own without needing permission from state lawmakers in Albany. Dean Fuleihan, Mr. Mamdani’s first deputy mayor, gave supporters hope when he said in March that he was open to the idea.
How much could it raise? Parking meters currently generate $278 million in revenue per year. Adding meters to one-fourth of the city’s existing free parking spaces, for example, could produce at least $1.2 billion annually, according to the Center for an Urban Future.
What if the city …
Introduced Residential Parking Permits
Most parking on residential streets is open to all drivers, not just those who live nearby. But many other major U.S. cities, including Los Angeles and Chicago, have permits to reserve street parking for neighborhood residents.
Residential parking permits in New York could cost anywhere from $100 per year to far more than that, experts say, with higher rates potentially prodding some residents to give up their cars. Some spots could be set aside for visitors.
But permits would not necessarily solve the problem of the demand for parking outpacing the supply. And some transit groups oppose the idea, arguing that there are better ways to use the street space and that parking should not be guaranteed.
Rachel Weinberger, a vice president at the Regional Plan Association, an urban planning think tank, said that permits alone would not make parking easier. She also argued they would have to be prohibitively expensive in order to deter ownership.
“A permit would only be a hunting license, meaning that you’re allowed to look for a space,” she said. “It should mean you’re guaranteed a space.”
How much do cities charge for residential parking permits?
Boston
No fee
Chicago
$30
Los Angeles
$34
Washington, D.C.
$55*
Philadelphia
$75
Berkeley, Calif.
$85
San Francisco
$215
Experts say that permits could also be paired with an incentive for drivers: fewer alternate side-parking days for street sweeping. Most drivers are required to move their cars once or twice a week so the streets can be cleaned, and some choose instead to leave them in place and eat the costs of the $65 tickets they receive. Moving to monthly street sweeping could make the prospect of buying a permit more appealing.
How realistic is this? Residential permits would need to be approved by state lawmakers. Momentum for the idea grew after congestion pricing began in Manhattan, over concerns that drivers from outside the city would park outside the zone and take the subway in. It has support from Mark Levine, the city comptroller, and Carmen De La Rosa, a City Council member in northern Manhattan.
How much could it raise? If a permit cost $100 per year and was required in two-thirds of the city, that could raise roughly $200 million per year, minus administrative costs, according to Terrance J. Regan, an adjunct professor at Boston University who focuses on transportation policy. The city’s Independent Budget Office recommended starting with a smaller pilot program that would raise $6 million annually by the third year.
What if the city …
Ended Free Parking and Implemented Dynamic Pricing
Some urban planners want to phase out free parking altogether.
Transportation Alternatives, a street safety group, has pushed for eliminating free parking and argued that the city would benefit if fewer car trips were made.
“If you look around the world, there are many other transit-oriented cities that are safer, more efficient and healthier,” said Ben Furnas, the group’s executive director.
The city could reclaim many miles of streets, which proponents argue could be better used for public spaces, bus lanes, bike lanes, outdoor dining setups and trash containers.
Paid parking spaces could use dynamic pricing, a system where the cost of a spot varies by demand. Right now, parking rates are as low as $1.50 for the first hour.
Critics of such pricing models have argued that higher street-parking costs could hurt lower-income drivers or local businesses that rely on drivers. In 2019, Hoboken, N.J., announced a version of dynamic pricing on high-demand blocks, but the mayor and City Council repealed the plan after some resident opposition.
But the idea has worked elsewhere. In 2018, after a successful pilot, the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency implemented demand-based pricing for the 10 percent of the city’s parking spots that are paid spaces, roughly 27,000 in all.
An evaluation of the pilot found that drivers spent 43 percent less time searching for a parking space, which in turn helped reduce car-based pollution. And once parking became easier, sales revenue increased for nearby businesses.
The rates in San Francisco can vary by block, time of day, or day of the week. Meters on the busiest blocks cost $11.75 an hour. The agency regularly reviews parking meter data and occupancy rates and decides whether to raise or lower rates.
Charles Komanoff, an economist and traffic modeler who helped create New York’s congestion pricing program, said dynamic pricing for parking could do even more than the tolls did to improve the flow of traffic here.
“I can’t imagine anything better,” he said.
How realistic is this? The Transportation Department could implement dynamic pricing, but a legislative push would most likely hasten change. Nantasha M. Williams, a City Council member representing Southeast Queens, has proposed a bill that would require a dynamic pricing pilot program in each borough. Eliminating all free parking would be a far more dramatic proposal, though supporters say it could be done in phases over several years.
How much could it raise? Parking reformists said the city could potentially raise billions of dollars a year under a dynamic parking system — money that could be reinvested into the neighborhoods where the fees are collected.
What if the city …
Cracked Down on Rule-Breakers
None of these plans work unless drivers obey the rules.
The city last year issued more than 11.6 million violations for parking and related offenses, according to a report by the Department of Finance, including for failing to move for street sweepers (1.8 million), not displaying a parking receipt (1.2 million), blocking a fire hydrant (674,000) and obstructing a bus stop (565,000).
In 1996, Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani moved the city’s traffic enforcement agents, the unarmed civilians who write tickets for parking and other traffic violations, from the Transportation Department to the Police Department.
Some parking reformers say the shift weakened enforcement efforts, in part because the police have not focused on some of the most flagrant traffic violations.
They say that either the police should start issuing more tickets and collecting more fines, or they should allow the Transportation Department to once again take charge.
Some point to what they view as the city’s lackluster response to placard abuse, the practice of using either official permits issued by city agencies, or fraudulent ones, to park in unauthorized spots.
More than 91,000 complaints have been filed with the city since 2020 about possible placard abuse, but the police took action to fix the problem in just 21 percent of cases, according to a Times review of public data. Only about 12 percent of the complaints led to a driver being issued a summons.
“If you’re just unclogging these streets to have them filled with cars with fake placards, you’re not helping anything,” said Nicole Gelinas, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, a conservative think tank.
There has also been a surge in fake, often out-of-state license plates that have made traffic violations harder to track. A perceived lack of consequences worsens the problem, said Jon Orcutt, a former policy director at the city’s Transportation Department.
“The culture has gotten terribly bad,” Mr. Orcutt said about enforcement efforts.
A spokesperson for the Police Department said in a statement that there was “deep collaboration” with the Transportation Department on traffic enforcement, and pointed to some recent initiatives, including issuing 247,000 summonses last year for “ghost vehicles” with fake plates.
Samuel I. Schwartz, the chair of the transportation research program at Hunter College, was New York City’s traffic commissioner under Mayor Edward I. Koch, at a time when the Transportation Department still controlled enforcement.
He said he thought it would be possible to change the behavior of repeat offenders if that agency led the effort and had the support of the police.
“I would go out in the field with an army of tow trucks,” Mr. Schwartz said.
How realistic is this? Mr. Mamdani could restore traffic enforcement powers to the Transportation Department, or instruct the Police Department to step up enforcement.
How much could it raise? The city issued $1.1 billion worth of parking tickets and camera violations in fiscal year 2025, according to the Finance Department, but just $946 million, or 84 percent, was ultimately collected. By ramping up fine collection, the city could raise more revenue.
As Mr. Mamdani weighs how to improve city streets and whether parking regulations should change, almost everyone agrees that the status quo is unacceptable.
Ms. Gelinas said that any of the leading ideas could be an improvement.
“The dumbest thing is just to keep things the way they are,” she said.
New York
For Nearly 150 Years, Parking Has Driven New Yorkers to the Brink
-
Utah6 minutes agoPopular Angels Landing Trail closed at Zion National Park
-
Vermont9 minutes agoStannard brings Vermont Blues Society ‘mega-show’ to the Manchester on June 20
-
Virginia14 minutes agoListeria outbreak tied to soft cheese kills 1, sickens others across Virginia, several other states, FDA says
-
Wisconsin24 minutes agoPHOTOS: Severe thunderstorms bring damage to northeast Wisconsin
-
West Virginia29 minutes agoMoore says he’s honored being mentioned as possible U.S. Secretary of Labor – WV MetroNews
-
Wyoming36 minutes agoRural WY Hospitals Working On Proposals For New Federal Funding
-
Crypto39 minutes agoTwo foreigners arrested in Georgia on cryptocurrency money laundering charges
-
Finance44 minutes agoPolitical committee backing Ken Welch misses campaign finance reporting deadline