Connect with us

World

Turkish election: Here’s how an opposition win could impact EU ties

Published

on

Turkish election: Here’s how an opposition win could impact EU ties

Turkey is officially a candidate to join the EU but its accession talks have been frozen since 2018 over rule of law and democratic concerns.

Turkish voters will on Sunday go to the polls to vote for their next president in what most see as the most serious challenge to Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s leadership since he came to power 20 years ago. 

Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the candidate picked by a united opposition, is currently leading in the polls and said that he will try to restore trust with the EU and the West which is now at a historic low.

The EU froze Turkey’s accession negotiations in 2018 in response to the deterioration of Turkish democracy.

EU leaders stated in their June 2018 summit conclusions that Turkey “has been moving further away from the European Union” and expressed concerns over its “backsliding on the rule of law and on fundamental rights”.

Advertisement

They also stated that Turkey’s accession negotiations “have effectively come to a standstill” and that “no further chapters can be considered for opening or closing”.

Ankara’s naval operations near Greek islands and Cyprus have since also further ratcheted up tensions, and Turkey’s involvement in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts has led many Europeans to see its policies in the Middle East as destabilising.

What happens if the opposition wins …

… with EU talks

But the outcome of the election is unlikely to lead to a resumption of EU talks, according to analysts. Still, progress could be made in some areas should a new government in Turkey change course. 

“We are now in a very important juncture and moment, historical moment, where it will be decided if the development will be still problematic for democracy, for rule of law, but also the aggressiveness vis-a-vis EU neighbours like Greece and Cyprus will continue,” Sergey Lagodinsky, the Chair of the European Parliament’s EU-Turkey delegation told Euronews.

“We will be coming in a phase where the division between Turkey and EU will be irreversible. Whatever political decisions will be after the elections, if the decisions would go towards opening the country to democracy and rule of law, if we will see reforms in the justice system, something that we’ve been calling for a long time, then we should start talking, for example, about an update of (the) customs union.”

Advertisement

“We can start talking in case of such reforms. We can start talking about a liberalization of visa regime,” Lagodinsky added.

An opposition victory would mean an opportunity to revamp relations between the EU and Turkey due to campaign promises over the rule of law and individual freedoms, Ilke Toygür, professor of European Geopolitics at the University Carlos III of Madrid told Euronews.

“Secondly, they (the opposition) are claiming that they are going to reclaim Turkey’s Western location. And thirdly, and I think it is also very important for Turkey relations, they will start playing a constructive role in regional affairs, in wider Europe and in a multilateral sense” she added.

… with Russia

It could also have repercussions on the country’s stance toward Russia. 

Ankara’s relations with NATO allies have soured over the past few years due, in part, to tensions over Turkey’s growing ties with Russia.

Advertisement

Erdoğan has conducted a diplomatic “balancing act” since Russia invaded Ukraine, opposing Western sanctions on Russia and maintaining close ties with Moscow while at the same time sending drones to Kyiv.

“The Russia policy is going to be a long-term or medium- to long-term issue for Turkey, because there’s a legacy there that the relations between Turkey and Russia are relatively good. And there is also energy dependency, nuclear dependency, and an economic dependency between Turkey and Russia at this moment,” Toygur said.

“Changing these dynamics overnight is not going to be easy for any government, even if this is the opposition government” she added, noting, however, that if it is in power, the opposition “will be more sensitive to Western worries about Russia, for example, when it comes to Turkey helping Russia evading Western sanctions”.

Marc Pierini, a former EU Ambassador to Turkey also agrees that some things won’t be easy to change no matter the winner of the elections.

“Some of the features of today’s Turkey, in particular, the fact that it has increased its military power, that will not decrease. It has more political influence that may remain. And also you have other features like the nuclear power plant, electricity, and which is built and owned and operated by Russia. It’s not online yet, but it will. That is not going to go away. So whoever comes into power we’ll have to take into account this,” he told Euronews. 

Advertisement

… with the Eastern Mediterranean tensions

Relations with Greece and Cyprus have also reached their worst point in decades as Erdoğan, over the past couple of years, issued veiled threats to invade his neighbour and fellow NATO member, while dialogue between Cyprus and Turkey and Turkish Cypriots has been frozen over the last six years.

The newly elected President of the Republic of Cyprus Nikos Christodulides said in an interview with Euronews in March, that the Turkish election would be a chance to revive dialogue.

“The issues will remain difficult. So the expectation there is not a miracle overnight,” Pierini commented.

“But I would expect that they return to a kind of professional dialogue about it instead of exchanging threats and, you know, redesigning all their own maritime boundaries and so on. And the same with Greece” he added.

Still, whoever wins the elections will not be able to solve these issues easily, Toygur said.

Advertisement

“Turkey’s relations {with the EU} cannot be discussed separately from Turkey’s relations with Cyprus and Greece because they are EU members and extremely important when it comes to decision- making.”

“So I personally think that there will be some opposition in these areas as well. Clearly, the national interests will remain the same on both sides, not only on the Turkish side, but also on the benefit of the Cypriot and the Greek side. But I think that if there is a more fruitful relationship and thinking about Turkey’s place in the region and in wider Europe, I think there might be improvements even in these very complicated dossiers” she also said.

What happens if Erdoğan wins

Both Toygur and Pierini agree that the Turkish leader is unlikely to amend his domestic and international policy should he remain in power. 

In fact, Toygur argued, his victory could see him buckle down even more “because the coalition that he’s aligning with in this election is even more right wing. So I would even expect the more frightening attitudes when it comes to democracy and when it comes to foreign policy.”

Pierini added that there is “no example in contemporary history of an institutionalised autocracy suddenly transforming itself by miracle into a dynamic democracy. This just doesn’t exist.”

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

World

EU leaders insist no decisions can be taken about Ukraine without Ukraine, or behind their backs

Published

on

EU leaders insist no decisions can be taken about Ukraine without Ukraine, or behind their backs

BRUSSELS (AP) — European Union leaders insisted on Thursday that no decisions can be taken about the future of war-ravaged Ukraine without its consent or behind the backs of its partners in Europe, barely a month before U.S. President-elect Donald Trump takes office.

Ukraine’s position is precarious more than 1,000 days into the war. Russia continues to make gains on the battlefield, pushing the front line gradually westward despite suffering heavy casualties. Ukraine’s energy network is in tatters and military recruits are hard to find.

In a show of solidarity at a summit in Brussels with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, many EU leaders repeated a variation of what has become a common mantra — nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine, nothing about security in Europe without Europeans.

Trump returns to the White House on Jan. 20 having promised to end the war in Ukraine quickly and talked up his relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Many Europeans are concerned that it might result in a poor deal for Ukraine.

The other big worry is that Putin will just use any interregnum to rearm and cause more strife.

Advertisement

Rumors are swirling in Europe about possible peace talks in early 2025, and whether European peacekeepers might be needed to enforce any settlement, but the leaders are trying to keep a lid on speculation about what they are prepared to do, so as not to tip their hand to Russia.

The priority now, they say, must be to strengthen Ukraine’s hand, should Zelenskyy decide it’s time to negotiate.

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said that it’s important to “ensure long-term aid to Ukraine – it must be clear that we are prepared to enable support as long as it is needed.” Air defense, artillery and ammunition are high on the list, he told reporters.

Asked about Trump, Scholz said that his impression from talking to the president-elect “is that good cooperation between Europe and the U.S. is possible.” He said that “the principle is always: no decisions over Ukrainians’ heads, and that of course means over those of the European states.”

Luxembourg Prime Minister Luc Frieden had a similar message.

Advertisement

“We need to stand with Ukraine, and every step … needs to be taken with Ukraine and in the presence of the European Union. The future of Ukraine is decided in Europe and not elsewhere,” he said.

Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof underlined that Ukraine must be the country that “determines under what conditions talks can possibly take place. And it is not for us to talk about that. At the moment, Ukraine has not yet indicated that they are prepared to do so.”

It’s difficult to predict what Trump might do, and whether history might be a reliable guide.

Under his previous presidency, in 2020, the United States inked a deal on a military withdrawal from Afghanistan directly with the strongest player — the Taliban insurgents —mostly playing down the concerns of the Afghan government and president.

The chaotic exit in 2021, finally ordered by U.S. President Joe Biden, humiliated Washington and its allies in NATO as the Afghan security forces they had trained for years and invested billions in collapsed and the Taliban swept to power.

Advertisement

In Ukraine, the 27-nation EU has provided at least as much support – more than 180 billion euros ($187 billion) since Russia began its full-fledged invasion almost three years ago – as the United States.

But while the world’s biggest trading bloc can probably continue to prop up Ukraine’s ravaged economy, the EU is almost certainly unlikely to be able provide the military backing that the country’s armed forces would require to prevail.

“From the beginning of next year, we need very much unity between the United States and EU, and countries of Europe,” Zelenskyy told reporters at the summit. “Only together the United States and Europe can stop Putin and save Ukraine.”

“It’s very difficult to support Ukraine without American help,” he said.

___

Raf Casert in Brussels, and Geir Moulson in Berlin, contributed to this report.

Advertisement

Continue Reading

World

Palestinian Authority under pressure amid rising resistance, popularity of Iran-backed terror groups

Published

on

Palestinian Authority under pressure amid rising resistance, popularity of Iran-backed terror groups

Join Fox News for access to this content

Plus special access to select articles and other premium content with your account – free of charge.

By entering your email and pushing continue, you are agreeing to Fox News’ Terms of Use and Privacy Policy, which includes our Notice of Financial Incentive.

Please enter a valid email address.

Having trouble? Click here.

The Palestinian Authority (PA) is facing a growing challenge in the northern West Bank city of Jenin as it launches an ongoing operation against local terror factions supported by Iran, a crackdown that has sparked violent clashes and highlighted the deepening rift between the PA and local communities.

“Iran has been funding militants to buy weapons, and now the Palestinian Authority is acting to stop that. They’ve taken measures to block the money and crack down on the factions. The PA knows Iran will keep supporting Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and this is the challenge they face. It’s the right time to confront Iran, especially after the wars in Gaza and Lebanon- public mood is not welcoming any military confrontation with Israel after what happened,” Mohammad Daraghmeh, Asharq News bureau chief in Ramallah, told Fox News Digital.

Advertisement

The U.S. has reportedly requested Israel’s approval to deliver urgent military assistance to the PA as it intensifies its crackdown on terror organizations in Jenin, Axios reported. The Biden administration is seeking to provide the PA security forces with ammunition, helmets, bulletproof vests, armored cars and other essential items, but needs Israel’s consent to proceed. Historically, U.S. assistance to the PA has ranged between $200 million and $300 million annually. In recent years, especially after the Biden administration took office, there has been a resumption of aid to the PA, following a freeze during the Trump administration.

HAMAS ATTACKER OPENS FIRE AT ISRAELI BUS IN WEST BANK, INJURING AT LEAST 8: REPORT

Mourners shout during the funeral of 19-year-old Rahbi Shalabi, who was killed during clashes between Palestinian security forces and militants a day earlier, in the occupied West Bank city of Jenin on Dec. 10, 2024. (ZAIN JAAFAR/AFP via Getty Images)

“Since October 7th, there has been an increased push from Hamas and Islamic Jihad, with significant Iranian involvement,” said Dr. Michael Milshtein, head of the Forum for Palestinian Studies at Tel Aviv University who further emphasized the shift in the situation since Oct. 7, noting the influence of Iranian-backed forces. “They’re trying to push operations in the West Bank, and there have been attempts to manufacture rockets and fire them at Israeli cities from Jenin. While it’s still in the early stages and these efforts are unsuccessful, it’s a troubling development that signals how Jenin is evolving into a central hub for terrorists.”

Last weekend, PA security forces killed Yazid Jaysa, an Islamic Jihad commander, in an operation that has intensified tensions in the region. This was the third death in Jenin within a week, following the killing of 19-year-old Rahbi Shalabi during gunfights between PA forces and local militants. The deaths have further fueled the discontent in the city, particularly among residents of the Jenin refugee camp. “The entire refugee camp is now against the PA,” said Daraghmeh.

Advertisement

On Sunday, reports surfaced that the PA had positioned its forces outside the refugee camp, but attempts to enter were met with resistance. The terrorists inside the camp, many of whom have vowed to fight the PA’s forces, pose a significant challenge to the PA’s plans for reasserting control.

PALESTINIAN PRESIDENT ABBAS SAYS US IS THE ‘ONLY POWER’ CAPABLE OF ORDERING ISRAEL TO END THE WAR

Palestinian Authority security forces vehicles block a road amid clashes with militants in the Jenin camp in the Israel-occupied West Bank on Dec. 15, 2024. For more than a week, the northern West Bank city of Jenin has seen intense violence, after the PA, which coordinates security matters with Israel, arrested several militants.

Palestinian Authority security forces vehicles block a road amid clashes with militants in the Jenin camp in the Israel-occupied West Bank on Dec. 15, 2024. For more than a week, the northern West Bank city of Jenin has seen intense violence, after the PA, which coordinates security matters with Israel, arrested several militants. (ZAIN JAAFAR/AFP via Getty Images)

“There’s no active fighting right now, but the PA forces are stuck. They’ve tried to enter, but failed, and now they’re stuck outside,” said Daraghmeh. “They can’t leave, but they can’t continue the operation either, because there are dozens of militants ready to confront them.”

Milshtein, the former head of Palestinian affairs in Israeli Defense Forces military intelligence, told Fox News Digital, “The PA does not have the ability to enforce control in northern Samaria and the surrounding areas. The PA has lost control of these regions, and for years, Israel has treated Jenin and the surrounding areas like Gaza- without PA control mechanisms, and essentially, there’s a real vacuum.”

Biden, Abbas, US, Palestinians

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, right, and President Biden shake hands in the West Bank town of Bethlehem on Friday, July 15, 2022. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)

The timing of the PA’s operation is significant, with many observers noting that it coincides with the broader regional context, including the ongoing war in Gaza and the fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Milshtein believes that the events in Syria played a role in the PA’s decision to act. “People in the West Bank say that when one dictator (PA President Mahmoud Abbas) saw what happened to the other (Bashar al-Assad), he decided he would not follow the same fate,” Milshtein explained. “Mahmoud Abbas likely felt that he needed to act before the PA’s authority in the West Bank completely erodes.”

Advertisement

The operation, which is part of a larger crackdown in the northern West Bank, also reflects the PA’s desire to assert itself as a capable authority ahead of potential political developments in Gaza. The PA has long struggled with its ability to govern Gaza, which it lost to Hamas in 2007. Now, with the region in turmoil, it is hoping to prove that it can restore order in the West Bank, which it argues will bolster its legitimacy in any postwar political scenario for Gaza.

A Palestinian security man fires tear gas at protesters in the center of the West Bank city of Jenin and its camp on Dec. 16, 2024.

A Palestinian security man fires tear gas at protesters in the center of the West Bank city of Jenin and its camp on Dec. 16, 2024. (Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images)

“I don’t see a possibility that the PA will control Gaza,” Milshtein said, “There are two million people there. For 17 years, they have been ruled by Hamas, and 60% were born after Hamas took control. They were educated to view the PA as collaborators with Israel and enemies. Giving the PA two hours in Gaza is a known failure from the outset.”

Despite the violence in Jenin, Daraghmeh does not foresee the conflict spreading beyond. “People in Ramallah, Hebron and other cities don’t want the West Bank to turn into another Gaza,” Daraghmeh said. “The situation in Jenin is contained, but it remains a test for the PA’s ability to control its own territory.”

Advertisement
Continue Reading

World

Can toppled Syrian president Bashar al-Assad be brought to justice?

Published

on

Can toppled Syrian president Bashar al-Assad be brought to justice?

Despite the legal and political barriers to prosecution, human rights experts are optimistic that al-Assad and regime officials could one day be held accountable for their crimes in a court of law.

ADVERTISEMENT

In Syria, celebrations of the fall of Bashar al-Assad have been mingled with a sense of horror, as gruesome evidence of the atrocities committed by his regime emerge.

Mass graveyards and the infamous prisons that were central to the deposed dictator’s coercive rule have been uncovered.

They bear traces of the brutal suffering inflicted by the regime.

Chaotic scenes of former detainees, their relatives and journalists trawling through paperwork in the detention centres have sparked international pleas on Syria’s new de facto leaders to ensure evidence is preserved for future criminal prosecutions.

Al-Assad and his father, Hafez, have been accused of a litany of crimes and abuses over the past 54 years, including torture, rape, mass executions, enforced disappearances and chemical attacks. 

Advertisement

The Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR) estimates that at least 15,000 Syrians have been tortured to death since the civil war broke out in 2011.

But with al-Assad in exile in Russia and many of his entourage suspected to be in Iran, there are several legal and political obstacles that stand in the way of criminal accountability.

The Hague-based International Criminal Court (ICC) is the most obvious international court of law for prosecuting individuals for such serious crimes. But the ICC does not have jurisdiction over Syria as the country is not a state party to the court’s treaty, the Treaty of Rome.

The UN Security Council can in principle refer a case to the ICC, granting it jurisdiction. But that would certainly be vetoed by the Kremlin, given its alliance with al-Assad and its own complicity in the crimes.

Both Russia and China blocked such a referral ten years ago.

Advertisement

Speaking to Euronews, Balkees Jarrah, associate director for international justice at Human Rights Watch (HRW) called on Syria’s new de facto authorities to consider granting jurisdiction to the ICC: “We believe Syria’s new leadership should immediately make clear its commitment to justice and accountability,” she said.

“This includes ratifying the Rome Treaty and giving the International Criminal Court retroactive jurisdiction so that the prosecutor can examine crimes committed over the last years.”

All eyes on de facto Syrian leaders

A more viable option in the current political climate is for trials to be held in criminal courts both within and outside Syria. 

Experts say it’s too soon to tell whether the new de facto rulers will be able to ensure any Syrian criminal proceedings are carried out safely and in line with international standards.

“We don’t know what the future state of Syria will look like, how the different institutions will work and how well they will cooperate with each other. So this is just something we cannot predict,” according to Elisabeth Hoffberger-Pippan of the Leibniz Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF).

Advertisement
ADVERTISEMENT

“The ideal option is to have criminal proceedings in Syria itself that meet fair trial standards, without use of the death penalty. And there is a need to ensure the safety for witnesses and victims to come forward with testimonies,” Vito Todeschini, legal advisor for Amnesty International, told Euronews.

The main rebel group in the new administration is the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), designated a terrorist group by the UN Security Council and formerly linked to al-Qaeda.

Its leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, formerly known as Abu Mohammed al-Jolan, has vowed to “pursue” the regime’s henchmen in Syria and has called on countries to “hand over those who fled” so that justice can be served.

The rebel fighters have also spoken of an amnesty for all military personnel conscripted into service under al-Assad.

ADVERTISEMENT

But it is currently inconceivable for al-Assad himself to be extradited to stand trial in either a Syrian or non-Syrian court, as there is no political appetite or motive for Moscow to hand him over. Iran is also unlikely to extradite regime officials who have fled there.

Yet, experts consulted by Euronews have expressed hope that al-Assad and the regime’s high-level torturers can one day be held accountable, if the geopolitical conditions change.

“If the sudden fall of the al-Assad regime has shown us anything it is that things can change quite rapidly,” Human Rights Watch’s Jarrah said. “We can’t predict what happens in the future nor preclude the possibility of Assad answering for his crimes one day in a court of law.”

Advertisement

“What we also need to consider right now is how intense and how strong the bond is between Vladimir Putin and Bashar al-Assad,” Hoffberger-Pippan of PRIF said. “I do think that there is a chance Russia might not be as interested in al-Assad in the future because the geopolitical environment is changing in a way that makes it less important for Russia to protect him.”

ADVERTISEMENT

Calls for international collaboration and preservation of evidence

Universal jurisdiction also allows non-Syrian courts to prosecute Syrians for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and torture.

Criminal cases against regime officials have already been filed in Austrian, French, German, Norwegian, Swedish and US courts, many of which have already successfully pressed charges.

The first international trial on torture in Syria was heard before the Koblenz Higher Regional Court in Germany in 2020. Two former high-level officials of the al-Assad regime were charged, one of whom was found guilty of crimes against humanity and handed a life-long sentence.

In November 2023, a French court issued international arrest warrants for Bashar al-Assad, his brother and two officials over an attack against civilians using chemical weapons in 2013.

ADVERTISEMENT

According to the Berlin-based European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR), universal jurisdiction carries promise but should be a “fall-back option” if processes within Syria fail.

The push towards justice should be “Syrian-led”, it says.

Advertisement

For any trials, well-preserved evidence is crucial.

During the decades-long regime, offenses were documented by international organisations and Syrian civil society with the help of whistleblowers. The so-called ‘Caesar’ photos, taken by a Syrian military police officer who defected a decade ago, are perhaps the most well-known evidence of torture which has led to criminal proceedings in European courts.

ADVERTISEMENT

The UN’s International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism (IIIM) has a mandate to collect, preserve and analyse evidence to be used in criminal proceedings and supports Syrian civil society in judicial processes.

Its lead investigator Robert Petit has described “papers strewn all over the floor, people leaving with computers, hard drives burned and smashed” in regime centres during the rebels’ offensive.

“Those in control of these prisons need to safeguard materials in these facilities so that the truth can be told and so that those responsible are held accountable,” HRW’s Jarrah explained.

Euronews reached out to the UN to ask whether its investigators have yet been authorised by Syria’s de facto leaders to gain access to the ground, but has not yet received a reply.

Advertisement
ADVERTISEMENT

According to the ECHHR, there is also real risk that evidence can be confiscated “to be used as political or commercial capital” or be compromised by secret services agents from countries “interested in destroying evidence and archives.”

Continue Reading

Trending