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The L.A. Fires Expose a Web of Governments, Weak by Design
When two hijacked jetliners struck the World Trade Center towers in New York City on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, Mayor Rudolph Giuliani became the face of a city struggling with tragedy, a ubiquitous presence projecting authority, assurance and control. The reputation he forged that day would be tarnished with time, but it became a model for mayors facing crises across the country.
As Mayor Karen Bass of Los Angeles confronts a city dealing with devastating fires, her performance has raised questions, even among her supporters, about whether she can become the dominant executive leading a city through a crisis that New Yorkers saw more than 23 years ago.
Some of those concerns reflect her relative lack of executive experience — she is a former member of Congress and the California assembly, where she served in the powerful role of speaker. And some of those concerns have to do with the fallout from her absence from the city when the fires broke out.
But the question of who is in charge — of who is playing the role in Los Angeles that Mr. Giuliani did in New York, to use one example — is also testimony to the diffusion and, at times, dysfunction that make up the core DNA of the governance of the greater Los Angeles area. That muddled authority is a sharp, and by design deliberate, contrast with New York, Philadelphia, Chicago and other cities that are dominated by powerful, high-profile mayors.
The city of Los Angeles, with a population of 3.8 million, is one of 88 different cities that make up the county of Los Angeles. That county, with a population of 9.6 million spread across 4,751 square miles stretching inland from the Pacific Ocean, is controlled by a five-person board of supervisors, each one representing 1.9 million people. Each of those supervisors rivals the mayor of Los Angeles in clout as they oversee their own fiefdoms in the nation’s most populous county, even if they are relatively unknown by constituents.
Within those vast borders, there is a Los Angeles Police Department and a Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department, as well as an additional 45 police departments protecting, to name a few, Santa Monica, Long Beach, Inglewood and Pasadena. There are dozens of municipal fire departments, including one that serves the city and another that serves the county.
One of the two major fires that devastated this region — the Eaton fire — is not even in the city of Los Angeles; it is in an unincorporated section of Los Angeles County. The response to the Eaton fire was led by the county fire department; the city fire department was at the forefront in fighting the Palisades fire.
All of this is a recipe, analysts said, for rivalry among elected officials and confusion among voters, and a challenge for even the most accomplished elected official trying to grab the mantle of leadership amid what Gray Davis, a former California governor, called “the dispersed and discombobulated nature of our government.”
“As an executive most of my life — controller, lieutenant governor, governor — there’s a time when you need clear accountability, someone who will give orders and accept responsibility whether things work or not,” said Mr. Davis, who served as governor from 1999 to 2003. “The public here seems not to want that on a day-to-day basis. But when there is an emergency, we need that. And we don’t have that system.”
When New Orleans was overrun by Hurricane Katrina in 2005, resulting in devastating damage and hundreds of deaths, the mayor, C. Ray Nagin, stepped forward to lead his city through the crisis, and to raise his national profile. (Mr. Nagin’s reputation, like Mr. Giuliani’s, also faded with time.) At a recent press briefing about the fires in Los Angeles, eight city and county officials lined up to speak. Ms. Bass was just one part of the lineup, talking about the Palisades fire, but so was Kathryn Barger, the increasingly high-profile member of the county board of supervisors whose district includes the Eaton fire.
“What you have in a city like New York is a fundamentally mayor-oriented system where, even in quiet times, everything flows to the mayor,” said Raphael J. Sonenshein, a longtime expert on Los Angeles politics and government and the executive director of the Haynes Foundation, a Los Angeles civic research organization. “Here it’s a little more of an art to exercise mayoral leadership. The mayor might have strong opinions, but to get problems solved, you have to figure out how to get these governance agencies to work together. It’s very hard to get things done.”
None of this is accidental.
The web of overlapping governments is the product of a reformist system of governance that has evolved over the years, designed to constrain the authority of cities, counties and the people who lead them. Many of the people who settled here over the past century came from the Midwest, and they carry a strong distrust of the powerful mayors and political machines found in cities like Philadelphia, New York and Chicago.
The mayor of Los Angeles does not control the school system, as is the case in some other large cities. Public health falls mostly under the jurisdiction of Los Angeles County, forcing the mayor and supervisors to work together on challenges such as homelessness. In the city, there is a police commission that makes the final decisions on hiring and firing police chiefs; Ms. Bass needs the commission to ratify her choice of who should head the department.
The stakes here are high. The fires are diminishing, but rebuilding could end up being as challenging as battling the fires, testing the resources and agility of this teeming catalog of elected officials.
Eric M. Garcetti, a former mayor, said all these government agencies — notwithstanding any history of rivalry — had appeared to work in tandem as the fires raged. “But for the rebuild, it’ll be absolutely critical for us to act like we’re one city and not a collection of 88 villages,” he said in an interview from India, where he is now the U.S. ambassador.
These structural tensions have long been a source of frustration for Los Angeles mayors. In interviews, two of them — Mr. Garcetti and Antonio Villaraigosa — said they would support creating a dominant government representing the region, to replace the network of overlapping municipal governments. Mr. Villaraigosa said he supported, for example, remaking Los Angeles along the lines of San Francisco, which is both a county and a city. They both argued the issue had become more urgent with the kind of natural disasters that have come with climate change.
“I don’t think that’s going happen in my lifetime, but it would certainly make things more coherent,” Mr. Garcetti said. For now, he said, mayors have to fall back on the power of persuasion. “Informal power is so critical,” he said. “It is so critical to put together coalitions.”
Mr. Villaraigosa said that, in raising concerns about the structural challenges Los Angeles faces, he was not criticizing Ms. Bass. “I don’t want to join that,” he said. “But when you have all agencies involved — 25 people speaking — it diffuses the leadership model. You have two different bureaucracies trying to work together. Sometimes they do, sometimes they don’t.”
By contrast, unconstrained by jurisdictions, Gov. Gavin Newsom has been an ever-present figure over these past nearly two weeks, walking through smoky ruins as he has talked with firefighters and people who have lost their homes. He expanded a special legislative session to address the Los Angeles wildfires and signed executive orders dealing with response and recovery efforts.
Ms. Bass has been criticized for being out of the country when the fires erupted — she was in Ghana in West Africa to attend the inauguration of its new president. Upon her return, in a widely circulated clip, Ms. Bass stood silently as a reporter pressed her on why she left amid warnings of dangerous fire weather.
Since her return, she has issued her own executive orders to expedite rebuilding, and she has named a longtime civic leader, Steve Soboroff, to head recovery efforts. But she has also repeatedly defended her performance, saying that she and leaders across the region are working “in lock step” to address the crisis.
“We are actively fighting this fire,” she said at a news conference on the second day of the crisis, adding: “So what we are seeing is the result of eight months of negligible rain and winds that have not been seen in L.A. in at least 14 years. And we have to resist any — any — effort to pull us apart.”
The mayor’s office did not immediately return a request for comment on Saturday.
Even before the fire, there was movement to repair the system. In November, county voters endorsed the biggest change in its government in a century — including the establishment of a new person to lead the county of Los Angeles, an elected county executive who will be chosen in the 2028 election.
“They will be the most powerful elected official in the United States,” said Fernando Guerra, the head of the Center for the Study of Los Angeles at Loyola Marymount University. “They will represent 10 million people. They will have a lot of power. Most important, they are going to steal the thunder and the pulpit from the mayor of Los Angeles. It’s going to be as centralized as New York is now.”
It’s difficult to say what role a county executive might have played in directing the government’s response to the fires, a duty typically overseen by the fire departments themselves. But officials said that what the region needed, in addition to the fire and police officials who directed the response, was a political leader displaying moral authority and leadership, with the platform to speak across the expanse of a county whose population is larger than that of most states.
“People want to see their elected official — they want to see who is in charge,” said Zev Yaroslavky, who spent 20 years as a member of the Los Angeles City Council and 20 years as a member of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors. “In this particular case, the fact is you had two different big fires: one in the city of Los Angeles and one in the unincorporated area of the county. Who is in charge?”
Shawn Hubler contributed reporting.
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Firefighters Still Working to Cool Garden Grove Chemical Tank
An industrial tank containing about 7,000 gallons of a highly flammable toxic chemical appears to have cracked, Southern California officials reported on Sunday. The development was interpreted as a possible sign that a catastrophic explosion or rupture might yet be averted as tens of thousands of evacuees waited to return home.
TJ McGovern, the interim fire chief of the Orange County Fire Authority, said in an update that firefighters conducted a “successful operation” on Saturday night to inspect the tank at a plant in Garden Grove that belongs to GKN Aerospace, a company based in the United Kingdom that manufactures aircraft components.
The container became increasingly pressurized on Thursday, heating the chemicals inside and releasing gas that could trigger an explosion. Firefighters responded, dousing the tank with copious amounts of water in an attempt to cool it. But GKN Aerospace’s team was unable to inject a neutralizing agent to reduce the chemical’s instability because of several failed valves.
“No one has ever had this situation before because the chemical is so volatile,” Chief McGovern said. He called the situation “unprecedented.”
The chemical inside the tank, methyl methacrylate, is used in the manufacture of resins and acrylic plastics, most notably plexiglass.
According to the Environmental Protection Agency, exposure to methyl methacrylate can irritate the eyes and skin and make it difficult to breathe, among other symptoms. Birth defects have appeared in animals exposed to the chemical.
On Saturday, local fire officials said the temperature inside the tank had risen more than 20 degrees and was still rising. By Sunday, it had reached at least 100 degrees.
There is fear of a “thermal runaway,” which could further generate heat, build pressure and cause a blast, said Elias Picazo, an assistant professor of chemistry at the University of California.
Alternatively, he said, a tank failure — in which the tank ruptures but does not necessarily explode — could lead to a controlled leak that could then be neutralized.
“I think the temperature within the tank has been steadily increasing and that’s indicative that the reaction is moving forward,” he said.
It is possible, officials said on Saturday, that the increase in temperature is occurring because the liquid inside the tank is solidifying. If so, and if the tank holds, that could make a rupture less likely.
A specialized team of officials from the fire departments in Los Angeles, San Bernardino County, Orange County and Long Beach were working on alternative solutions to prevent the tank from breaching, Chief McGovern said on Sunday. He did not provide details.
In a video posted to social media on Sunday, he said the team had found a potential crack in the tank, which might relieve some of the internal pressure.
“With this new information, it could change our trajectory and our strategy to this event,” he said.
Senator Thomas J. Umberg, a state legislator who represents the area, said that “several courageous firefighters” had discovered the small crack last night at about 8:30 p.m., after approaching the tank to adjust the water being sprayed on it.
The firefighters, he said, got close enough to the tanks to see that the internal temperature had hit at least 100 degrees, the maximum level that the gauges would register.
But no liquid was leaking from the crack, he said, which emergency responders interpreted as “a slight bit of good news.”
Mr. Picazo had said that the potential of the chemical solidifying would be an “ideal” but “unpredictable” outcome. “Then you have a lot of time to figure out what the best approach would be to open the tank and quench the remaining active material,” he said.
The fire authority said in another post that areas outside of the evacuation zone were considered “completely safe” and that daily activities could continue as normal.
Gov. Gavin Newsom of California declared a state of emergency in Orange County on Saturday. More than 40,000 residents in the surrounding areas are under evacuation orders, and officials have become increasingly concerned that some may be prematurely attempting to return home.
“We have a lot of citizens displaced and, when it’s safe to do, one of the things we want to do is to get them back in their homes,” Chief McGovern said in a phone interview.
Erika Ocana, who lives about a five-minute walk from the plant, evacuated on Friday with her four children, three dogs and a cat.
“I’m just thinking, like, what about the ones that are really close to it, what about the houses, what’s going to happen?” she said.
In a video posted to Facebook, Dr. Jason Low of the South Coast Air Quality Management District detailed the air measurements being taken in the community near the facility.
On Friday, the regional agency had begun measuring pollutant levels around the evacuation zone. Dr. Low said officials were “happy to report that levels are completely normal in our measurements.”
That agency has worked with the E.P.A. to deploy 24 monitors to continue the air measurements.
“We’re happy to report we have not seen any contaminants in those monitoring stations and we’ll continue to do that until the scene is secure,” said Harry Allen, an on-scene coordinator for the E.P.A.
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Torn by war, Israelis and Palestinians tie their fortunes together
This year’s cohort of Israeli and Palestinian entrepreneurs taking part in 50:50 Startups is smaller than usual, because the war prevented many from travelling. 50:50 co-founder Amir Grinsteen (third from right) founded the program seven years ago, believing that building businesses together would also build lasting bridges, that could advance the cause of peace.
Dena Yadin
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Dena Yadin
BOSTON – Salah Hussein was 11 years old when he was woken up in the middle of the night by Israeli soldiers in his family home in Nablus in the West Bank. It left him traumatized and terrified for years.
It was “triggering” to see any Israeli in uniform, he says. “For me, all of them were a threat.”
But decades later, Hussein, now a 33-year-old entrepreneur, has willingly and purposefully tied his fortune to his co-founder, who is an Israeli Jew.
Hussein is one of about 35 entrepreneurs taking part in a start-up accelerator program called 50:50 Startups, where mixed teams of Palestinians, Israeli Arabs and Israeli Jews spend six months in a kind of business bootcamp, going to workshops, lectures and connecting with mentors. The program culminates with a session in Boston, where the entrepreneurs pitch their ideas to potential investors.
The cross-the-divide collaboration brings an extra layer of challenge to what is already a heavy lift. By most estimates, about 90% of startups fail. But Hussein is fiercely determined, not only because of pragmatic considerations, like the need for resources and access to capital for his business, but also the more lofty ideals.
Salah Hussein, a Palestinian from Nablus, is excited about investors’ interest in his venture that uses AI and cameras to detect and prevent greenhouse pests.
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Tovia Smith/NPR
“If we are not the ones looking for change, who will be? We are the right people at the right place, at the right time. We have to move on,” he says. “I don’t want my kids to be living in a world full of hatred.”
Yana Shaulov is the Jewish Israeli on Hussein’s team. A 37-year-old molecular biologist, she joined 50:50 hoping to launch an idea of her own, but ended up joining Hussain’s team instead. Having grown up in a mixed neighborhood of Haifa, she says, she’s used to coexistence.
“It’s not always easy, you can feel the tension sometimes, but [Israelis and Palestinians] are both here to stay, and we have to live together at the end of the day,” Shaulov says. She concedes that the small collaborations at 50:50 are just “a small start,” but believes what they’re doing will be “contagious.”
“It’s already worth it just to show other people that it’s possible,” she says.
The team also includes two others: a Palestinian from the West Bank and a Christian woman who is an Israeli citizen. Their company, Qanara Tech, is developing AI cameras to detect and prevent insects in greenhouses growing food. Other teams include one with a patent pending to build a better heart monitor, and another that uses egg shells and plant seeds as the filter in a water purification system.
Sometimes, even when the ideas are viable, the partnership is not. Hussein says he had a previous venture that fell apart shortly after Hamas’s deadly attack on Israel on October 7th, 2023, and the war that ensued. The tension was just too much, both within the team and especially from hardliners back home. The scorn and backlash can be so intense, Hussain says, it’s hard to keep it from getting in your own head.
“Sometimes even thinking about what I’m doing right now fills me with some negative [voices], like, ‘Salah, you’re a normalizer. Be careful!’, he says. But then the “other voice” in his head chimes in, “Keep going, Keep moving! All these tiny effects can lead to change.”
Israelis participating in the program, like 27-year old Aviv Meir, say they feel it, too.
“It’s hard to put yourself in the enemy’s shoes,” she says with a sigh. “You need to have so much strength to feel safe, and to understand that understanding their side will not demolish your side. It’s sometimes making you crazy.”
Meir has been involved in bridge-building initiatives since she was a teenager. She’s the type you’d expect to sign up for a program like this. But 50:50 is also drawing in participants not already inclined toward dialogue.
The hard conversations
Salah Elsadi, a Palestinian who lived in Gaza for 15 years, says he wasn’t even aware of the peace-building aspect of 50:50 when he applied to the program. He was interested in building his business, not bridges. But he has learned to lean in when he has to. For example, at a recent 50:50 event in Boston that was open to the public, a French Israeli woman, Sarah Blum, drew Elsadi into conversation. A short while in, she told him that about 10 years ago, a Palestinian man from Jerusalem attacked her with a knife.
“He wanted to kill me,” she said.
Elsadi was visibly taken aback, but continued listening as Blum shared that some of the first people who called to check in on her were close friends who were Palestinian, and how important it is to continue dialogue even in the most difficult moments.
Then, in what seemed to be a bid to ease the moment, she asked Elsadi how his family in Gaza was doing. But it did little to diffuse the tension.
“Not good,” he answered. “They’re struggling to find water or food. My youngest brother has chronic disease and can’t get medicine.”
Blum said she could understand.
“I have close family friends who were in Kfar Aza on October 7th who are traumatized from the massacre, and some who lost loved ones [who were] taken hostage and killed in Gaza, and [did not have] access to medicine when they were in captivity,” she said.
It’s the kind of conversation that could have easily spiraled out, but Blum and Elsadi managed to take in each other’s pain. The encounter ended with a hug, and both said afterward that it just reinforced their conviction that focus must shift from past grievances to future possibilities.
“We need to start a new thing, not just to remember the last things which remind us that ‘Oh, I need to take revenge,” Elsadi says. “We cannot continue war, war, war, war. How long do we want it to continue?”
Program leaders take pains to say that 50:50 is not a political organization. That’s what allows it to create an environment where each side can see the other as people, not enemies.
In one stark example, a Palestinian man who grew up in a refugee camp near Hebron was sharing how he felt humiliated and harangued by IDF soldiers at checkpoints. Then he found out one of the Israelis he had come to know in the program was actually one of the soldiers stationed near his home. It was striking, he says, to hear that former Israeli soldier share how terrified he and others were of Palestinians.
“They feel [the Palestinians] will attack them, or maybe shoot them, so they always stand by, [with] nerves tense,” the Palestinian man said. “At the end of the day [the soldier is] a human being. He’s someone like me who just wants to get back home safe and have dinner with [his] family.”
But that kind of talk doesn’t go over well back home, this Palestinian man says, which is why he asked that his name not be used in this report.
“People say it’s like betraying, especially in this situation, [where] everything is on fire,” he said. “I don’t want to be a target to [be] hurt or something.”
Building trust organically
The 50:50 Startups program was co-founded by Israeli-American Amir Grinstein in 2019, and the program later partnered with Tel Aviv University and Northeastern University in Boston, where he’s a marketing professor. The idea is that short of marriage, creating a business together may be the most profound way to bond two people together; it’s a partnership based on equality, a shared goal and a mutual trust and reliance on each other’s support.
“Its very intimate, it’s very intense, it’s up and down like a roller coaster, and it’s long term,” Grinstein says. “They have to try hard to work together. They’ll fail together or they’ll succeed together.”
As a start-up itself, 50:50 has had to pivot and iterate through challenges Grinstein could never have imagined: COVID, October 7th, and several wars. Each has made it difficult or impossible for the entrepreneurs to travel to Boston for the capstone session at Northeastern. This year, because of the ongoing war in the region, more than half the entrepreneurs could only attend by Zoom.
Israeli and Palestinian entrepreneurs in the 50:50 Startups program attend a workshop at Harvard Business School about data analysis.
Salah Hussein
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Salah Hussein
“You are still under missiles with this war raging outside, and we hope it will be over soon,” Grinstein says at the start of a recent class. He then pivots to the day’s lesson, which happens to be about negotiation and rebuilding trust when things become tense or adversarial, an especially apt lesson for these entrepreneurs.
But that’s as close as 50:50 gets to any specific instruction on cross-the-divide collaboration. Unlike other coexistence programs, there are no dialog workshops or trust-building exercises. Grinstein says that just happens organically.
“The elephant is obviously in the room, so we’re not ignoring it,” Grinstein says. “But what I want is to see the Israelis and Palestinians develop friendships that transcend the business, and then naturally you will have coffee with your partners and you might be in a better position – after you build trust, after you work together — to have conversations that are tough and challenging.”
Still a relatively small program, 50:50 has taken on some 320 participants since it began. But Grinstein says the relationships they forge have significant ripple effects on friends, and family, as well as on the Northeastern undergraduates who are part of his class, and work as interns for the start-ups.
Senior Alexa Garcia, says just watching the entrepreneurs working together, laughing and teasing each other, was a lightbulb moment for her.
“Sometimes it’s so easy to forget that they’re on such different sides of a conflict because they seem like such good friends, like the banter is crazy,” she says. “A lot of times it’s just completely out of my mind that they are on two different sides of conflict.”
Garcia and two other students who stopped to talk after class say they each started the semester with a clear leaning toward either the Israelis or Palestinians. But that changed, they say, as they got to know the entrepreneurs personally and came to understand the hardships suffered by both sides, like when team meetings were delayed because a Palestinian was stuck at a checkpoint, or an Israeli had to run to a bomb shelter.
All three say their views have now shifted toward the middle.
“Both sides have been through so much, both have done right, both have done wrong,” says Garcia. “The more I learn, there’s no side for me.”
A ‘hippie heart’ and a ‘capitalist brain’
The 50:50 session in Boston ends with a Shark Tank-style chance for the teams to pitch their ventures to potential investors and hope an investor will bite, or at least offer some useful feedback.
For their part, investors grill the entrepreneurs about not only their ideas, but also their partnerships; they’re investing in a team as much as a product. And while some see the collaborations as inherently risky, others see them as an asset – at least potentially.
Hagar Shmaia, from Israel, was one of about a dozen Israeli and Palestinian entrepreneurs who pitched their ideas to a room of investors, as part of the 50:50 Startups program. Shmaia has designed an online platform called “Besty” that allows women to find a wide range of support on-demand
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Tovia Smith/NPR
“I always say I have a hippie heart and a capitalist brain,” says Brian Abrams, founder of B Ventures, one of the investors who listened to the pitches. “My hippie heart loves this kind of collaboration. My capitalist brain insists it makes business sense.”
In a best-case scenario, Abrams says, the Israeli-Palestinian partnerships could create a “halo-effect” around a brand, helping a start-up to build momentum.
“The collaboration builds the brand, attracts other people, helps them get bigger, and at best that becomes a virtuous cycle,” Abrams says.
Ultimately, the case could be made that startups run by these unlikely co-founders could actually be safer investments, says Tomer Cohen, Co-Founder and Director of Tech2Peace, a bridge-building program similar to 50:50 for younger participants.
“If the entrepreneurs have managed to come together in spite of the political reality, it actually says a lot about them as individuals, that they will be more resilient and can overcome most of the challenges that [entrepreneurs] face in early-stage ventures,” he says.
So far, Grinsteen says, 50:50 ventures are beating the odds. It’s still early for many, but of the roughly 55 start-ups, about a half are still in the game.
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With Big Decisions Ahead, the Supreme Court Collides With a Testy Trump
Vice President JD Vance made an unannounced visit to the Supreme Court last week to attend a private dinner in a wood-paneled conference room with Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. and dozens of the chief justice’s former law clerks.
Accompanying his wife Usha, who clerked for the chief justice nearly a decade ago, Mr. Vance’s visit was a social call, people familiar with the dinner said. But Mr. Vance’s friendly pop-by illustrated the awkward dance that has been underway between the Trump administration and the nation’s highest court, as the administration has at times appeared to woo the justices even as President Trump has repeatedly bullied and insulted them.
With the court preparing to issue major rulings in the coming weeks that will determine the fate of key aspects of the president’s agenda, Mr. Trump has vacillated between combative and conciliatory in his treatment of the justices.
He has seemed ever aware and at times resentful of the critical role the justices play in determining the lawfulness of his policies, with the court representing perhaps the one force in American government truly able to thwart his agenda. At the heart of the tension: a president who appears to believe that justices, especially those he appointed, should be loyalists rather than independent actors in a separate, equal branch of government.
Abigail Jackson, a White House spokeswoman, said in a statement that the American people have “always valued President Trump’s ability to freely speak his mind and share his thoughts directly with them” — including about the court.
The chief justice did not respond to a request for comment. A spokeswoman for Mr. Vance declined to comment.
Mr. Trump was furious with the court after it invalidated his sweeping tariffs in February. He called a news conference to vent, criticizing individual justices as “fools and lap dogs” and saying his two nominees who voted against him were “an embarrassment to their families.”
While past presidents have voiced disagreement and frustration with Supreme Court rulings, that kind of language and personal animosity has been unheard-of from a president.
Standing silently by his side was the solicitor general, D. John Sauer. Mr. Trump’s former personal lawyer represents the administration at the Supreme Court in a role that has traditionally been so trusted by the court that it is nicknamed the “10th justice.”
Despite Mr. Trump’s anger, the administration has abided by the court’s ruling in the tariffs decision. The U.S. government this month started to refund some of the roughly $160 billion collected from those tariffs, plus interest.
Days after the news conference, Mr. Trump toned things down at his State of the Union address, when he could have blasted the chief justice and other members of the court to their faces as they sat in their robes in the front of the House chamber. Instead, in his remarks, Mr. Trump merely declared the ruling to be “very disappointing.” Otherwise, he was cordial to the four justices who attended, shaking their hands and exchanging pleasantries as he made his way to the rostrum.
But in recent weeks, the president has returned to hammering the court, including in repeated social media posts, as he has been appearing to brace for another major loss when the court rules on his effort to end the guarantee of birthright citizenship. The decision is expected by late June or early July.
“It would be a disgrace if the Supreme Court of the United States allows that to happen,” Mr. Trump said during an event in the Oval Office on Thursday. “It’s all up to a couple of people, and I hope they do what’s right.”
Mr. Trump turned up the pressure in early April when he became the first sitting president to attend an oral argument at the court for the birthright citizenship case. He spent about an hour listening to the arguments before abruptly getting up and walking out while the session was still underway. Critics said it was a show of power designed to intimidate the justices.
The president subsequently complained in a social media post that the Supreme Court had “not even recognized or acknowledged” his presence.
At the same time, the president hosted all six of the justices nominated by Republican presidents to the White House last month for a state dinner honoring King Charles III of Britain and Queen Camilla. The dinner was held the night before the court heard a case about Mr. Trump’s immigration policies.
None of the three liberal justices attended, and neither the White House nor the court have said whether they were invited.
On Friday, two justices who the president has praised were in the East Room of the White House. Justice Clarence Thomas swore in Kevin Warsh as the next chairman of the Federal Reserve. Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh also attended.
Three of the justices who took part in the state dinner — Neil M. Gorsuch, Amy Coney Barrett and Justice Kavanaugh — were picked by Mr. Trump during his first term, drawing them Mr. Trump’s particular attention and, at times, his ire. In a recent post, as he criticized Justices Gorsuch and Barrett for voting against his tariffs, he insisted they should have been “loyal to the person that appointed them.”
The justices seem to have struggled with whether or how forcefully to respond. They have not specifically addressed Mr. Trump’s personal insults and have not responded to requests for comment about his statements when asked. But they have at times politely pushed back in public appearances.
In recent interviews to promote his new children’s book, Justice Gorsuch has rejected assertions that the justices should be loyal to the president.
“My loyalty is to the Constitution, the laws of the United States,” he said in an interview with CBS News. “That’s the oath I took. It’s really just that simple.”
The chief justice too has gently denounced the personal attacks — but indirectly. During an appearance at Rice University in March, he said harsh rhetoric aimed at justices is “dangerous.”
“It’s got to stop,” he added, without specifying whose rhetoric he was describing or naming Mr. Trump.
In an interview with a federal judge last year, the chief justice defended the independence of the judiciary, saying its role is “to obviously decide cases but in the course of that to check the excesses of Congress or the executive.”
Colleen Sinzdak, a former law clerk to Chief Justice Roberts who argues frequently in front the court, said the justices seem to be trying to stay above the political fray. By ignoring some of the attacks, the justices send the message that they see themselves as part of an institution rather than political actors scrumming with elected officials.
“It’s not supposed to be about you personally,” she said. “They are trying to embody that in how they are going about their business, and to the extent possible to do the things they would normally do — like going to state dinners.”
Likewise, Richard Lazarus, a law professor at Harvard who has written frequently about the court, said the justices appeared to be trying to treat Mr. Trump like any other party in a case when they seated him in the public gallery for the arguments in the birthright citizenship case, rather than in a special seat reserved for presidents that is used for courtroom ceremonies.
Still, he said the president’s personal attacks on individual justices were “out of bounds,” representing a unique assault that went beyond the traditional push and pull between the branches of government.
“It does damage to the court as an institution,” he said, and it “generates threats to the individual justices and their families when the president attacks them in this way.”
Professor Lazarus said he believed the justices should have declined to attend Mr. Trump’s state dinner last month, given that it appears only those nominated by Republican presidents had been invited.
“It’s wrong, irresponsible and undermines the integrity of the court, which all the justices tell us they believe in,” he said.
Ms. Jackson, the White House spokeswoman, said the president understands the dangers of political violence after three assassination attempts in less than two years.
“Any implication that sharing these opinions is akin to making threats is deeply unserious and should be dismissed by anyone with half a brain,” she said in a statement, adding that the administration “cares deeply for the safety of all members of the Judicial Branch.”
For his part, Mr. Vance, a graduate of Yale Law School, has not been shy about expressing his frustration with the courts and his wife’s former boss. In an interview with New York Times opinion columnist Ross Douthat last year, Mr. Vance said the chief justice was “profoundly wrong” to suggest that one of the roles for the court is to check the excesses of the executive branch. Courts, he said, should be “extremely deferential” to the president’s political judgments.
At the court last Saturday night, around 100 guests gathered for the reunion of law clerks, starting with cocktails in a courtyard, followed by dinner in one of the formal conference rooms on the same floor as the courtroom.
Mr. Vance and his wife were not given special seating at the chief justice’s table, said people familiar with the event who were granted anonymity to talk about the private dinner. And when Chief Justice Roberts gave brief remarks to welcome guests, he did not offer any special greeting to Mr. Vance.
For the night, the vice president was just a plus one.
Zolan Kanno-Youngs and Tyler Pager contributed reporting to this story.
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