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San Diego looking for consistency after commanding opener win

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San Diego looking for consistency after commanding opener win


TORONTO — Not for the first time this season, the Padres began a series with renewed vigor. They arrived in Toronto this week vowing that it was time to reset, time to regroup, time to, at long last, put their wayward 2023 season on course.

Having lost three of four in Philadelphia, the Padres found themselves precariously close to exiting the playoff picture entirely. The Trade Deadline looms two weeks away, and what once seemed unthinkable suddenly feels like a possibility: San Diego as a seller approaching the Deadline.

But first thing’s first: The Padres have a chance to make their case otherwise. The club’s brass has made it clear it would love to near the Deadline as contenders looking to buy. But if San Diego wants to be buyers, it needs to play like a team worthy of that label.

It’ll take more than one game, but Tuesday was at least a start. The Padres thumped the Blue Jays, 9-1, at Rogers Centre. Juan Soto, Manny Machado, Gary Sánchez and Trent Grisham all went deep. Joe Musgrove pitched six innings of one-run ball.

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All in all, it was a tantalizing performance from a team that has delivered plenty of those this season — and too often failed to back them up. (Take Friday night’s 8-3 win in Philadelphia, followed by three straight defeats, for example.)

“We’ve just got to be consistent,” said Soto, who finished 2-for-4 with a walk. “It’s been like that the whole year. We have games like this, then we come back and we don’t do anything. We’ve just got to keep the same pace every day. Just come to do the same thing.”

The Padres turned in a feisty offensive performance from the start, making Blue Jays starter Alek Manoah throw 41 pitches in the first inning. Every hitter worked a plate appearance of at least six pitches — except for Xander Bogaerts, who walked on four.

It was Soto who put the Padres on the board. After Fernando Tatis Jr.’s one-out walk, Soto looked at a 2-2 changeup that appeared to be at the knees for strike three. Plate ump Malachi Moore ruled it ball two.

Lucky break? Maybe. But baseball is full of those. The Padres haven’t capitalized often enough this season. Their opponents have. Which made what happened next such a welcome sight: On the ninth pitch of the at-bat, Soto smacked an opposite-field two-run homer into the first row in left-center. San Diego had an early lead, and Musgrove didn’t seem to mind the long wait.

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“I’ll take the runs over a wait any day of the week,” said Musgrove. “Any time they give me an early lead, that gives me all the confidence in the world to go out there and really just attack.”

Musgrove battled a bout of adductor tightness prior to his start Tuesday, but he said he feels fine. Hard to argue after he threw 109 pitches, his highest pitch count since last August. He struck out seven and scattered five hits, all singles.

Quietly, Musgrove has reverted to the All-Star-caliber version of himself. After a slow start in which he dealt with injuries, Musgrove has now posted a 1.76 ERA across his past 10 starts.

“To get some consistency,” Musgrove said, “is the biggest thing.”

Meanwhile, the Padres continued to work Manoah, prompting his exit after three-plus innings. Once into Toronto’s bullpen, Machado and Sánchez went deep in the fifth. Grisham hit a solo shot in the eighth, before San Diego tacked on two insurance runs in the ninth. Rookies Tom Cosgrove and Alek Jacob combined for three scoreless relief innings.

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“It wasn’t so much about the runs early,” Padres manager Bob Melvin said. “It was about adding on a little bit later. And then: No drama at the end.”

The Padres would never quibble with a drama-free victory. Though, as Melvin later pointed out, it’s their record in close games that has landed them where they reside: five games below .500 at 45-50.

And that’s a perilous position, with the Deadline fast approaching. Not that they’re paying too much attention to that landmark.

“We have a good team as is, we just haven’t performed very well,” Melvin said. “This team is good enough to do well in any scenario. I don’t get too caught up in that.”

Added Musgrove: “I mean, honestly, I don’t think a whole lot of guys in here have thought a lot about buying or selling. I feel like whether we buy or sell, we’re a really good team regardless.”

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Takeaways from the campaigning to win over rural voters in swing-state North Carolina

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Takeaways from the campaigning to win over rural voters in swing-state North Carolina


OXFORD, N.C. (AP) — President Joe Biden and Donald Trump have their sights on a handful of battleground states in the White House race, and North Carolina is one of them.

Rural voters in particular will play an important role for both campaigns, but the candidates will have to overcome voter indifference, fatigue and even disgust.

Both Democrats and Republicans hope face-to-face contact will help them make their case. In places like Granville County, a swing county tucked between the Raleigh-Durham area and the Virginia state line, that has already begun.

Here are some key takeaways from an examination of the campaign less than five months before the November general election.

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Spending war for North Carolina’s airwaves

When it comes to advertising spending in North Carolina, Democrats are outpacing Republicans by a nearly 4-to-1 margin, according to AdImpact data. As of June 7, Democratic groups had spent more than $4 million compared with about $1 million from Republicans in the state.

That gap widens even further when looking ahead to the fall. For reserved ad slots between June 8 and Election Day, Democrats have spent more than $5.6 million so far, compared with $25,000 reserved by one Republican political action committee. Those reservations are subject to change as races come into focus.

The Raleigh-Durham area makes up a significant portion of advertising spending in North Carolina for both parties: almost $2 million for Democrats and more than $138,000 for Republicans. The area skews heavily Democratic, but it also borders counties such as Granville and Franklin that voted for Trump in 2020.

Tuning out the election

As a rematch of 2020 takes shapes, many people in the United States are not paying much attention to the election.

About 4 in 10 Americans in a Pew Research Center poll conducted in April said they are not following news about candidates in presidential contest too closely or at all. Younger adults are less likely than older ones to be following election news.

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Many people already find the election exhausting, even if they are not tuned in. About 6 in 10 U.S. adults in the poll say they are worn out by so much coverage of the campaign and candidates. Those not following closely are especially likely to say they are exhausted.

Trump’s record with North Carolina’s rural counties

In a state with the second highest rural population in the country, winning over those voters is essential. Democrats may not win outright in rural parts of North Carolina, but if they can keep the margins close, they have a better chance to take advantage of their strength in the state’s urban areas.

Previous election results show that appealing to North Carolina’s rural voters may be easier for Republican Trump than for Democrat Biden.

In 2020, 64 rural counties backed Trump while only 14 went for Biden. Compared with his 2016 campaign, Trump’s winning margin grew in most rural counties four years ago.

Possible openings for Democrats

A handful of rural counties could be more competitive. Granville County, for example, had one of the tighter margins of victory for Trump — 53% in 2020 — among rural counties. That was a jump of 3 percentage points from 2016, when he narrowly won against Democrat Hillary Clinton.

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Before Trump, Granville County was considered a blue rural county. Democrat Barack Obama won it in 2008 and 2012. It’s one of six counties in North Carolina that made the pivot from Obama to Trump.



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Police searching for suspect after Bay Terraces Jack in the Box robbed at gunpoint

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Police searching for suspect after Bay Terraces Jack in the Box robbed at gunpoint


SAN DIEGO (FOX 5/KUSI) — San Diego Police are searching for a suspect after a Jack in the Box fast food restaurant was robbed at gunpoint Saturday morning.

The San Diego Police Department (SDPD) reports a male suspect pointed a handgun at a cashier and took an undisclosed amount of money from the register at a Jack in the Box on Alta View Drive in the Bay Terraces neighborhood at 9:51 a.m. on Saturday.

There is currently no suspect in custody, according to SDPD. They are describing the suspect as a white man in his 30s, who is 5’11”, with a full beard and mustache. Police say he was wearing a green beanie/ski mask, khaki jacket, and brown pants.

Police confirmed no employees or customers were injured during the incident.

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SDPD Robbery Unit Detectives are investigating.

Anyone with information is asked to call the SDPD non-emergency line or Crime Stoppers at 888-580-8477.



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Honduras plans to build a 20,000-capacity ‘megaprison’ for gang members as part of a crackdown

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Honduras plans to build a 20,000-capacity ‘megaprison’ for gang members as part of a crackdown


TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras (AP) — The president of Honduras has announced the creation of a new 20,000-capacity “megaprison,” part of the government’s larger crackdown on gang violence and efforts to overhaul its long-troubled prison system.

President Xiomara Castro unveiled a series of emergency measures in a nationally televised address early Saturday, including plans to strengthen the military’s role in fighting organized crime, prosecute drug traffickers as terrorists and build new facilities to ease overcrowding as narcoviolence and other crimes mount in the nation of 10 million.

Left-wing Castro’s “megaprison” ambitions mirror those of President Nayib Bukele in neighboring El Salvador, who has built the largest prison in Latin America — a 40,000-capacity facility to house a surging number of detainees swept up in the president’s campaign of mass arrests.

Honduran security forces must “urgently carry out interventions” in all parts of the country now witnessing “the highest rates of gang violence, drug trafficking, money laundering” and other crimes, Castro said in her midnight address.

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Authorities plan to immediately construct and send dangerous gangsters to a 20,000-capacity prison near the rural province of Olancho, in the country’s east, said Maj. Gen. Roosevelt Hernández, the army chief of staff.

Escalated police raids have driven up the Honduran prison population to 19,500 inmates, crammed into a system designed for 13,000, the Honduran national committee against torture, or CONAPREV, reported last year.

The government has rushed to build new detention facilities. Last year, Castro announced plans to construct the only island prison colony in the Western Hemisphere — an isolated 2,000-capacity prison on the Islas del Cisne archipelago about 155 miles (250 kilometers) off the country’s coast.

The Honduran defense council also demanded that Congress change the penal code to allow authorities to detain suspected gang leaders without filing charges and carry out mass trials, as they do for alleged terrorists.

The raft of measures marked the latest example of Castro’s hard-line stance on security that intensified amid a surge of narcoviolence in 2022, when she imposed a state of emergency to combat the bloodshed and suspended part of the constitution — a page straight from the playbook of Bukele in El Salvador.

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Like Bukele’s anti-gang crackdown that has restricted civil liberties in El Salvador, Castro’s tactics have drawn criticism from human rights groups that accuse her government of taking its tough-on-crime tactics too far.

But Bukele’s success in eradicating gangs that once terrorized large swaths of El Salvador has won him admiration across the region, including in Honduras, where a weary public wants to see results.

Last week, Honduran Security Minister Gustavo Sánchez announced that the government recorded 20% fewer homicides in the first five months of 2024 compared to the same period last year.

Yet critics remain skeptical that the Bukele model can deliver results in Honduras, where gangs remain powerful and corruption entrenched, despite the recent drop in homicides.

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