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Colorado bars and restaurants preparing for possibility of ICE inspections

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Colorado bars and restaurants preparing for possibility of ICE inspections


It was a weekend night in April at Williams & Graham, the trend-setting speakeasy in Denver’s Highland neighborhood, and the staff was worried federal immigration agents had shown up nearby.

One of them called Tiffany Hernandez, a local bartender who had recently organized a seminar with a civil rights attorney that went over what to do in a similar situation. Hernandez reached out to the attorney, who said he would be at the bar in 20 minutes.

The officers outside Williams & Graham turned out to be Denver Police officers conducting routine underage drinking enforcement rather than immigration agents, bar co-owner Saydee Hopkins told The Denver Post in an e-mail. The attorney wasn’t needed that night.

Williams & Graham has been a bar in Denver’s Highland neighborhood for 13 years. (AAron Ontiveroz, The Denver Post)

But the scene is indicative of the trepidation hanging over bars and restaurants across the country following President Donald Trump’s re-election. Earlier this month, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents checked the work authorizations of employees at 100 restaurants in Washington, D.C. as part of a larger sweep, according to the New York Times.

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In Colorado, ICE officers have raided apartment complexes in Aurora and a clandestine party in Colorado Springs, and migrant rights’ advocates and attorneys say it’s not a question of “if” they will move on to restaurants and other businesses in the state, but “when.”

“I’m kind of surprised we haven’t seen this yet,” Raquel Lane-Arellano, a spokesperson for the Colorado Immigrant Rights Coalition, said. “It’s just a matter of time before we see a business hit in a significant way.”

As a result, the food and beverage industry is preparing itself in several ways.

The Colorado Immigrant Rights Coalition, Service Employees International Union and Colorado Restaurant Association have held webinars and prepared guides on how managers of restaurants or other establishments should conduct themselves in case ICE arrives for an inspection. For their information, the restaurant association consulted with Fisher Phillips, a national law firm that runs a 24/7 hotline employers can call for advice during a sweep.

Hernandez, 32, doubled down on those efforts by taking it upon herself to keep her fellow bar managers informed and by traveling to industry conventions across the country.

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The bar lead at Xiquita Restaurante y Bar, Hernandez was born and grew up in Los Angeles, set on making it big in the bartending world. Proud of her Mexican heritage, she took the job at Xiquita so she could work with agave spirits, like tequila.

When Trump won his second term, it seemed like the nation was rejecting that heritage, she said. “We’re seeing abuse of our culture and our people.”

More ICE activity

The American food industry is reliant on immigrant labor. The Center for Migration Studies last year estimated that 1 million people were working in restaurants undocumented.

That’s partly why a police presence near or at bars can snowball into rumors of visits from ICE agents, amplifying the unease felt by owners and their workers.

“We are hearing of more ICE activity in local restaurants and are working with our members to educate them about how to prepare for ICE raids and audits,” Colorado Restaurant Association spokesperson Denise Mickelsen said in a statement. “We … continue to share information from our legal partners so that restaurant workers and operators feel prepared.”

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A spokesperson for ICE said in an e-mail that its agents have recently held “worksite enforcement operations in and around the Denver area,” but wouldn’t specify businesses or if they included places where food and drink are served. The agents requested I-9 forms — documents that verify a person’s legal work status — from owners for their staff, the spokesperson said.

Anguished over the mass deportations around the country and scared for the future of her industry, Hernandez reached out to Milo Schwab, a civil rights attorney and a regular, with his wife, at Xiquita. The restaurant was already hosting regular talks about the culinary scene. She invited Schwab to come and pass along some basic information to bar managers about due process during an official search.

About 60 people attended the January meeting, Hernandez said. She then led a workshop at Pony Up, a downtown bar, the following month and another at Jungle in Boulder a month after that.

They looked over the types of warrants ICE agents were likely to show up with. They walked over the difference between public and private spaces inside of restaurants. Mainly, they answered questions from a group unfamiliar with, and concerned over, immigration check-ups.

Federal agents cannot conduct a business search without a warrant, though agents have shown up with improperly signed and even unsigned warrants in the past, Schwab said. The goal of the workshops, he said, is to give managers a little insight into these potential discrepancies.

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“It still is a mystery to many of them,” he said. “Because, while hopefully I demystified it just a touch, they still haven’t been through it.” (It was Schwab whom Hernandez later dispatched to Williams & Graham for what turned out to be a false alarm.)

Chamoy margaritas at Xiquita in Denverroado on Tuesday, July 30, 2024. (Photo by AAron Ontiveroz/The Denver Post)
Chamoy margaritas at Xiquita in Denverroado on Tuesday, July 30, 2024. (Photo by AAron Ontiveroz/The Denver Post)

At another bar near Williams & Graham, whose owner asked to remain unnamed to quell misinformation, rumors of ICE sightings have previously spread on two separate instances. One was police serving a liquor license violation; the other was officers coincidentally responding to a car crash on the street, the owner said.

Denver police spokesman Doug Schepman said in a statement that officers are prohibited by state and local law from enforcing civil federal immigration laws and don’t ask about immigration status when they are handling liquor license issues.

Taking no chances

The federal government’s immigration crackdown has spread fear among Latinos in the U.S., 42% of whom worry they or someone they know could face deportation, according to a Pew Research Center report from April. Immigration sweeps in restaurants are also not unprecedented and were a notorious practice for two decades under former Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio in Arizona.

So, when a friend invited her to attend Arizona Cocktail Week in Phoenix in March, Hernandez asked if she could speak at the industry convention. There she partnered with Juliana Manzanarez, another immigration attorney who will accompany her to upcoming bar conventions in New Orleans, Nashville and Brooklyn, she said. The pair is raising funds to cover airfare and lodging for the events.

To Manzanarez, who remembers Arpaio’s immigration sweeps in Phoenix and is concerned about whether the current presidential administration is violating people’s Constitutional rights, the rumors and level of high alert in Denver are warranted.

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“Enforcement now is heavy. Don’t assume that it can’t happen to you,” Manzanarez said.

For Hernandez and the two attorneys, the point is not to keep officials from doing their job; rather, it’s for restaurants to document the interaction they may have and for officers to comply with the rules for a search.

“People are now just understanding a hundred days in [to Trump’s presidency] actually how important it is to know what their constitutional rights are,” Hernandez said. “Because we’re already seeing due process getting taken away.”

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Where did Colorado’s wolves spend time in December? 

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Where did Colorado’s wolves spend time in December? 


While some of the wolves are part of Colorado’s four packs establishing territories in Pitkin, Jackson, Routt and Rio Blanco counties, others continue to search the landscape for mates and suitable food sources and habitat. 

Largely, however, wolf exploration of Colorado remains within similar northern counties in December, according to the latest wolf activity map shared by Colorado Parks and Wildlife on Dec. 23. 

The map — which shows the watersheds where the state’s collared gray wolves were located between Nov. 25 and Dec. 19 — shows that wolves continue to be most active in the northwest, while  also pushing into watersheds to the south and east. 



While the map continues to show activity in some Front Range area watersheds within Larimer, Denver, Boulder and Jefferson counties, the agency reported that “no wolves have crossed I-25 or spent time near urban centers.” 

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If a watershed is highlighted, it means that at least one GPS point from one wolf was recorded in that watershed during the 30 days. GPS points are recorded every four hours or so. The latest map also shows activity in Routt, Rio Blanco, Eagle, Jackson, Larimer, Grand, Summit, Gilpin, Clear Creek, Park, Lake, Chaffee, Gunnison, Garfield, Saguache, Rio Grande and Conejos counties.   



While wolves have been exploring southern watersheds for months, Colorado saw its first wolf enter New Mexico and be returned by the southwestern state’s wildlife agency in December. Colorado has an agreement with Utah, New Mexico and Arizona in which any gray wolves from Colorado that enter these three states can be captured and returned to Parks and Wildlife. 

According to Parks and Wildlife, the male gray wolf was among those born to the Copper Creek pack in 2024 and dispersed from the pack in the fall. Dispersal is common for young wolves as they leave their birth pack, attempt to make it on their own and search for a mate. The animal was released in Grand County — a decision that sparked concerns from state and local elected officials as well as some wildlife advocates — in a location reportedly distanced from livestock and near to an unpaired female wolf as well as prey populations.  

The watershed map shows that there was wolf activity in Conejos County along the New Mexico state border. It also shows wolf activity brushing up against the Wyoming border. Parks and Wildlife does not have an agreement with its northern neighbor. Instead, wolves that enter Wyoming lose their protections as an endangered species and can be hunted in the vast majority of the state. Three of Colorado’s reintroduced wolves have died after going north. 

Colorado is nearly two years into its reintroduction of gray wolves, releasing a total of 25 wolves. Four packs had pups this year, but Parks and Wildlife has not released minimum counts of new wolf pups for all the packs. It says it will release the count in its annual wolf report, released each spring. Eleven wolf deaths have been confirmed. 
While the agency was looking to conduct its third year of wolf releases in the southwest this winter, Parks and Wildlife has yet to secure a source of wolves. The agency had planned to return to British Columbia; however, the federal government, under a new director, said it could no longer import the wolves from outside the country.

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Opinion: Colorado must invest in evidence-based policies to prevent harm from substances, not costly criminalization

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Opinion: Colorado must invest in evidence-based policies to prevent harm from substances, not costly criminalization


Across the nation, the opioid epidemic has wreaked havoc on the health and lives of far too many, and Colorado is no exception. According to Mental Health America, Colorado ranks fourth and seventh in the country for adults and youth with substance use disorders, respectively. That means thousands of our friends, neighbors and loved ones are living with addiction and can’t get the help they need. Overdose deaths in Colorado have risen sharply since 2019, largely due to the proliferation of fentanyl, with 1,603 deaths in 2024 alone, according to the state. 

It’s a public health crisis, and one we’re now at risk of making even worse. Last month, supporters turned in signatures to send Initiative #85 to the 2026 ballot, a measure that would increase criminal penalties for fentanyl crimes. We feel this threatens to drag us backward toward the failed policies and practices of the past rather than working toward a healthier future.

At the same time, state and federal funding for treatment and prevention is drying up. The recently passed federal spending bill HR1 will mean devastating changes to Medicaid, gutting the single most important source of funding for substance use treatment in the country. For the past several years, as more states have expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, Medicaid has emerged as the leading source of coverage for addiction treatment in the nation. 

A recent Brookings study found that nearly 90% of treatment for opioid addiction is paid for, at least in part, by Medicaid. These cuts will leave our already strained systems unable to meet the growing demand, particularly for low-income and disabled individuals who will have fewer treatment options and more barriers to care. 

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Meanwhile, Colorado faced a $1.2 billion budget shortfall this year, and even more deficits are on the horizon for 2026. The state is stuck in a cycle of annual budget shortfalls of roughly $1 billion, making it increasingly difficult to cover existing programs and skyrocketing Medicaid costs. That means fewer resources to fill in federal funding gaps, a fraying behavioral health safety net, and an increasingly stressed population that is highly vulnerable to substance use and harm. 

Given this grim picture, it’s never been more critical to prioritize smart, effective policy to combat the overdose crisis. We should be focusing our scarce funding on evidence-based substance use prevention, treatment and recovery support, not costly, ineffective drug war criminalization policies that are historically discriminatory in their implementation and proven to fail. 

Mitigating and reversing the drug addiction crisis in Colorado and across the nation is complex and has to involve multiple strategies working in tandem to decrease supply and demand. While increasing criminal penalties related to drug addiction among individuals may seem like a tough-on-crime approach, it has not and will not resolve the drug addiction crisis nor dissolve the supply or the demand for illicit drugs.

Decades of data show that criminalizing substance users doesn’t reduce addiction or overdose. Recently, researchers at the University of Colorado Anschutz found the following: “Intensified drug enforcement laws have little deterrent effect on substance use and may worsen health outcomes. Fear of being arrested fosters riskier substance use behaviors and increased overdose risk. Incarceration and the subsequent stigma experienced by people with substance use disorder work in tandem to create barriers for treatment access and worsen mental health, creating a structurally reinforced cycle of isolation.” 

The research is clear. Harsh penalties haven’t protected our communities from the dangers of fentanyl. They have only compounded harm and pushed people deeper into the shadows, making it harder to seek help, and saddling individuals with felony records that create lifelong barriers to employment, housing, and recovery. 

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Policies like the proposed 2026 ballot measure to increase felony charges for drug possession are not just misguided — they cost taxpayer dollars. They further overburden law enforcement agencies, flood jails, courtrooms and prisons that are already beyond their capacity, and ultimately do nothing to address the core of the opioid epidemic.

Instead of doubling down on punishing people who use substances, we need to expand what works: prevention programs in schools and communities, access to harm reduction tools like naloxone, and a robust continuum of care that includes outpatient and residential treatment. We need more support for peer recovery professionals, more public education and more investment in what keeps people healthy, which includes housing, food security and opportunities for connection. We need to act together, with assertive intelligence, to disrupt the black market drug trafficking that is the enemy of the people.

The opioid crisis is a public health crisis and demands a public health response. Colorado has the knowledge, data and tools to build a more effective and compassionate system. But we cannot do it if we are bleeding out resources to punitive policies that fail the people they claim to help.

Let’s not go backward. Let’s invest in health and safety and give Coloradans a real chance at recovery.

Vincent Atchity, of Denver, is the president and CEO of Mental Health Colorado.

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José Esquibel, of Jefferson County, is the former vice chair of the Colorado Substance Abuse Trend and Response Task Force.


The Colorado Sun is a nonpartisan news organization, and the opinions of columnists and editorial writers do not reflect the opinions of the newsroom. Read our ethics policy for more on The Sun’s opinion policy. Learn how to submit a column. Reach the opinion editor at opinion@coloradosun.com.

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Bright Leaf helps grandparents raising grandkids in Colorado as they face holiday hardships

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Bright Leaf helps grandparents raising grandkids in Colorado as they face holiday hardships


At a kitchen table in Arvada, backpacks and homework papers take over. It’s a common sight for Carla Aguilar, but one she never expected to repeat.

“I thought I was all done raising kids, you know?” Aguilar said.

Carla Aguilar and her 8-year-old granddaughter, Athena.

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For more than a decade, Aguilar has been raising her two granddaughters, Ava and Athena. Ava, 12, was too shy to appear on camera, but 8-year-old Athena proudly showed how her grandmother helps her learn.

“She helps me read,” Athena said. “She taught me how to write correctly.”

Aguilar, 55, is disabled and lives on a fixed income. She says every day is a balancing act, and this time of year is challenging.

“Holidays are hard, so we’re kind of dealing with that right now,” she said.

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Aguilar’s story is far from unique. According to the latest data from the American Society on Aging and the U.S. Census Bureau, more than 2 million grandparents nationwide are primary caregivers for their grandchildren. In Colorado, more than 36,000 families face the same reality, often with limited financial resources and little support.

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Carla Aguilar

CBS


“Most of these seniors are on fixed income, social security, disability, and you can’t really stretch that too far in Colorado these days,” said Steve Olguin, executive director of Bright Leaf, a nonprofit that helps older adults across the state.

Bright Leaf started as a small community group and now provides free home repairs, food assistance, and other essentials to seniors statewide. Its newest initiative, GrandCare Alliance, focuses on grandparents raising grandkids — offering help with school costs, activity fees, and holiday wish lists.

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“We’re just trying to help out so it’s not as rough for them,” Olguin said.

For Aguilar, that support is a lifeline. She says her granddaughters are her world, and she’ll never stop fighting for them.

“They’re my heart, my soul, everything,” Aguilar said. “I will take care of them until my last breath.”

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Steve Olguin, executive director of Bright Leaf.

CBS

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Bright Leaf is asking for the community’s help in supporting the GrandCare Alliance and its other services. Those who want more information on how to volunteer and donate can visit their website. 



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