Colorado
Colorado bars and restaurants preparing for possibility of ICE inspections
It was a weekend night in April at Williams & Graham, the trend-setting speakeasy in Denver’s Highland neighborhood, and the staff was worried federal immigration agents had shown up nearby.
One of them called Tiffany Hernandez, a local bartender who had recently organized a seminar with a civil rights attorney that went over what to do in a similar situation. Hernandez reached out to the attorney, who said he would be at the bar in 20 minutes.
The officers outside Williams & Graham turned out to be Denver Police officers conducting routine underage drinking enforcement rather than immigration agents, bar co-owner Saydee Hopkins told The Denver Post in an e-mail. The attorney wasn’t needed that night.
But the scene is indicative of the trepidation hanging over bars and restaurants across the country following President Donald Trump’s re-election. Earlier this month, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents checked the work authorizations of employees at 100 restaurants in Washington, D.C. as part of a larger sweep, according to the New York Times.
In Colorado, ICE officers have raided apartment complexes in Aurora and a clandestine party in Colorado Springs, and migrant rights’ advocates and attorneys say it’s not a question of “if” they will move on to restaurants and other businesses in the state, but “when.”
“I’m kind of surprised we haven’t seen this yet,” Raquel Lane-Arellano, a spokesperson for the Colorado Immigrant Rights Coalition, said. “It’s just a matter of time before we see a business hit in a significant way.”
As a result, the food and beverage industry is preparing itself in several ways.
The Colorado Immigrant Rights Coalition, Service Employees International Union and Colorado Restaurant Association have held webinars and prepared guides on how managers of restaurants or other establishments should conduct themselves in case ICE arrives for an inspection. For their information, the restaurant association consulted with Fisher Phillips, a national law firm that runs a 24/7 hotline employers can call for advice during a sweep.
Hernandez, 32, doubled down on those efforts by taking it upon herself to keep her fellow bar managers informed and by traveling to industry conventions across the country.
The bar lead at Xiquita Restaurante y Bar, Hernandez was born and grew up in Los Angeles, set on making it big in the bartending world. Proud of her Mexican heritage, she took the job at Xiquita so she could work with agave spirits, like tequila.
When Trump won his second term, it seemed like the nation was rejecting that heritage, she said. “We’re seeing abuse of our culture and our people.”
More ICE activity
The American food industry is reliant on immigrant labor. The Center for Migration Studies last year estimated that 1 million people were working in restaurants undocumented.
That’s partly why a police presence near or at bars can snowball into rumors of visits from ICE agents, amplifying the unease felt by owners and their workers.
“We are hearing of more ICE activity in local restaurants and are working with our members to educate them about how to prepare for ICE raids and audits,” Colorado Restaurant Association spokesperson Denise Mickelsen said in a statement. “We … continue to share information from our legal partners so that restaurant workers and operators feel prepared.”
A spokesperson for ICE said in an e-mail that its agents have recently held “worksite enforcement operations in and around the Denver area,” but wouldn’t specify businesses or if they included places where food and drink are served. The agents requested I-9 forms — documents that verify a person’s legal work status — from owners for their staff, the spokesperson said.
Anguished over the mass deportations around the country and scared for the future of her industry, Hernandez reached out to Milo Schwab, a civil rights attorney and a regular, with his wife, at Xiquita. The restaurant was already hosting regular talks about the culinary scene. She invited Schwab to come and pass along some basic information to bar managers about due process during an official search.
About 60 people attended the January meeting, Hernandez said. She then led a workshop at Pony Up, a downtown bar, the following month and another at Jungle in Boulder a month after that.
They looked over the types of warrants ICE agents were likely to show up with. They walked over the difference between public and private spaces inside of restaurants. Mainly, they answered questions from a group unfamiliar with, and concerned over, immigration check-ups.
Federal agents cannot conduct a business search without a warrant, though agents have shown up with improperly signed and even unsigned warrants in the past, Schwab said. The goal of the workshops, he said, is to give managers a little insight into these potential discrepancies.
“It still is a mystery to many of them,” he said. “Because, while hopefully I demystified it just a touch, they still haven’t been through it.” (It was Schwab whom Hernandez later dispatched to Williams & Graham for what turned out to be a false alarm.)

At another bar near Williams & Graham, whose owner asked to remain unnamed to quell misinformation, rumors of ICE sightings have previously spread on two separate instances. One was police serving a liquor license violation; the other was officers coincidentally responding to a car crash on the street, the owner said.
Denver police spokesman Doug Schepman said in a statement that officers are prohibited by state and local law from enforcing civil federal immigration laws and don’t ask about immigration status when they are handling liquor license issues.
Taking no chances
The federal government’s immigration crackdown has spread fear among Latinos in the U.S., 42% of whom worry they or someone they know could face deportation, according to a Pew Research Center report from April. Immigration sweeps in restaurants are also not unprecedented and were a notorious practice for two decades under former Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio in Arizona.
So, when a friend invited her to attend Arizona Cocktail Week in Phoenix in March, Hernandez asked if she could speak at the industry convention. There she partnered with Juliana Manzanarez, another immigration attorney who will accompany her to upcoming bar conventions in New Orleans, Nashville and Brooklyn, she said. The pair is raising funds to cover airfare and lodging for the events.
To Manzanarez, who remembers Arpaio’s immigration sweeps in Phoenix and is concerned about whether the current presidential administration is violating people’s Constitutional rights, the rumors and level of high alert in Denver are warranted.
“Enforcement now is heavy. Don’t assume that it can’t happen to you,” Manzanarez said.
For Hernandez and the two attorneys, the point is not to keep officials from doing their job; rather, it’s for restaurants to document the interaction they may have and for officers to comply with the rules for a search.
“People are now just understanding a hundred days in [to Trump’s presidency] actually how important it is to know what their constitutional rights are,” Hernandez said. “Because we’re already seeing due process getting taken away.”
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Colorado
Colorado man sentenced to over 40 years in prison for murder of ex-girlfriend
A Boulder County man was sentenced to 48 years in prison for murdering his ex-girlfriend and dumping her body in 2024.
The Boulder County Sheriff’s Office said Christine Barron Olivas’s body was discovered in a remote area of unincorporated Boulder County on Sept. 14, 2024. She was last seen leaving the neighborhood with her boyfriend, Carlos Dosal, the week prior.
The coroner’s office determined the cause of her death was strangulation.
In Feb. 2026, Dosal pleaded guilty to second-degree murder as a crime of domestic violence in her death. On Saturday, the judge sentenced him to 48 years in the Colorado Department of Corrections.
Colorado
Saturday Night Showdown | Colorado Avalanche
Leading the Way
Nate the Great
MacKinnon is tied for fifth in the NHL in points (10), while ranking tied for seventh in goals (4) and tied for ninth in assists (6).
All Hail Cale
Cale Makar is tied for first in goals (4) among NHL defensemen,
Toewser Laser
Among NHL blueliners, Devon Toews is tied for third in points (7) while ranking tied for fifth in assists (5) and tied for sixth in goals (2).
Series History
The Avalanche and Wild have met in the playoffs on three previous occasions, all in the Round One, with Minnesota winning in 2003 and 2014 in seven games while Colorado was victorious in six contests in 2008.
Making Plays Against Minnesota
MacKinnon has posted 16 points (4g/12a) in nine playoff games against the Wild, in addition to 70 points (27g/43a) in 55 regular-season contests.
Makar has registered three points (2g/1a) in two playoff contests against Minnesota, along with 26 points (6g/20a) in 29 regular-season games.
Necas has recorded five points (1g/4a) in two playoff games against the Wild, in addition to nine points (5g/4a) in 15 regular-season games.
Scoring in the Twin Cities
Quinn Hughes is tied for the Wild lead in points (11) and assists (8) while ranking tied for second in goals (3).
Kaprizov is tied for first on the Wild in assists (8) and points (11) while ranking tied for second in goals (3).
Matt Boldy leads the Wild in goals (6) while ranking third in points (10) and tied for fourth in assists (4).
A Numbers Game
4.50
Colorado’s 4.50 goals per game on the road in the playoffs are tied for the most in the NHL.
39
MacKinnon’s 39 playoff goals since 2020-21 are the second most in the NHL.
2.17
The Avalanche’s 2.17 goals against per game in the playoffs are the second fewest in the NHL.
Quote That Left a Mark
“It should definitely get you up and excited. It’s gonna be a good test. [It’s a] great building and [it’s] against a desperate team. It’s gonna be great.”
— Gabriel Landeskog on playing in Minnesota
Colorado
Colorado Gov. Jared Polis signs state budget, with Medicaid taking brunt of cuts to close $1.5 billion gap
Colorado Gov. Jared Polis on Friday, May 8, signed into law a $46.8 billion state budget that cuts healthcare spending but preserves funding for K-12 education.
The budget applies to the 2026-27 fiscal year, which begins on July 1, and caps months of work by lawmakers, who wrestled with how to close a roughly $1.5 billion gap that ultimately forced reductions to Medicaid funding and other programs.
“This year was incredibly difficult and challenged each of us in a myriad of ways that put our values to the test,” said Rep. Emily Sirtota, a Denver Democrat and chair of the bipartisan Joint Budget Committee, which crafts the state’s spending plan before it is voted on by the full legislature. “It’s a zero-sum game. A dollar here means a dollar less over here.”
The state’s spending gap was the result of several factors.
The legislature is limited in how it can spend under the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, or TABOR, an amendment to the state constitution approved by voters in 1992 that limits government revenue growth to the rate of population growth plus inflation.
Lawmakers are also dealing with the consequences of increased spending on programs they created or expanded in recent years, some of which have seen their costs balloon beyond their original estimates. Costs for Medicaid services, in particular, have surged, driven by inflation, expanded benefits and greater demand for expensive, long-term care services due to Colorado’s aging population.
Medicaid cuts
Medicaid recently eclipsed K-12 education as the single-largest chunk of the state’s general fund and now accounts for roughly one-third of all spending from that fund.
Lawmakers, who are required by the state constitution to pass a deficit-free budget, said they had no choice but to cut Medicaid funding as a result.
That includes a 2% reduction to the state’s reimbursement rate for most Medicaid providers. The budget also institutes a $3,000 cap on adult dental benefits, limits billable hours for at-home caregivers of family members with severe disabilities to 56 hours per week and phases out, by Jan. 1, automatic enrollment for children with disabilities to receive 24/7 care as adults.
The budget also cuts benefits and places new limits on Cover All Coloradans, a program created by the legislature in 2022 that provides identical coverage as Medicaid to low-income immigrant children and pregnant women, regardless of their immigration status.
That includes an end to long-term care services for new enrollees, a $1,100 limit on dental benefits, and an annual enrollment cap of 25,000 for children 18 or younger. The cuts come as spending on the program has grown more than 600% beyond its original estimate, going from roughly $14.7 million to an estimated $104.5 million for the 2025-26 fiscal year.
While the budget still represents an overall increase in Medicaid spending compared to this year, funding is roughly half of what it would have been had lawmakers not made any changes to benefits and provider rates, which total about $270 million in savings for the state.
Healthcare leaders say the cuts will exacerbate an already challenging environment for providers, who are bracing for less federal support after Congress last year passed sweeping Medicaid cuts and declined to renew enhanced subsidies for the Affordable Care Act.
For rural hospitals in particular, Medicaid is one of their key funding drivers.
“While a 2% (Medicaid reimbursement rate cut) doesn’t sound like a whole lot, when we already have close to 50% of our rural hospitals statewide operating in the red and 70% with unsustainable margins, facing another 2% (cut) on top of that is just devastating,” said Michelle Mills, CEO for the Colorado Rural Health Center, which represents rural hospitals on the Western Slope and Eastern Plains.
If the state provides less reimbursement for Medicaid services, Mills said it will lead to fewer providers accepting Medicaid plans. That in turn will mean fewer care options for people, particularly in Colorado’s rural counties, where healthcare services are already more limited.
“I feel like all of the decisions and cuts that they’re making are hitting everyone,” she said.
Rep. Rick Taggart, a Grand Junction Republican and budget committee member, said cuts to healthcare led to “a lot of tears.”

“This was a tough budget, and nobody won in this budget, but we did what we had to do by way of the (state) constitution,” he said.
While Medicaid saw some of the biggest cuts, lawmakers also trimmed spending from a suite of other programs, including financial aid for adoptive parents and grants providing mental health support for law enforcement.
Preserving K-12 education
One of the brighter spots for Polis and lawmakers in the budget is K-12 education.
After years of chronically underfunding the state’s schools, lawmakers in 2024 rolled out a revamped funding formula and abolished what was known as the budget stabilization factor, a Great Recession-era mechanism that had allowed the state to skirt its constitutional funding obligation to schools for more than a decade.
The new funding formula went into effect this school year, and the state is set to continue delivering higher levels of K-12 funding in the 2026-27 fiscal year budget. The budget allocates roughly $10.19 billion in K-12 funding, an increase of roughly $194.8 million, though the specifics of that spending are still being worked out in a separate bill, the 2026 School Finance Act, which has yet to pass the legislature.
The finance act guides how state and local funds are allocated to Colorado’s 178 school districts on a per-pupil basis. As it stands now, the bill is on track to increase per-pupil funding by $440 per student for the 2026-27 fiscal year, for a total of $12,314 per student.
“We are not returning to the days of underfunding our schools and a budget stabilization factor,” Polis said.

Still, there are challenges on the horizon for some districts.
Combined with a proposed three-year averaging model for student counts instead of the current four-year averaging, recent dips in student enrollment across the state will weigh more heavily on how much funding is allocated to each district. The shift to three-year averaging advances the state’s plan to gradually phase in the new school finance formula by 2030-31.
With several districts seeing decreased year-over-year enrollment and rising operational expenses like healthcare, some Western Slope school districts are poised to see less funding compared to this year, while others are seeing their increases eaten up by inflation.
A note on wolves
The topic of Colorado’s spending on gray wolf reintroduction hasn’t gone away, and while Medicaid headlined much of the budget discussions, lawmakers also used the spending plan to send a message on the future of the wolf program.
While the budget allocates $2.1 from the general fund to Colorado Parks and Wildlife to spend on wolf reintroduction, it also contains a footnote from lawmakers asking the agency not to use the money to acquire new wolves.
Footnotes are not legally binding, but rather serve as a direction or guidance from lawmakers to agencies on how they want certain funds spent.
Under the footnote, the wildlife agency could still use gifts, grants, donations and non-license revenue from its wildlife cash fund to bring additional wolves to Colorado. Most of the agency’s wolf funding goes toward personnel, followed by operating costs, compensation for ranchers and conflict minimization programs and tools.
Education reporter Andrea Teres-Martinez and wildlife and environmental reporter Ali Longwell contributed to this story.
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