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It’s been a year of modest victories and tough losses for California’s reparations movement. What comes next?

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It’s been a year of modest victories and tough losses for California’s reparations movement. What comes next?


California is often celebrated as a leader in the growing movement for reparations for Black Americans. In 2020, it announced its first-in-the-nation reparations taskforce, which was charged with studying the issue and making recommendations for redress. Since then, it’s inspired similar initiatives across the US. But actually implementing those reparations proposals hasn’t been as easy.

Over the past year, members of California’s Legislative Black Caucus put forward a package of bills that drew on the taskforce’s policy recommendations released last June. They included initiatives to increase access to education for Black Californians, prohibit race-based discrimination in schools and workplaces, and offer restitution for mid-century racist eminent domain programs in which the homes and businesses of Black residents were seized by the state.

After final votes were taken in August, fewer than half the bills passed.

Kamilah Moore, a reparatory justice scholar and attorney who chaired the state’s reparations taskforce, spoke to the Guardian about what these mixed results mean, where the movement goes from here, and how the elections could shape the future fight for reparations. The conversation has been edited for clarity and length.

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When the legislative session closed at the end of August, six of the 14 priority bills were ultimately passed and signed by the governor. What do you make of this – is this a success or a setback?

It’s a mix of both. The taskforce worked for two years to compile evidence to justify a claim for reparations. We spent a lot of time drafting our final report, and we were very intentional about our policy recommendations.

So, yes, it’s a success in the sense that the bills introduced by the Legislative Black Caucus were inspired by our final report. And the fact that half of them passed is great. It’s historic, and I want to give credit where credit is due.

At the same time, there were other bills introduced by legislators that would have provided more immediate or material change that were voted down. Some were killed earlier in the session, with legislators citing the budget deficit. Others were killed at the last minute by legislators from the Black caucus for reasons the community is still trying to figure out.

Which achievements from this legislative session feel most impactful?

One is an amendment to the California constitution to no longer allow a slavery loophole if you’re convicted for a crime. It’s going to be on the ballot on November 5 as Proposition 6, and if it passes, prisoners will no longer be able to be forced to work for slave wages. While it’s going to have a direct and almost immediate impact on all prisoners, no matter their race, it will be felt most by Black Americans, who are disproportionately represented in California state prisons and jails.

Another was the formal apology bill [which Newsom signed in September]. When most Americans think about reparations, they think about money or a check, but compensation is just one form of reparations under international law. The legal definition comprises five forms, one of which is satisfaction (the other three are restitution, rehabilitation and guarantees of non-repetition), which can relate to something like an apology.

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But an official recognition of wrongdoing from the state does more than check off a box. It provides a foundation for advocates to stand on in the fight for more substantive and material reparations – like, eventually, direct cash payments or free college tuition. It means the state can’t be let off the hook.

Among those that failed, which are the biggest losses?

Some of the biggest losses to the community include Senate Bill 1331, which would have created a new account in the state treasury to fund reparations programs, policies and initiatives; SB 1403, which would have created a new state agency to provide direct services to descendants of slaves; and SB 1050, which would have given an avenue to reclaim land that was taken by the government via racially motivated eminent domain.

On the last day of the California state legislature, people thought that the Black caucus was going to introduce two of those bills – the fund bill and the agency bill – for final vote. But at the last minute, they decided not to. It was a psychic blow for us reparationists to see Black legislators fail to carry through two of the most transformative bills in state history.

The third was vetoed by Newsom after it passed through the state legislature. But the move was deceptive, as Newsom used another bill’s absence — an absence he had himself orchestrated — as justification for the veto.

It’s notable that none of the 14 bills put forth by the California Legislative Black Caucus this year included cash payments. What do you make of this?

As chair of the taskforce, I can say that we did our work. The statute stated that our final recommendations had to comport with international human rights law standards, meaning they would need to include compensation. We took that mandate very seriously.

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We hired five trained economists to help us crunch the numbers to figure out what compensation could look like. We didn’t want to just come up with any number. We wanted it to be rooted in data and a solid methodology.

The final figure – $800bn – got a lot of attention. There was shell shock even among taskforce members. But we weren’t saying that the state should give $800bn to Black Americans in the state. We were saying that’s how much the state has dispossessed from African Americans in California. That’s how much the state has stolen from African Americans in California through exclusionary public policy – like housing segregation, mass incarceration, over-policing and the devaluation of Black businesses – that has hindered our opportunities to build wealth over time.

Then, the University of California, Berkeley, released a poll that found most Californians opposed direct cash payments, and that became the major headline. Speaking from the outside looking in, I think that played into the calculus of the Legislative Black Caucus. To me, it appears their strategy was to take a low-hanging-fruit approach by introducing recommendations from the taskforce report that were easy wins instead of more substantive ones, like direct cash payments and other forms of material reparations.

Do you think that California has fallen short on its promise, or has it shown that progress – even if incremental – is possible?

Data show that when the Black community thinks about reparations, there’s a hope gap. So, while most of us think there should be reparations – and will be in line if that day comes – the majority of us don’t think that day will ever come.

I think the work of the taskforce has truncated that hope gap a little bit. The apology bill has shown that this is possible. And even though other bills didn’t pass, they came very close. People can taste it.

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Even with some of the legislative setbacks of this past year, the movement for reparations in the state and nationally is more invigorated than ever. Black people are seeing that this is a serious movement. They want to be involved and to see more material reparations in this next session. All across the nation, people are energized.

What are reparations advocates thinking now? What are the next steps, both in California and nationally, especially to make sure that any future reparations bills are impactful, not just symbolic?

This session, we got a lot of symbolism. The bills that passed are cool, but we’re looking for more material reparations in this next session.

First off, the community is advocating for the Black caucus to reintroduce the two bills that they killed. We’re also expecting legislators to reintroduce some bills that died in appropriations earlier this year, like one that would have given property tax relief to descendants of slaves living in formerly redlined neighborhoods, or another that would have given descendants housing grants to purchase their first home or to pay down a mortgage. Finally, we’re hoping to see new bills inspired by the taskforce’s work for things like free college tuition.

Nationally, it depends on who wins. Some organizations are pushing for President Biden to create a reparations commission via executive order before he gets out of office.

Speaking of the national stage, as a senator, Kamala Harris backed HR 40, which would have created a commission to study reparations, but this year she has largely side-stepped the issue. What do you expect from her if she’s elected?

Vice-President Kamala Harris has been asked about reparations a couple of times on the campaign trail recently, and she thinks it should be studied. So, if she wins – and if there’s a blue House and a blue Senate – I think there will be an uptick in trying to put the appropriate pressure on Congress to pass a reparations commission. But she indicated to the National Association of Black Journalists she doesn’t want to do it via executive order. It will have to go through Congress.

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And if Trump wins?

Trump has already touted a Project 2025 talking point about disbanding the Department of Education. He also said he would withhold funding from schools that teach the histories of Native American genocide and of chattel slavery. But in California, we teach the truth. So, when Donald Trump says he wants to eliminate the Department of Education and withhold federal funding from localities or states that teach the things that are in our taskforce report, that is alarming. He has also criticized Kamala Harris by saying she wants to issue taxpayer-funded reparations. Piecing that together, it doesn’t look great for reparations if he becomes president.



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Not the beef: Testing bolsters case against California onions in McDonald's E. coli outbreak

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Not the beef: Testing bolsters case against California onions in McDonald's E. coli outbreak


McDonald’s Quarter Pounders are back on the menu in hundreds of restaurants after new testing confirmed that the chain’s beef patties were not to blame for a deadly E. coli outbreak, strengthening the case that California onions served on the burgers were the culprit.

Salinas-based produce company Taylor Farms was the onion supplier in all restaurant locations connected to the outbreak, and the fast-food chain has indefinitely halted business with them, McDonald’s has confirmed. Over the weekend, McDonald’s received test results from the Colorado Department of Agriculture that found no traces of E. coli in samples of their burger patties.

On Sunday, McDonald’s executive Cesar Piña issued a statement seeking to reassure the public that all of its products were now safe to eat.

“The issue appears to be contained to a particular ingredient and geography,” stated Piña, the company’s chief supply chain officer for North America. “We remain very confident that any contaminated product related to this outbreak has been removed from our supply chain and is out of all McDonald’s restaurants.”

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Since the outbreak was announced Tuesday, at least 75 people have been confirmed infected in 13 states, 22 have been hospitalized, and one has died in Colorado, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

At least 26 people were infected in Colorado, 13 in Montana, 11 in Nebraska, five each in New Mexico and Utah, four each in Missouri and Wyoming, two in Michigan and one each in Iowa, Kansas, Oregon, Wisconsin and Washington, the CDC reported Friday. So far, no California cases have been reported.

Most people reported eating a McDonald’s Quarter Pounder prior to becoming ill, and the Food and Drug Administration focused its investigation on the burger’s beef patties and slivered onions, according to the CDC.

Last week, Taylor Farms voluntarily announced a recall on four onion products “due to potential E. coli contamination.” Several other fast-food chains have pulled the company’s onions including Burger King, Taco Bell, Kentucky Fried Chicken, Habit Burger & Grill and Pizza Hut.

The FDA is continuing to investigate the cause of the outbreak and has yet to confirm that Taylor Farm onions are the source.

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The testing over the weekend by the Colorado Department of Agriculture found no traces of E. coli in McDonald’s burger patties, ruling them out as a potential source.

The department tested multiple lots of McDonald’s brand fresh and frozen beef patties collected from various Colorado McDonald’s locations associated with the outbreak.

McDonald’s had stopped distributing Quarter Pounder beef patties to around 900 restaurants. Following the results of the Colorado department’s investigation, McDonald’s has asked its suppliers to produce a new supply of fresh beef patties for the affected restaurants and will resume selling Quarter Pounders in the coming week.

The most common E. coli symptoms include stomach cramps and diarrhea, and they typically start three to four days after ingesting the bacteria. Most people recover without treatment within a week.

In extreme cases, E. coli infections can cause hemolytic uremic syndrome, a condition that damages blood vessels in the kidneys. So far, two people have developed this dangerous complication, according to the CDC.

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The last reported infection began on Oct. 10, according to the CDC, giving hope that the worst of the outbreak is over.



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Alarming Production Drop Spurs Gavin Newsom to Propose Doubling Tax Credits to Hollywood

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Alarming Production Drop Spurs Gavin Newsom to Propose Doubling Tax Credits to Hollywood


MasterChef. Supergirl. The Kelly Clarkson Show. These productions all initially filmed in California but were convinced to leave at least in part due to more lucrative tax credits in others regions. Now, as runaway production and Hollywood cost-cutting threatens the state’s hold on the film and television business, Gov. Gavin Newsom is stepping in.

An early budget proposal looks to vastly increase California’s current cap for a program that provides tax relief to producers across the business from $330 million to $750 million a year, Newsom is set to reveal on Sunday. The expansion would shower as much as $3.75 billion in tax credits to the industry over five years starting in 2025.

If passed, the subsidy would be the most generous offered by any state except Georgia, which doesn’t have a ceiling on the amount it gives to productions per year. That includes New York, Hollywood’s second most-popular destination that California has increasingly been exchanging blows in a fight for productions amid a highly-competitive incentives race to attract Hollywood dollars.

“This means that film production can stay,” says Los Angeles mayor Karen Bass. “It means that all of the jobs that would be lost, because they they would go to another state or overseas, would stay here.”

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Further changes to the program have yet to be finalized. Potential amendments could affect the maximum amount a single production can receive in tax relief and what types of expenditures qualify for incentives.

“We’ll be taking into consideration a range of additions and potential fixes to the existing program,” says Colleen Bell, director of the California Film Commission, which oversees film and TV production throughout the state. “Everyone is in the business of luring production away from California. We have to invest in our lead and preserve jobs for Californians so they can do the jobs they love to do and put paychecks in their pockets.”

The move arrives after months of entertainment industry workers in the Los Angeles area speaking out about a lack of employment opportunities in the iconic production hub. In the wake of the 2023 writers’ and actors’ strikes, local crew members and creatives described an anemic return to production as major companies sought to slash costs and the era of Peak TV came to a screeching halt.

For some of these workers, the financial difficulties during the strikes and their aftermath have been significant: people have sold homes, lived out of cars and RVs and frequented food banks, with some leaving the business entirely for other fields. Increasing tax incentives to productions across the state emerged as a proposed remedy for the situation in June during labor negotiations for crew members who belong to the Los Angeles-area Hollywood Basic Crafts union coalition.

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A month later, Bass formed a taskforce to promote recovery of the industry in Los Angeles after production was disrupted the pandemic, strikes and industry contraction. Among its top priorities have been expanding the state’s tax film and TV tax credit program.

“This was the number one item on their agenda,” Bass says.

New data released on Oct. 16 shows that filming in L.A. is approaching historically low levels, with the three-month period from July to September seeing the fewest number of shoot days this year. The figure even falls short of shooting in the region during the same time last year, when the industry was halted by the work stoppage. Among the biggest causes for concern is a steep drop in unscripted TV production. Last quarter, shooting for the category fell roughly 56 percent compared to the same period last year. Filming for TV shows, long an anchor of filming in the area, continues to decline as every category of scripted production trails historical norms.

Directors Guild of America associate national executive director and western executive director Rebecca Rhine stresses that production in the state is currently in “real peril.” She adds that the governor’s proposal “provides an important acknowledgement that this is an industry that we want to keep in California.”

According to Rhine, the DGA and other industry unions have “spent a lot of time” talking to Newsom’s administration about their production concerns — “the high level of unemployment, the amount of work leaving the country, the inability to compete effectively with incentives elsewhere,” she says. “And I think that the governor was listening.” Rhine emphasizes that the film industry provides middle-class jobs with benefits to industry workers and brings work to various local vendors and indirect beneficiaries in the state, from dry cleaning services to florists.

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Newsom’s proposal aims to mitigate one of the major issues with California’s film and TV tax incentive program: Too many productions applying for the subsidies. These projects, when rejected, leave for other states and countries. Since 2020, the state lost $1.6 billion in spending from productions that applied for but didn’t receive a tax credit, according to the California Film Commission.

“It can’t be denied that one of the primary considerations for where projects shoot is whether they receive a tax credit,” Bell says. “Our program has been oversubscribed for a long time. We have this cap so we’ve had to turn away qualified productions that then go and take their projects elsewhere, along with jobs for Californians.”

With tax credits, productions may more easily be able to stomach higher costs for labor and shooting permits, among others things, in California compared to other regions.

Still, the state will continue to face stiff competition. The 20 percent base credit offered by California is lower than most competitive film hubs, including New York, New Mexico and the U.K. It’s also the only major production hub that bars any portion of above-the-line costs, like salaries for actors, directors and producers from qualifying for incentives. It’s an idiosyncrasy that the U.K. and Canada, another filming hotspot that has the added advantage of beneficial exchange rates and lower labor costs, have leveraged to become premier destinations for features.

California also doesn’t offer a standalone tax credit for visual effects. Several productions outsource postproduction work to countries that offer generous subsidies on this front, resulting in many VFX companies based in the state creating offshoots overseas.

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Canada and Australia offer the most lucrative tax relief on this front. Productions can get at least 30 percent of their post, digital and VFX spend back in those regions. In March, the U.K. unveiled a five percent bump and removal of the 80 percent cap for VFX costs in the country to stay competitive.

In addition to increasing the cap, the California Film Commission has cited the lack of a tax credit solely for VFX work to the governor’s office. “We’re in it to win it,” Bell says.

Compared to California, other regions have weathered industry contraction better. Some data indicates that competing international film hubs are seeing flat, or in some cases slightly rising, levels of filming. Last quarter, the U.K. and Canada each saw more live-action, scripted titles with budgets of at least $10 million actively filming within their borders, per data from industry intelligence platform ProdPro.

And it’s not just areas outside of the U.S. either. New York has proved more resilient than California, seeing about 75 percent of 2022 shooting levels.

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What California coach Justin Wilcox said after the Bears demolish Oregon State 44-7

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What California coach Justin Wilcox said after the Bears demolish Oregon State 44-7


BERKELEY, Calif. – Following California’s 44-7 win over Oregon State on Saturday at Memorial Stadium, Bears coach Justin Wilcox spoke to the media about what he observed.

Here was some of what Wilcox said:

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