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On the centennial of the Nome Serum Run, the story of the sordid aftermath for its two most famous dogs, Balto and Togo

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On the centennial of the Nome Serum Run, the story of the sordid aftermath for its two most famous dogs, Balto and Togo


Part of a continuing weekly series on Alaska history by local historian David Reamer. Have a question about Anchorage or Alaska history or an idea for a future article? Go to the form at the bottom of this story.

As of Feb. 2, it has been 100 years since Gunnar Kaasen drove a dog team into Nome with the medicine that saved lives and staved off a potential diphtheria epidemic. Famously, Balto was in the lead of that team, the dog that became a media sensation, so much so that reporters begged Kaasen into reenacting the entrance into town during daylight so that photographers could, more or less, capture the moment. It was the conclusion of the Nome Serum Run.

Thanks to the 1995 animated movie and countless other retellings, Balto lives on in the American psyche as the toughest of hero dogs. The historical accuracy of these accounts varies wildly, yet one thing is true. People know about Balto. Good Alaskans also know that Togo was the lead dog for the serum run’s longest and most dangerous leg. Less well-known is the aftermath, what happened to Balto and Togo in the following years. Certainly, no one present in Nome that day could have predicted that Balto would be the abused guest of a 10th-rate museum on a Los Angeles backstreet within two short years. Balto’s salvation and Togo’s quieter retirement are their own epic tales.

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The backstory is well-repeated history and legend. In January 1925, several children in isolated Nome contracted diphtheria, a highly contagious bacterial infection that targets the respiratory system. The infection was usually treated with an antitoxin — a serum — made from the plasma of immunized horses. However, the isolated town’s only doctor was out of serum after a resupply order went unfilled with the onset of winter. Diphtheria victims can choke to death as infected tissue expands and blocks their airways. Throats fill with a grey mass, swelling as the patient asphyxiates. It is a nasty way to die.

Winter and a nasty approaching storm prevented planes from delivering the serum. Salvation was left to dog sled teams, the one viable method of transportation left. Leonhard Seppala, already a dog racing legend, was the first musher out. His beloved Togo, a husky named for a Japanese admiral, was in the lead. Seppala intended to travel the entire course on his own. After he left Nome, a relay system of relief drivers was organized. Over five and a half days, 20 drivers and 150 dogs traveled almost 700 miles in a relay race against time.

On Feb. 2, 1925, Balto led Kaasen’s team into Nome with the diphtheria serum. Kaasen, Seppala, and Togo suddenly became celebrities, but none were more famous than Balto. The Nome Serum Run was a massive national story in the early days of radio broadcasting. Romantic perceptions of Alaska, sick children, a frantic race through dire weather, and heroic dogs were a compelling combination. People around the country eagerly listened for the outcome. Cheers stabbed out across the country when the run was finished, wherever there were radios.

Within the month, Kaasen had signed a movie deal. Two months to the day after the conclusion of the serum run, Balto arrived in Los Angeles and was heralded as the greatest hero of the age. Mayor George Cryer welcomed Balto, Kaasen, and the rest of the dog team at city hall and presented Balto with the “bone of the city.” Actress Clara Horton placed a floral wreath around the dog’s neck. Multiple modern sources claim the actress was America’s sweetheart Mary Pickford, but contemporary accounts uniformly name Horton as the one at the scene.

Despite the Hollywood pageantry, the ceremony hinted at the future as the Alaskan visitors noticeably faltered in the spotlight. Garbed in heavy furs to maintain the far north mystique, Kaasen sweated profusely from the attention and warmer sun. Balto did not react to the wreath and only sniffed at the literal bone. The mayor repeatedly prodded him with little response. The notoriously corrupt Cryer, whose personal fortune mysteriously multiplied during his time in office, craved the positive publicity rub from the noble canine.

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In May, their first movie was released, the 30-minute short “Balto’s Race to Nome.” As Balto and his entourage toured the West Coast to support the film, a statue was announced for New York’s Central Park. Designed by Frederick Roth, the bronze sculpture was unveiled with Kaasen and Balto in attendance on December 15, 1925. As the New York Times noted, Balto was “unmoved” by the spectacle.

That heady spring of 1925, with its movie shoots and tours, represented the peak for Balto, his driver, and the team. After the statue was dedicated, Kaasen returned to Alaska, discouraged by the lifestyle Outside and disagreements with his producer. There would be no second movie. The dogs were sold to a different promoter, who took them on another round of touring. But all glory eventually fades, and by the end of 1926, Balto and the remaining dogs from the team had been sold again and were the property of a shabby Los Angeles dime museum.

For several months, Balto and his team were chained in a backroom. Once kings of the Alaska trails, the only time the dogs saw the sun were the brief visits to an alley for their “daily dozen.” No exercise. Snow was a fading memory. Per the Oakland Tribune, “There probably was never a more dejected, sorrowful looking lot.” The Oakland Post-Enquirer declared, “There is a bronze statue of Balto in Central Park, New York, in commemoration of his great feat. But he and his dog companions are living a bleak existence here.”

Cleveland businessman George Kimble visited Los Angeles in February 1927 as attention to the dogs’ plight peaked in the local press. He happened upon the museum and was disgusted by the sight of Balto and his team chained to a sled inside a cage. Right away, he offered to buy the lot. He just needed $2,000, about $35,000 in 2025 money, to complete the purchase and transport the dogs to their forever home in Cleveland. There were two problems. Kimble didn’t have anything like that kind of cash at hand and had just two weeks to raise the funds.

Kimble directed a plea for support back home, and a Cleveland Balto Committee was instantly formed. Kimble told the Cleveland Plain Dealer, “There should be enough dog owners and public minded citizens in Greater Cleveland to subscribe a dime apiece to bring these heroic dogs here.” Committee chair James B. Ruhl said, “It is a humane cause. It is an educational cause. Cleveland boys and girls will have probably the most heroic dog in history here as an example of dog life and man’s companions in the northlands.” Park Director Frank Harmon promised the dogs would become pampered residents of the Brookside Zoo.

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The campaign went public on March 1, 1927. Within 24 hours, more than $200 was raised. A day later, they were up to $306. The day after that, it was $679. Models in fur coats drove around town with a placard: “Bring Balto to Cleveland!” Small, polite offerings gathered like the first claps after a performance. They poked and prompted each other until there was a great din of thunderous applause. On March 5, the count was at $1,111.

Radio stations in New York and Detroit picked up the story and amplified the call for donations. One response came in from Japan. Children sent their pocket change. Patients in hospitals gave what they could. Some gave a penny. One person gave $100.

Polar explorer Roald Amundsen reached out to the Plain Dealer. He wrote, “Your Balto campaign has my highest sympathy. Having done nearly all my polar work assisted by these faithful dogs, my heart is quite naturally with them … Do what you can for these brave dogs and secure them a bright future. They certainly deserve it.”

On March 7, they reached $1,382 but were running out of time. The Cleveland option to buy Balto and the rest of his team was set to expire on March 9. For the sake of their bid, the publicity had been a double-edged sword. Contributions continued to pour in, but other groups, organizations with ready funds, expressed interest in purchasing Balto. As of March 8, the total stood at $1,517; they needed another $500, or the effort was lost.

Clevelanders went to sleep on the 8th with uncertainty but awoke to the best of news. With a burst of generosity, the goal was surpassed that very morning. At the end of the day, they had collected $2,245.88, with more offerings still coming. Payment was rendered at noon, and the dogs were immediately crated and shipped east.

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The reasonable modern Alaskan will wonder, where were the contemporary Alaskans in all this? Largely absent and unaware until the entire incident had passed. The slow passage of news north meant that most Alaskans heard of Balto’s transfer to Cleveland after the fact. There had been no real time for Balto’s dreadful existence at the Los Angeles museum to garner any real attention or support in Alaska. Still, the Seward Daily Gateway expressed something like sour grapes when they described Balto and his teammates as “inmates of Cleveland zoo.” Of course, there was no zoo in Alaska then and wouldn’t be for another 40 years.

Balto arrived in Cleveland on March 19. He was accompanied by six serum run teammates: Alaska Slim, Billie, Fox, Old Moctoc, Sye, and Tillie. The other six dogs from the team had previously passed or been sold off. In a parade through town, the dogs once again pulled a sled, albeit in rain, not snow. Still, the once stoic Balto who spurned movie starlets, politicians, and all other pomp now eagerly pulled in his harness. Thousands attended, in a throng lining the road five people deep. Songs supposedly popular in Alaska were sung. And they even dug up a few former Klondike gold rushers who took turns at the sled. Around 15,000 people visited the zoo on the first day of the dogs’ residence.

Mission accomplished, the dogs reportedly settled into their retirement with ease, their pen a frequent stop for locals and visitors alike. Balto passed in 1933. He was 11 to 14 years old, depending on which source you want to believe. By then, Alaska Slim, Billie, Fox, Old Motoc, and Tillie were already gone. Sye, the last of Balto’s 1925 team, died in 1934 at the age of 17.

While Togo received a decent amount of praise and commendation after the serum run, he was nonetheless overshadowed by Balto, much to Seppala’s dismay. The Norwegian musher bred, named, raised, and trained Balto but did not race with him. Of the Central Park statue, Seppala wrote in his memoir, “I resented the statue to Balto, for if any dog deserved special mention, it was Togo.” He more generously noted, “I hope I shall never be the man to take away credit from any dog or driver who participated in that run” but maintained that Balto was only a “scrub dog.” Seppala would have also resented Anchorage’s Balto Seppala Park, which was developed several years after his death.

At the least, Togo enjoyed a more straightforward and relaxing retirement. Seppala, Togo, and a full herd of other dogs launched their own national tour in 1926. In 1927, Seppala was racing and winning in New England. When he had to return to Alaska later that year, Togo stayed in Maine with Elizabeth Ricker, with whom Seppala had opened a kennel. Over the next two years, Seppala traveled back and forth, maintaining the connection between the things he loved most, his wife and home in Alaska and Togo in Maine. By late 1929, Togo was mostly blind and pained by his joints. On Dec. 5, Seppala put Togo to sleep. The great dog was 16 years old.

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For Seppala, it was just a break from each other. Decades later, approaching his own end, he wrote in his journal, “While my trail has been rough at times, the end of the course seems pretty smooth, with downhill going and a warm roadhouse in sight. And when I come to the end of the trail, I feel that along with my many friends, Togo will be waiting and I know that everything will be all right.”

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In Alaska’s warming Arctic, photos show an Indigenous elder passing down hunting traditions

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In Alaska’s warming Arctic, photos show an Indigenous elder passing down hunting traditions


KOTZEBUE, Alaska (AP) — The low autumn light turned the tundra gold as James Schaeffer, 7, and his cousin Charles Gallahorn, 10, raced down a dirt path by the cemetery on the edge of town. Permafrost thaw had buckled the ground, tilting wooden cross grave markers sideways. The boys took turns smashing slabs of ice that had formed in puddles across the warped road.

Their great-grandfather, Roswell Schaeffer, 78, trailed behind. What was a playground to the kids was, for Schaeffer – an Inupiaq elder and prolific hunter – a reminder of what warming temperatures had undone: the stable ice he once hunted seals on, the permafrost cellars that kept food frozen all summer, the salmon runs and caribou migrations that once defined the seasons.

Now another pressure loomed. A 211-mile mining road that would cut through caribou and salmon habitat was approved by the Trump administration this fall, though the project still faces lawsuits and opposition from environmental and native groups. Schaeffer and other critics worry it could open the region to outside hunters and further devastate already declining herds. “If we lose our caribou – both from climate change and overhunting – we’ll never be the same,” he said. “We’re going to lose our culture totally.”

Still, Schaeffer insists on taking the next generation out on the land, even when the animals don’t come. It was late September and he and James would normally have been at their camp hunting caribou. But the herd has been migrating later each year and still hadn’t arrived – a pattern scientists link to climate change, mostly caused by the burning of oil, gas and coal. So instead of caribou, they scanned the tundra for swans, ptarmigan and ducks.

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A lifetime of hunting

Caribou antlers are stacked outside Schaeffer’s home. Traditional seal hooks and whale harpoons hang in his hunting shed. Inside, a photograph of him with a hunted beluga is mounted on the wall beside the head of a dall sheep and a traditional mask his daughter Aakatchaq made from caribou hide and lynx fur.

He got his first caribou at 14 and began taking his own children out at 7. James made his first caribou kill this past spring with a .22 rifle. He teaches James what his father taught him: that power comes from giving food and a hunter’s responsibility is to feed the elders.

“When you’re raised an Inupiaq, your whole being is to make sure the elders have food,” he said.

But even as he passes down those lessons, Schaeffer worries there won’t be enough to sustain the next generation – or to sustain him. “The reason I’ve been a successful hunter is the firm belief that, when I become old, people will feed me,” he said. “My great-grandson and my grandson are my future for food.”

That future feels tenuous

These days, they’re eating less hunted food and relying more on farmed chicken and processed goods from the store. The caribou are fewer, the salmon scarcer, the storms more severe. Record rainfall battered Northwest Alaska this year, flooding Schaeffer’s backyard twice this fall alone. He worries about the toll on wildlife and whether his grandchildren will be able to live in Kotzebue as the changes accelerate.

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“It’s kind of scary to think about what’s going to happen,” he said.

That afternoon, James ducked into the bed of Schaeffer’s truck and aimed into the water. He shot two ducks. Schaeffer helped him into waders – waterproof overalls – so they could collect them and bring them home for dinner, but the tide was too high. They had to turn back without collecting the ducks.

The changes weigh on others, too. Schaeffer’s friend, writer and commercial fisherman Seth Kantner grew up along the Kobuk River, where caribou once reliably crossed by the hundreds of thousands.

“I can hardly stand how lonely it feels without all the caribou that used to be here,” he said. “This road is the largest threat. But right beside it is climate change.”

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Follow Annika Hammerschlag on Instagram @ahammergram.

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The Associated Press receives support from the Walton Family Foundation for coverage of water and environmental policy. The AP is solely responsible for all content. For all of AP’s environmental coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/climate-and-environment



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Trump signs bills to ease way for drilling and mining in Arctic Alaska

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Trump signs bills to ease way for drilling and mining in Arctic Alaska


An access road runs between the community of Kobuk and the Bornite camp in the Ambler Mining District, on July 24, 2021. The area has been explored for its mineral potential since the 1950s, and contains a number of significant copper, zinc, lead, gold, silver and cobalt deposits. (Loren Holmes / ADN)

President Donald Trump has signed bills nullifying Biden-era environmental protections in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and in Northwest Alaska in an effort to promote oil and mining activity.

The actions were a win for Alaska’s congressional delegation, which sponsored the measures to open opportunities for drilling in the refuge and development of the 200-mile road through wilderness to reach the Ambler mineral district.

The actions are part of Trump’s effort to aggressively develop U.S. oil, gas and minerals with Alaska often in the limelight.

Potential drilling in the refuge and the road to minerals are two of the standout issues in the long-running saga over resource development in Alaska, with Republican administrations seeking to open the areas to industry and Democratic administrations fighting against it.

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The signings were a loss for some Alaska Native tribal members and environmental groups that had protested the bills, calling them an unprecedented attack against land and wildlife protections that were developed following extensive public input.

An Alaska Native group from the North Slope region where the refuge is located, however, said it supported the passage of the bill that could lead to oil and gas development there.

One of the bills nullifies the 2024 oil and gas leasing program that put more than half of the Arctic refuge coastal plain off-limits to development. The former plan was in contrast to the Trump administration’s interest in opening the 1.5-million-acre area to potential leasing.

The federal government has long estimated that the area holds 7.7 billion barrels of “technically recoverable oil” on federal lands alone, slightly more than the oil consumed in the U.S. in 2024. The refuge is not far from oil infrastructure on state land, where interest from a key Alaska oil explorer has grown.

Two oil and gas lease sales in the refuge so far have generated miniscule interest. But the budget reconciliation bill that passed this summer requires four additional oil and gas lease sales under more development friendly, Trump-era rules.

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Voice of Arctic Iñupiat, a group of leaders from tribes and other North Slope entities, said in a statement that it supports the withdrawal of the 2024 rules for the refuge.

The group said cultural traditions and onshore oil and gas development can coexist, with taxes from development supporting wildlife research that support subsistence traditions.

“This deeply flawed policy was drafted without proper legal consultation with our North Slope Iñupiat tribes and Alaska Native Corporations,’ said Nagruk Harcharek, president of the group. “Yet, today’s development shows that Washington is finally listening to our voices when it comes to policies affecting our homelands.”

The second bill that Trump signed halts the resource management plan for the Central Yukon region. The plan covered 13.3 million acres, including acreage surrounding much of the Dalton Highway where the long road to the Ambler mineral district would start before heading west. The plan designated more than 3 million acres as critical environmental areas in an effort to protect caribou, salmon and tundra.

The bills relied on the Congressional Review Act, which gives Congress a chance to halt certain agency regulations while blocking similar plans from being developed in the future.

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U.S. Rep. Nick Begich and Sens. Lisa Murkowski and Dan Sullivan attended the signing in the White House.

“We’ve known the road to American prosperity begins in Alaska; the rest of America now knows that as well,” Begich said in a post on social media platform X.

Begich introduced the measures. Murkowski and Sullivan sponsored companion legislation in the Senate.

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They were part of five bills Trump signed Thursday to undo resource protections plans for areas in Montana, North Dakota and Wyoming, using the Congressional Review Act.

Trump last week also signed a bill revoking Biden-era restrictions on oil and gas activity in the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska, another Arctic stretch of federal lands west of the refuge. That measure was also sponsored by the Alaska delegation.

The Wilderness Society said in a statement Thursday that the bills destabilize public lands management.

“Americans deserve public lands that protect clean air and water, support wildlife and preserve the freedom of future generations to explore,” said the group’s senior legal director, Alison Flint. “Instead, the president and Congress have muzzled voices in local communities and tossed aside science-based management plans that would deliver a balanced approach to managing our public lands.”

Alaska tribal members criticize end of Central Yukon plan

The Bering Sea-Interior Tribal Commission, consisting of 40 Alaska tribes, said in a statement Thursday that it condemns the termination of the Central Yukon management plan using the Congressional Review Act.

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The action dissolves more than a dozen years of federal and tribal collaboration, the group said.

The termination of the Central Yukon plan will hurt tribes that hunt caribou and other subsistence foods, the group said.

“On the heels of the seventh summer without our Yukon River salmon harvest, we are stunned at the idea our leaders would impose more uncertainty around the management of the lands that surround us,” said Mickey Stickman, former first chief of the Nulato tribal government. “The threat of losing our federal subsistence rights, and confusion over how habitat for caribou, moose, and salmon will be managed, is overwhelming.”

After the signing, federal management of the Central Yukon region will revert back to three separate old plans, removing clarity for tribes and developers and requiring the Bureau of Land Management to start again on a costly new plan, the group said.

“This decision erases years of consultation with Alaska Native governments and silences the communities that depend on these lands for food security, cultural survival, and economic stability,” said Ricko DeWilde, a tribal member from the village of Huslia, in a statement from the Defend the Brooks Range coalition. “We’re being forced to sell out our lands and way of life without the benefit of receiving anything in return.”

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska


Speaker Bryce Edgmon speaks with members of the Alaska House at the Alaska State Capitol on August 2, 2025. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Alaska may soon face major decisions about the future of the Alaska LNG project and, if so, the Legislature will need to ensure that every step serves the best interests of Alaskans.

It is essential to remember that Senate Bill 138, the blueprint for state involvement in Alaska LNG, was passed in 2014 for a very different project: one led by ExxonMobil, BP and ConocoPhillips, with a key role fulfilled by TransCanada. Today’s project is led by a private-equity developer, Glenfarne, pursuing a structure that diverges dramatically from what lawmakers contemplated more than a decade ago. When a project changes this much, the underlying statutes need to be revisited.

In June, the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.’s president told his board that AGDC would be coordinating with the developer, the administration and the Legislature regarding legislation needed to support project development. He also noted that AGDC would work with the administration and Legislature on policies required to exercise the corporation’s option to invest 5% to 25% equity at Final Investment Decision, or FID. When AGDC itself signals that legislation is necessary, we should look forward to their outreach.

SB 138 also assigned important responsibilities to the departments of revenue and natural resources that may require legislative action. One key responsibility is the Legislature’s authority to approve major gas project contracts negotiated by the DNR commissioner. The law clearly states that balancing, marketing and gas sale agreements for North Slope gas cannot take effect without explicit legislative authorization. That statutory requirement was intentional and recognizes a project of this scale demands legislative oversight.

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We also know that the pressure for speed on complex megaprojects often backfires, sometimes creating more problems than it solves. The Legislature must balance the legitimate need for progress with the responsibility to ensure Alaskans are not asked to assume unreasonable financial risk. As Speaker Bryce Edgmon recently observed, legislation of this magnitude “could dominate the session” and “take significant time.” Senate Finance Co-Chair Bert Stedman was even more direct: if we get this wrong, it could be “detrimental for generations.”

Last week, 4,000 miles away in Washington, D.C., Glenfarne and POSCO International announced a major strategic partnership. It is a meaningful milestone. But Alaska has seen similar announcements before, and it does not diminish the need for hard questions. If anything, it raises them.

Final Investment Decision is when investors and lenders commit billions based on the project’s economics and the state’s fiscal terms. Any legislation affecting property taxes, payments-in-lieu-of-taxes, aka PILTs, state equity, fiscal stability, or upstream royalties and production taxes must be decided before this takes place.

The Legislative Budget and Audit Committee has focused on providing lawmakers and the public with the information needed to understand the choices ahead. I revisited the Legislature’s 2014 “Alaska LNG: Key Issues” report, which helped lawmakers evaluate the original SB 138 framework. Building on that model, I directed our consultants, GaffneyCline, to prepare an updated “key issues” report; not to endorse or oppose the current project, but to provide a high-level overview of potential policy choices, which should be available to the public within the next few days.

The refreshed “key issues” report will be an important starting point. I ask Alaskans to approach it with an open mind and to read it as objectively as possible, free from assumptions shaped by past disappointments or early optimism. Keep asking tough questions of the Legislature, AGDC, Glenfarne and the administration. Don’t assume the project is a done deal or a doomed one. This is not about cheerleading or obstruction, but insisting on rigorous analysis, strong oversight and a fair deal for our children and grandchildren.

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Some Alaskans have raised questions about a potential conflict of interest: GaffneyCline is a subsidiary of Baker Hughes, which recently announced agreements with Glenfarne to help advance the Alaska LNG project. I share those concerns, which is why I have met with the Legislature’s director of Legal Services and with GaffneyCline’s North America director. I have been assured by GaffneyCline’s leadership that no one outside the GaffneyCline project team has influenced their analysis, and that their global reputation for independence and trust remains intact. Still, we also must fully vet this issue when we convene in Juneau next month. Transparency and independence are non-negotiable.

The recent ceremony in Washington, D.C., with Glenfarne and POSCO International underscores the project’s potential; however, the authority to determine how and when Alaska monetizes its resources rests here, not with dignitaries celebrating overseas commitments. Our future will be determined in Alaska, by Alaskans, based on the fullest and most honest understanding of the choices before us.

Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, D-Anchorage, represents Senate District G, which includes Midtown, Spenard and Taku Campbell in Anchorage. Sen. Gray-Jackson serves as the chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee.

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