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As more Alaskans face eviction, courts and service providers aim for solutions

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As more Alaskans face eviction, courts and service providers aim for solutions


When Raven Tulugak Lopez got an eviction notice on his door, it came with another piece of paper that listed resources to help avoid eviction. He was behind on rent by about $900 and was a couple weeks out from a paycheck.

“It’s been really tough with inflation and everything,” he said. “The cost of food here in Anchorage, from a year ago to now, literally almost doubled on a lot of the stuff we get.”

He has lived in the same apartment in the Muldoon area of Anchorage for four years, with his wife, his 12-year-old daughter and now his 5-month old son, who just started teething. But this year, he said his rent leapt from $995 to about $1,260 — a more than 25% increase — while his wages in the meat department in a local supermarket didn’t go up at all.

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Lopez called a few names on the list of resources and was eventually connected with the Alaska court system’s eviction diversion program, which is new this year.

He said his landlord was understanding, and waited on eviction proceedings when they heard he was working on a solution.

Eviction cases in Alaska are returning to pre-pandemic levels as COVID-19-era eviction moratoriums and rental assistance programs end. Meanwhile, the cost of goods, home prices and the cost of rent have risen statewide.

This has put pressure on the lives of many tenants; eviction can lead to instability or homelessness. It’s also prompting Alaska’s court system and social service agencies to consider new ways to ease that pressure for tenants — and landlords, who are also experiencing a financial crunch.

Eviction diversion

A court-ordered eviction can live on someone’s record forever, which can reduce their chances of finding stable housing. And Will Walker, a staff attorney who runs the Alaska court system’s eviction diversion program, said it can help solve eviction disputes before they reach the courtroom and connect people who must leave their housing with resources.

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“A lot of landlords are unwilling to rent to tenants with an eviction on their record, or at least it poses a barrier,” he said.

Walker said landlords are more likely to rent to an applicant without a record of eviction, and that the record could even be a barrier to accessing certain public housing benefits.

The eviction diversion program launched in March. Walker said its existence is a recognition of the pervasiveness of homelessness across the state — and the courts’ role to assist. Most tenants and landlords are trying to do the right thing, he said, but don’t understand the legal system very well.

He said the program’s goals include mediating eviction disputes before they make it to court and educating both landlords and tenants on how the justice system works around evictions. It also includes connecting people with community resources if they do have to leave their homes — either through  mutual agreement with the landlord or a court order.

Recently, he worked with Debra Thomas after she got an eviction notice from her apartment on the Kenai Peninsula. Thomas said her heater wasn’t working and the landlord wouldn’t fix it, so Walker attempted mediation. “He did whatever he could to help me and I really appreciate it,” she said.

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Thomas’ landlord didn’t want to participate in mediation, but Walker connected her with Alaska Housing Finance Corporation, which helped her find an apartment in Kasilov before her eviction case went to court.

“I just found it was best that this opened up and I took it,” she said, referring to her new apartment.

Walker said the program serves between 10 and 20 people a week. Sometimes he helps landlords navigate the eviction process, but he mostly hears from tenants who have gotten an eviction notice or have had an eviction case started against them. “They’re trying to navigate what to do and wanting information on the process,” Walker said.

There’s a lot at stake: Walker said eviction is a significant entry point into homelessness and a barrier to finding housing in the future. The vast majority of people who reach out to the program are threatened with evictions because they are unable to pay rent.

“It feels really great when I’m able to help people,” he said. “Sometimes there’s not much that can be done. One of the limiting factors is just the availability of resources and services in the community.”

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One of those resources is rental assistance. The state was flush with it through the pandemic, but now it’s much scarcer.

Over the course of the pandemic, the Alaska Housing Finance Corporation distributed more than $250 million in federal rent relief. The program allowed people to hang on to their leases because it paid rent directly to their landlords. It helped more than 66,000 Alaskans stay housed, according to the corporation’s data. That program ended in 2022, and social service providers say that people have missed the help.

“That well has dried up”

Mercy Pulou, who runs homelessness and family programs for Catholic Social Services, said she works with families who no longer receive federal rent relief dollars.

“The trend that is often repeated is that the funding for the COVID dollars is — that well has dried up,” she said.

The well isn’t completely dry — Alaska Housing Finance Corporation still offers a stabilization grant that houses people who are experiencing homelessness for a year — but the rental assistance program for people with leases is over. Catholic Social Services was a partner with the corporation to distribute pandemic rental assistance.

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One of the programs Pulou runs still does something similar to what the federal pandemic rent relief money did — it helps people who already have housing stay in their homes. Basic Housing Assistance provides one-time financial help for people who have received an eviction notice, called a notice to quit. But Pulou said there’s a very limited amount of those funds. Catholic Social Services can only help about 70 households a year.

“We’ve been seeing a lot of requests come through for households that are looking for assistance to pay for rent,” she said. “Sometimes we have folks that have either lost jobs, or maybe they were on a rental assistance program. And those funds have run out and they haven’t quite attained enough income to make ends meet.”

She said that when other aid services fail, it can lead to housing insecurity, too. When thousands of families lost access to food stamp benefits over the last year, it meant tough financial choices for some of them. “Some of the households have reported choosing between putting food on the table, feeding the children, or paying the utilities or paying the rent,” she said.

But she said the end of pandemic assistance isn’t the toughest part of the post-pandemic housing landscape — what’s really hurting renters is that the housing market has changed significantly. So as pandemic-era assistance programs end, renters are facing a much tougher market and higher monthly rent.

“Prior to the pandemic, a one-bedroom would be under $700. Now, that same one-bedroom is probably $1,200 to $1,400 a month,” she said, citing costs for low-income housing in Anchorage.

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“Families that would have been able to be on their own are now doubling up, they’ll pool resources. We have multigenerational households and sometimes that doesn’t work out well with a landlord because of the household size, and the number of people that they want for the apartment,” she said. For example, six people will squeeze into a three-bedroom apartment, or more than eight people will live in a single-family home, she said.

Tenants are falling behind on rent

Inflation, heightened housing costs, and the end of pandemic-era housing protections are stressing landlords as well as renters.

Kassandra Taggart, a property management broker for what she described as “middle-income” properties from Wasilla to the Kenai Peninsula, said she hasn’t seen an increase in evictions on the 700 properties she manages, but she has seen more tenants fall behind on rent.

“Anytime a tenant doesn’t pay, we work really hard on creating payment plans and connecting them to resources to avoid evictions,” she said. “But I am having an increase in people that are having temporary issues with life — whether it’s job, whether it’s family, whether it’s the car broke down, something of that nature — that has increased. Seeing the number of people tight on funds has increased.”

Taggart said that tightness is true for landlords, too, who often rely on rent payments to pay their own bills. She runs a group for landlords on social media.

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“The day that you’re not paying rent is the day that they’re also not able to pay any of their bills,” she said. “They’re in jeopardy of not being able to pay the mortgage, the taxes, the insurance, that plumber that they just had to take care of and all the other outstanding bills that are associated with the property.”

A few resources for tenants and landlords:

• Alaska Legal Services Landlord Tenant Helpline

• Alaska Court System Eviction Mitigation Program

• Alaska Housing Finance Corporation

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She said it’s why her company encourages direct communication between tenants and landlords — and why she thinks the state court system’s eviction diversion program is on the right track.

It worked for Raven Lopez, in Anchorage. He is employed, so he qualified for some of the limited rental relief funds that are available in the state through the United Way. On Thursday, he got a check that covered his past due rent. Now he and his family can make a plan for next month.

“The only thing I think I could really do is get another job, you know, part time and keep doing what I’m doing full time,” he said. “Everything has just gone up a crazy amount.”

He said he wants other people to know about the eviction mitigation program. It doesn’t always lead to rental assistance, but it can also connect renters to information and other resources.

Originally published by the Alaska Beacon, an independent, nonpartisan news organization that covers Alaska state government.

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Alaska

Former Alaska priest believed kidnapped by terrorist group, Alaska Diocese says

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Former Alaska priest believed kidnapped by terrorist group, Alaska Diocese says


FAIRBANKS, Alaska (KTUU) – A mass was held Tuesday for a former Fairbanks priest who the Diocese of Fairbanks says was kidnapped while on a mission in Africa.

On Sunday, the Catholic Diocese of Fairbanks says it received word from Nigeria that the former Rev. Alphonsus Afina and two companions were taken captive by members of Boko Haram while traveling.

Boko Haram is a self-proclaimed Jihadist militant group that has been designated as a terrorist organization by the United States since 2013.

Afina had spent six and a half years in Alaska, spending his time in service to the villages on the Seward Peninsula. He traveled to Nigeria to help build a trauma center in the country for victims of Boko Haram.

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The Diocese held a mass on Tuesday where community members gathered to pray for Afina’s safe and immediate release from captivity.

“The turnout was absolutely amazing,” said Rev. Robert Fath, JCL, Vicar General of the Catholic Diocese of Fairbanks.

“We put word out [Monday], and in less than 24 hours, we had a couple hundred people gathered at the cathedral here in Fairbanks for a mass to pray for Father Alphonsus, other victims of the Boko Haram, that they be given strength and God willing, they be released back to us to continue their mission.”

No other information about Afina’s condition has been made public since Sunday.

See a spelling or grammar error? Report it to web@ktuu.com

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Interior Plans to Rescind Drilling Ban in Alaska’s National Petroleum Reserve

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Interior Plans to Rescind Drilling Ban in Alaska’s National Petroleum Reserve


A critical question demands an actionable answer. To date, many takes on various sides of the debate have focused more on high-level narrative than precise policy prescriptions. If we zoom in to look at the actual sources of delay in clean energy projects, what sorts of solutions would we come up with? What would a data-backed agenda for clean energy abundance look like?

The most glaring threat to clean energy deployment is, of course, the Republican Party’s plan to gut the Inflation Reduction Act. But “abundance” proponents posit that Democrats have imposed their own hurdles, in the form of well-intentioned policies that get in the way of government-backed building projects. According to some broad-brush recommendations, Democrats should adopt an abundance agenda focused on rolling back such policies.

But the reality for clean energy is more nuanced. At least as often, expediting clean energy projects will require more, not less, government intervention. So too will the task of ensuring those projects benefit workers and communities.

To craft a grounded agenda for clean energy abundance, we can start by taking stock of successes and gaps in implementing the IRA. The law’s core strategy was to unite climate, jobs, and justice goals. The IRA aims to use incentives to channel a wave of clean energy investments towards good union jobs and communities that have endured decades of divestment.

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Klein and Thompson are wary that such “everything bagel” strategies try to do too much. Other “abundance” advocates explicitly support sidelining the IRA’s labor objectives to expedite clean energy buildout.

But here’s the thing about everything bagels: They taste good.

They taste good because they combine ingredients that go well together. The question — whether for bagels or policies — is, are we using congruent ingredients?

The data suggests that clean energy growth, union jobs, and equitable investments — like garlic, onion, and sesame seeds — can indeed pair well together. While we have a long way to go, early indicators show significant post-IRA progress on all three fronts: a nearly 100-gigawatt boom in clean energy installations, an historic high in clean energy union density, and outsized clean investments flowing to fossil fuel communities. If we can design policy to yield such a win-win-win, why would we choose otherwise?

Klein and Thompson are of course right that to realize the potential of the IRA, we must reduce the long lag time in building clean energy projects. That lag time does not stem from incentives for clean energy companies to provide quality jobs, negotiate Community Benefits Agreements, or invest in low-income communities. Such incentives did not deter clean energy companies from applying for IRA funding in droves. Programs that included all such incentives were typically oversubscribed, with companies applying for up to 10 times the amount of available funding.

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If labor and equity incentives are not holding up clean energy deployment, what is? And what are the remedies?

Some of the biggest delays point not to an excess of policymaking — the concern of many “abundance” proponents — but an absence. Such gaps call for more market-shaping policies to expedite the clean energy transition.

Take, for example, the years-long queues for clean energy projects to connect to the electrical grid, which developers rank as one of the largest sources of delay. That wait stems from a piecemeal approach to transmission buildout — the result not of overregulation by progressive lawmakers, but rather the opposite: a hands-off mode of governance that has created vast inefficiencies. For years, grid operators have built transmission lines not according to a strategic plan, but in response to the requests of individual projects to connect to the grid. This reactive, haphazard approach requires a laborious battery of studies to determine the incremental transmission upgrades (and the associated costs) needed to connect each project. As a result, project developers face high cost uncertainty and a nearly five-year median wait time to finish the process, contributing to the withdrawal of about three of every four proposed projects.

The solution, according to clean energy developers, buyers, and analysts alike, is to fill the regulatory void that has enabled such a fragmentary system. Transmission experts have called for rules that require grid operators to proactively plan new transmission lines in anticipation of new clean energy generation and then charge a preestablished fee for projects to connect, yielding more strategic grid expansion, greater cost certainty for developers, fewer studies, and reduced wait times to connect to the grid. Last year, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission took a step in this direction by requiring grid operators to adopt regional transmission planning. Many energy analysts applauded the move and highlighted the need for additional policies to expedite transmission buildout.

Another source of delay that underscores policy gaps is the 137-week lag time to obtain a large power transformer, due to supply chain shortages. The United States imports four of every five large power transformers used on our electric grid. Amid the post-pandemic snarling of global supply chains, such high import dependency has created another bottleneck for building out the new transmission lines that clean energy projects demand. To stimulate domestic transformer production, the National Infrastructure Advisory Council — including representatives from major utilities — has proposed that the federal government establish new transformer manufacturing investments and create a public stockpiling system that stabilizes demand. That is, a clean energy abundance agenda also requires new industrial policies.

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While such clean energy delays call for additional policymaking, “abundance” advocates are correct that other delays call for ending problematic policies. Rising local restrictions on clean energy development, for example, pose a major hurdle. However, the map of those restrictions, as tracked in an authoritative Columbia University report, does not support the notion that they stem primarily from Democrats’ penchant for overregulation. Of the 11 states with more than 10 such restrictions, six are red, three are purple, and two are blue — New York and Texas, Virginia and Kansas, Maine and Indiana, etc. To take on such restrictions, we shouldn’t let concern with progressive wish lists eclipse a focused challenge to old-fashioned, transpartisan NIMBYism.

“Abundance” proponents also focus their ire on permitting processes like those required by the National Environmental Policy Act, which the Supreme Court curtailed last week. Permitting needs mending, but with a chisel, not a Musk-esque chainsaw. The Biden administration produced a chisel last year: a NEPA reform to expedite clean energy projectsand support environmental justice. In February, the Trump administration tossed out that reform and nearly five decades of NEPA rules without offering a replacement — a chainsaw maneuver that has created more, not less, uncertainty for project developers. When the wreckage of this administration ends, we’ll need to fill the void with targeted permitting policies that streamline clean energy while protecting communities.

Finally, a clean energy abundance agenda should also welcome pro-worker, pro-equity incentives like those in the IRA “everything bagel.” Despite claims to the contrary, such policies can help to overcome additional sources of delay and facilitatebuildout.

For example, Community Benefits Agreements, which IRA programs encouraged, offer a distinct, pro-building advantage: a way to avoid the community opposition that has become a top-tier reason for delays and cancellations of wind and solar projects. CBAs give community and labor groups a tool to secure locally-defined economic, health, and environmental benefits from clean energy projects. For clean energy firms, they offer an opportunity to obtain explicit project support from community organizations. Three out of four wind and solar developers agree that increased community engagement reduces project cancellations, and more than 80% see it as at least somewhat “feasible” to offer benefits via CBAs. Indeed, developers and communities are increasingly using CBAs, from a wind farm off the coast of Rhode Island to a solar park in California’s central valley, to deliver tangible benefits and completed projects — the ingredients of abundance.

A similar win-win can come from incentives for clean energy companies to pay construction workers decent wages, which the IRA included. Most peer-reviewed studies find that the impact of such standards on infrastructure construction costs is approximately zero. By contrast, wage standards can help to address a key constraint on clean energy buildout: companies’ struggle to recruit a skilled and stable workforce in a tight labor market. More than 80% of solar firms, for example, report difficulties in finding qualified workers. Wage standards offer a proven solution, helping companies attract and retain the workforce needed for on-time project completion.

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In addition to labor standards and support for CBAs, a clean energy abundance agenda also should expand on the IRA’s incentives to invest in low-income communities. Such policies spur clean energy deployment in neighborhoods the market would otherwise deem unprofitable. Indeed, since enactment of the IRA, 75% of announced clean energy investments have been in low-income counties. That buildout is a deliberate outcome of the “everything bagel” approach. If we want clean energy abundance for all, not just the wealthy, we need to wield — not withdraw — such incentives.

Crafting an agenda for clean energy abundance requires precision, not abstraction. We need to add industrial policies that offer a foundation for clean energy growth. We need to end parochial policies that deter buildout on behalf of private interests. And we need to build on labor and equity policies that enable workers and communities to reap material rewards from clean energy expansion. Differentiating between those needs will be essential for Democrats to build a clean energy plan that actually delivers abundance.





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Trump Administration Proposal Would Lift Biden-Era Limits on Alaska Oil Drilling

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Trump Administration Proposal Would Lift Biden-Era Limits on Alaska Oil Drilling


(Reuters) -The administration of U.S. President Donald Trump on Monday proposed rolling back Biden-era limits on oil and gas drilling in an Alaska area that is the nation’s largest tract of undisturbed public land. The move is consistent with Trump’s goal to slash regulations for oil and gas …



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