Sports
How the House v. NCAA settlement could reshape college sports: What you need to know
Big 12 presidents and chancellors voted to approve proposals of what is expected to be a multi-billion dollar settlement in the House v. NCAA class-action lawsuit Tuesday, a source briefed on the decision confirmed to The Athletic. Their approval is another step toward a resolution in the landmark case likely to reshape the college sports business model.
The Big 12 is the first of the suit’s defendants to vote on the settlement terms, with the remaining power conferences and NCAA Board of Governors also expected to do so this week. It’s expected the settlement will cost them nearly $3 billion in damages and allow power-conference athletes to finally share in annual revenues.
House v. NCAA seeks back pay for Division I college athletes who were barred from earning name, image and likeness (NIL) compensation prior to the NCAA changing its policy in summer 2021, while also pursuing a cut of future broadcast revenues for athletes at power-conference schools.
As college sports face a reckoning on multiple fronts, and with the prospect of the NCAA owing as much as $20 billion in damages were it to lose the House case at trial, settlement efforts intensified in recent weeks.
In addition to more than $2.7 billion in NIL back-pay damages, a settlement would include a system in which roughly $20 million a year can be distributed directly from a power-conference school to its athletes, multiple people briefed on the negotiations confirmed to The Athletic.
All indications are that the last vestiges of amateurism in college sports are coming to an end.
“I expect the athletes who are generating the most money would get the greatest economic return,” said Jeffrey Kessler, one of the lead lawyers representing the plaintiffs. “That’s the economic competitive market we live in.”
A House settlement would be the next legal domino in what has been a busy stretch of forced change for the NCAA, including the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously upholding the NCAA v. Alston decision in 2021 and agreeing that the NCAA’s cap on education-related expenses was an antitrust violation. State legislatures helped usher in the NIL era weeks later. Lawsuits filed by multiple state attorneys general have since forced the NCAA to halt enforcement of NIL regulations and allow multi-time transfers immediate eligibility.
Over the past three years, these lawsuits and policy changes have created (and exposed) cracks in the foundation of the collegiate model.
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“The most important part about the settlement — and let’s face it, there’s still a lot of work to be done there — is it creates some clarity and some visibility on a whole bunch of issues that have sort of been roiling everybody for a while,” NCAA president Charlie Baker said last week. “The other thing it does is create predictability and stability for schools. It creates a tremendous opportunity for student-athletes.”
So what does this mean for fans of college sports? Most immediately, it simply means that the power-conference programs you follow and root for, which bring in millions of dollars in revenue annually from television contracts and ticket sales, can start paying athletes with that money — a significant budgetary adjustment, but not so functionally different from how school-affiliated NIL collectives have started paying players.
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Yet in the broader scope, this settlement will further widen the gap between high-major revenue sports — particularly power-conference football — and the rest of college athletics. It’s another step toward a future in which the biggest programs stratify or fully separate from the rest of the NCAA into some version of super conferences or a super league. To that end, there’s also been some organized, internal pushback within the NCAA from smaller Division I conferences that believe they will be forced to shoulder a disproportionate amount of the damages in the proposed settlement.
Plenty of hurdles remain beyond the House case as well, including whether athletes will ultimately unionize and/or be deemed employees, or if the NCAA can secure antitrust exemptions from Congress. Regardless, big changes are on the horizon, and in a way the NCAA has long fought.
Here’s more on what’s at stake in House v. NCAA, and what could come next.
Potential settlement details
The NCAA is backed into a corner.
House v. NCAA was filed in June 2020 with Grant House, a former Arizona State swimmer, and Sedona Prince, a former Oregon and current TCU women’s basketball player, as the two named plaintiffs. In November, U.S. District Court Judge Claudia Wilken, who has a track record of ruling against the NCAA in similar cases (O’Bannon, Alston), granted class-action certification for the damages portion of the House case, expanding it to any Division I athlete dating back to 2016 (in accordance with a four-year statute of limitations).
This exponentially elevated the potential cost — and impact — of the case, which is currently scheduled to go to trial in January 2025.
U.S. antitrust laws grant plaintiffs three times the damages they are awarded — known as “treble damages” — meaning if the NCAA lost at trial, it would automatically be on the hook for triple the damage amount ordered by the judge. According to documents circulated among power conference presidents and administrators and obtained by Yahoo Sports, that final class-action figure could be as high as $20 billion, and enough to force the NCAA to file for bankruptcy.
A loss at trial would also strike down any existing constraints on NIL.
“So essentially, if we win, there would be a complete free market in NIL, including from broadcast payments,” said Kessler.
The combination of triple damages, which would likely have to be paid out immediately, and the NIL floodgates fully opening would be a death rattle for the NCAA, and why a settlement is seen as the surest path to the organization’s survival, at least in the short term.
Through a spokesperson, the NCAA declined to comment.
Certain details of the settlement, though not finalized, have been reported by multiple outlets and confirmed to The Athletic. The nearly $3 billion in back-pay damages would be paid out over 10 years, and power-conference programs could opt into the annual $20 million revenue-sharing allocation likely starting with the 2025-26 season.
This would coincide with a change in roster limits that would eliminate existing caps on scholarships, such as a baseball team’s 11.7 scholarships that get divvied up among 30-plus players. If the baseball roster limit was set at 25, for example, schools would have 25-player teams and could fully fund up to 25 scholarships. This impacts football as well, where teams currently have 85 allotted scholarships but can carry up to 115 total players on the roster. There’s fear among coaches that the new roster limit could eliminate walk-ons.
“Our game is not the pro game,” said Wake Forest coach Dave Clawson, a member of the American Football Coaches Association board. “We get players that need to be taught and coached when they come out of high school. …(In the NFL), they have a practice squad, they have access to players and other teams. Once we start practice, our roster is set for the year, and they have to be students.”
ACC commissioner Jim Phillips said those roster determinations would be “local decisions” for each university, with better-resourced schools likely to do more than others within the Power 4 leagues. Roster limits are expected to be part of Thursday’s vote by the conferences, and multiple administrators told The Athletic that they expect specific scholarship figures to be decided collectively by the Power 4 conferences in the coming months.
What the NCAA could avoid with a settlement
The compromises of a possible House settlement are obvious, but so are the benefits. The NCAA doesn’t risk the immediately payable treble damages at trial and can negotiate terms on a revenue-sharing model while maintaining a similar operating structure.
College athletes receive scholarships and other benefits, but the anticipated rate of revenue sharing wouldn’t be nearly as high as their counterparts in the pros. The roughly $20 million annual amount represents 22 percent of the average Power 4 school’s annual revenue. Revenue sharing in the major American professional sports is usually around 50 percent for the players.
A settlement would also address another major NCAA issue by simultaneously resolving other high-profile antitrust cases, including Hubbard v. NCAA and Carter v. NCAA; plaintiffs in both cases are also represented by Steve Berman and Kessler.
Hubbard is similar to House in the sense that it is seeking retroactive damages for education-related Alston payments; Carter argues that rules prohibiting college athletes from receiving “pay for play” violate antitrust law. A House settlement would resolve each of them.
One other antitrust case factors in: Fontenot v. NCAA, a separate, class-action suit filed in Colorado that is seeking similar claims and damages as Carter. A motion to transfer the case to the same Northern District of California court as the other antitrust suits has been requested, ostensibly to have it resolved by a settlement in the House case. A hearing on the transfer is also set for Thursday.
Resolving all four antitrust cases — House, Hubbard, Carter and Fontenot — is a crucial aspect of the settlement for the NCAA, according to people briefed on the negotiations.
“In the current world we live in, planning is very hard to do,” Baker said. “If we can land this thing … I think it creates a lot of stability and clarity for schools. And it makes it possible for all of us to start thinking about what the next act will look like as it rolls out instead of feeling like you’re waiting for the next shoe to drop.”
How it would work
Assuming the NCAA and power conferences sign off on terms this week, there would still be a number of steps to complete a settlement, including official filing, an approval from Judge Wilken and a 90-day period for review and any objections.
If approved, the power-conference revenue sharing will be optional, and there are no specifications on how the money will be distributed, as long as it stays within the capped allotment.
It’s expected that most if not all power-conference programs will opt in to some degree of revenue sharing in order to remain competitive. But even for a number of the schools at that level, it could be a gradual financial process that requires cuts elsewhere.
“As it currently stands, I don’t know many schools that will be able to pay even remotely close to ($20 million) without eliminating some portion of what they currently spend,” said Iowa State athletic director Jamie Pollard.
For back-pay damages, the NCAA would use its reserves to cover $1.1 billion, and the remaining approximately $1.6 billion would come from withheld revenue distributions, chiefly via the NCAA men’s basketball tournament credits. Of that $1.6 billion, nearly 60 percent is expected to come from leagues outside the Power 4 conferences (including the Group of 5), according to people familiar with the settlement proposal.
The 22 smaller, non-FBS conferences (colloquially referred to as the CCA22) were not initially briefed on the settlement talks until earlier this month, multiple administrators said, once the financial structure of payouts had already been formulated.
One Division I commissioner estimated that non-FBS conferences would be on the hook for $2.5 million per year to help cover the NCAA’s costs of the settlement. Two sources in different CCA22 leagues said that equates to roughly 25 percent of the annual revenue those schools receive from the NCAA. That level of reduction could lead to cutting sports and athlete resources, despite a lawsuit that was clearly aimed at power-conference schools with the most lucrative media deals.
“The burden that’s being pushed to us is not following any sort of logic as it relates to the court order,” one non-Power 4 source said.
However, the damages payment model that is being voted on is a slightly tweaked version of the original breakdown put forth by the NCAA, a college administrator briefed on the proposal told The Athletic. That’s despite the non-FBS leagues submitting a formal request to the NCAA’s Board of Governors and Division I Board of Directors on Monday, according to sources briefed on the proposal, asking to either delay a final decision on the financial breakdown or adjust it to an equivalent rate of revenue reductions for each conference. The latter would have made the power conferences responsible for roughly 60 percent of the damages.
The Board of Directors and Board of Governors (the NCAA’s highest governing body) are also scheduled to vote on settlement details this week, including authorizing the NCAA to use its financial reserves.
Another area to be addressed is how the terms of a settlement apply to the new classes of athletes each year. Berman mentioned a potential solution.
“Every year, when an NCAA athlete reports in to start the year, they could be given a copy of the class notice and the settlement, and given an opportunity to object within a few months receiving that notice,” said Berman.
Jim Cavale, the founder of the players organization Athletes.org, questions the forward-looking part of the settlement, saying it lacked athlete input. His organization includes about 1,500 power-conference athletes and recently signed up the entire UAB football team.
“How involved are the current athletes?” he said. “On top of that, how involved if at all are future athletes on these terms? The answer is not at all. The results of a (collective bargaining agreement), the terms of the athlete experience and even these caps are not really the responsibility of these plaintiffs’ lawyers in a class-action lawsuit.”
Some industry sources believe there could be less incentive or motivation for players to unionize once they’re getting a piece of the pie. Cavale disagrees.
“Should it be approved, if we got 500 of our 3,000 athletes to object, the way it’s written, you’re going to have 500 different hearings,” he said.
Other unknowns
Plenty more questions remain.
• How will Title IX apply to revenue-sharing distributions? Will proportional payments need to be made to male and female athletes in order to remain compliant — meaning an athletic department can’t spend all or most of its revenue-sharing dollars on football or other men’s sports — or would schools argue that proportional scholarship opportunities satisfy Title IX? This is not something that can be stipulated by the settlement and could be challenged in court. Multiple administrators at Power 4 schools told The Athletic they believe the total dollar figure needs to be equal between male and female athletes, but that their understanding is that each school can determine how to allot the money between its athletes and sports.
• How would this impact potential unionizing and collective bargaining ventures?. Unionizing efforts by the Dartmouth men’s basketball team and national advocacy organizations such as Cavale’s Athletes.Org and the College Football Players Association have yet to gain widespread support, a challenge within something as wide-ranging and transient as college sports. But the topic could receive renewed attention in the wake of a settlement, along with the ongoing discussion of whether college athletes should be deemed employees, which is at the heart of both the Johnson v. NCAA suit and a National Labor Relations Board complaint against USC, the Pac-12 and the NCAA.
In any event, settling House and resolving the other prominent antitrust lawsuits will not fully shield the NCAA from future legal battles, which is why Baker and the organization will continue to pursue Congressional antitrust exemptions.
“(A settlement) creates a framework that makes it possible to then have a different kind of conversation with Congress,” said Baker. “So, in many ways, I’m hopeful.”
• What about NIL collectives? A settlement wouldn’t fully address the role of these third-party organizations and the culture of pay for play, though Yahoo Sports reported that the informational documents it obtained mentioned “economic incentives” for athletic departments to bring collectives in-house.
• How will the financial adjustments trickle down? Will schools decide to cut athlete benefits, administrative positions or entire sports? Will this finally stem the tide of ballooning, seven-figure annual coaching salaries, bloated staffs and multi-million-dollar buyouts? Wholesale changes to the structure of collegiate athletics and the NCAA’s governance remain likely years away, but that doesn’t mean reverberations won’t be felt sooner in other areas.
“It could be the sports you sponsor,” Pollard said. “It could be what you do for the sports you sponsor. It could be the number of staff you have in football. It could be the number of players you have on a football team. Everything’s going to be on the table.”
—The Athletic’s Chris Vannini and Scott Dochterman contributed reporting.
(Photo Illustration: Pavlo Gonchar / SOPA Images / LightRocket via Getty Images)
Sports
Law firm fighting for women’s sports in SCOTUS battle comments on ruling possibly impacting SJSU trans lawsuit
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A law firm leading the charge in the ongoing Supreme Court case over trans athletes in women’s sports has responded after a federal judge suggested the case’s ruling could impact a separate case involving a similar issue.
Colorado District Judge Kato Crews deferred ruling in motions to dismiss former San Jose State volleyball co-captain Brooke Slusser’s lawsuit against the California State University (CSU) system until after a ruling in the B.P.J. v. West Virginia Supreme Court case, which is expected to come in June.
Slusser filed the lawsuit against representatives of her school and the Mountain West Conference in fall 2024 after she allegedly was made to share bedrooms and changing spaces with trans teammate Blaire Fleming for a whole season without being informed that Fleming is a biological male.
Meanwhile, the B.P.J. case went to the Supreme Court after a trans teen sued West Virginia to block the state’s law that prevents males from competing in girls’ high school sports.
The Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF) is the primary law firm defending West Virginia in that case at the Supreme Court, and has now responded to news that Slusser’s lawsuit could be affected by the SCOTUS ruling.
“We hope the ruling from the Supreme Court will affirm that Title IX was designed to guarantee equal opportunity for women, not to let male athletes displace women and girl in competition. It is crucial that sports be separated by sex for not only the equal opportunity of women but for safety and privacy. Title IX should protect women’s right to compete in their own sports. Allowing men to compete in the female category reverses 50 years of advancement for women,” ADF Vice President of Litigation Strategies Jonathan Scruggs said.
Slusser’s attorney, Bill Bock of the Independent Council on Women’s Sports, expects a Supreme Court ruling in favor of the legal defense representing West Virginia, thus helping his case.
(Left) Brooke Slusser (10) of the San Jose State Spartans serves the ball during the first set against the Air Force Falcons at Falcon Court at East Gym in Colorado Springs, Colorado, on Oct. 19, 2024. (Right) Blaire Fleming #3 of the San Jose State Spartans looks on during the third set against the Air Force Falcons at Falcon Court at East Gym on October 19, 2024 in Colorado Springs, Colorado. ( Andrew Wevers/Getty Images; Andrew Wevers/Getty Images)
“We’re looking forward to the case going forward,” Bock told Fox News Digital.
“I believe that the court is going to find that Title IX operates on the basis of biological sex, without regard to an assumed or professed gender, and so just like the congress and the members of congress that passed Title IX in 1972, allowed this specifically provided for in the regulations that there had to be separate men’s and women’s teams based on biological sex, I think the court is going to see that is the original meaning of the statute and apply it in that way, and I think it’s going to be a big win in women’s sports.”
The Supreme Court’s conservative majority appeared prepared to rule in favor of West Virginia after oral arguments on Jan. 13.
Slusser spoke on the steps of the Supreme Court on Jan. 13 while oral arguments took place inside, sharing her experience with a divided crowd of opposing protesters.
With Fleming on its roster, SJSU reached the 2024 conference final by virtue of a forfeit by Boise State in the semifinal round. SJSU lost in the final to Colorado State.
Slusser went on to develop an eating disorder due to the anxiety and trauma from the scandal and dropped out of her classes the following semester. The eating disorder became so severe, that Slusser said she lost her menstrual cycle for nine months. Her decision to drop her classes resulted in the loss of her scholarship, and her parents said they had to foot the bill out of pocket for an unfinished final semester of college.
President Donald Trump’s Department of Education determined in January that SJSU violated Title IX in its handling of the situation involving Fleming, and has given the university an ultimatum to agree to a series of resolutions or face a referral to the Department of Justice.
Among the department’s findings, it determined that a female athlete discovered that the trans student allegedly conspired to have a member of an opposing team spike her in the face during a match. ED claims that “SJSU did not investigate the conspiracy, but later subjected the female athlete to a Title IX complaint for ‘misgendering’ the male athlete in online videos and interviews.”
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SJSU trans player Blaire Fleming and teammate Brooke Slusser went to a magic show and had Thanksgiving together in Las Vegas despite an ongoing lawsuit over Fleming being transgender. (Thien-An Truong/San Jose State Athletics)
SJSU Athletic Director Jeff Konya told Fox News Digital in a July interview that he was satisfied with how the university handled the situation involving Fleming.
“I think everybody acted in the best possible way they could, given the circumstances,” Konya said.
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Sports
Myles Garrett cited for speeding a ninth time, an elite pass rusher seemingly always in a rush
Myles Garrett is in a hurry to become the greatest pass rusher in NFL history. The Cleveland Browns All-Pro defensive end set the single-season sack record in 2025 and has cracked the top 20 career leaders after only nine seasons.
“I’m going to take that down, and I prefer I take it down in the next five years,” Garrett told Casino Guru News last month.
Off the field, however, his urgency to get from point A to B is a problem. He’s accumulating speeding tickets at an alarming rate.
On Feb. 21, Garrett was handed his ninth speeding ticket since his NFL career began in 2017. He was cited for driving 94 mph in a 70-mph zone on Interstate 71 between Cleveland and Columbus, Ohio.
The citation from the Wayne County Sheriff’s Office says Garrett was driving his green 2024 Porsche at 1:35 a.m., returning home after attending a Miami of Ohio basketball game in Oxford.
Body cam footage shows the officer telling Garrett that she kept the charge under 100 mph so that a court appearance wouldn’t be mandatory. Garrett reportedly still holds a Texas driver’s license — he attended Texas A&M — and told the officer that he did not have an Ohio license.
Cleveland Browns’ Myles Garrett wears a jacket displaying his girlfriend Chloe Kim before the women’s snowboarding halfpipe finals at the 2026 Winter Olympics, in Livigno, Italy.
(Lindsey Wasson / AP)
The officer wrote that the famously affable Garrett was “kind and cooperative,” and that drugs and alcohol were not a factor.
Garrett’s need for speed flies in the face of his persona. He has written poetry since high school, peppers social media with inspirational sayings and donates time and money to several charities.
His girlfriend is two-time gold-medal-winning U.S. Olympic snowboarder Chloe Kim, for whom he wrote a poem he shared on social media: “You enrapture fools to kings, and exist without a peer, put on this Earth for many things, but our love is why you’re here.”
Verse hasn’t slowed his roll. On Aug. 9 he was cited for ticket No. 8, clocked at 100 mph in a 60-mph zone in a Cleveland suburb a day after the Browns returned home from a preseason game at Carolina.
Garrett’s seventh ticket followed a frightening crash in 2022. He flipped his gray 2021 Porsche 911 Turbo S off State Road in Sharon Township and he and a female passenger were injured. He was cited for failing to control his vehicle due to unsafe speeds on what had been a slick roadway.
A witness told a responding police officer that Garrett’s vehicle went airborne, took out a fire hydrant and rolled three times. Garrett sustained shoulder and biceps sprains and was sidelined for the Browns’ game that week against the Atlanta Falcons. His companion was not seriously injured.
Cleveland television station WKYC reported that in September 2021 Garrett was stopped twice in a 24-hour period — for driving 120 and 105 mph. The infractions occurred on Interstate 71 in Medina County, where the speed limit is 70 mph, and he paid fines of $267 and $287.
A year earlier, Garrett was cited for driving 100 mph in a 65-mph zone of Interstate 77 — again while driving a Porsche — and paid a $308 fine. He accumulated his first batch of speeding tickets in 2017 and 2018, and the police reports recite similar circumstances: Garrett driving well over the speed limit, cited without incident, paid a nominal fine.
The piddly fines certainly aren’t a deterrent. Garrett, 30, and the Browns agreed to a four-year contract extension in March 2025 that made him the highest-paid non-quarterback in NFL history at the time. The deal pays the seven-time All-Pro more than $40 million a season and includes more than $123 million in guaranteed money.
He set the NFL single-season sack record with 23.0 last season, surpassing the 22.5 accumulated by T.J. Watt and Michael Strahan. Garrett has 125.5 career sacks, averaging 14 a season, a pace that would enable him to break Bruce Smith’s career record of 200 in five years.
“That is definitely on my mind to go out there and get,” Garrett said. “That’s a goal I’ve had for years now since college.”
Garrett has declined to discuss his driving habits.
“I’d honestly prefer to talk about football and this team than anything I’m doing off the field other than the back-to-school event that I did the other day,” he told reporters after ticket No. 8 in August, referring to a charity appearance.
“I try to keep my personal life personal. And I’d rather focus on this team when I can.”
Sports
Keith Olbermann under fire for calling Lou Holtz a ‘scumbag’ after legendary coach’s death
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Former ESPN broadcaster Keith Olbermann once again incited backlash on social media Wednesday after he called late legendary college football coach Lou Holtz a “legendary scumbag” in an X post on the day Holtz was announced dead.
“Legendary scumbag, yes,” Olbermann wrote in response to a clip of Holtz criticizing former President Joe Biden in 2020 for supporting abortion rights.
Olbermann received scathing criticism in response to his post on X.
“You’re a scumbag that needs mental help,” one X user wrote to Olbermann.
One user echoed that sentiment, writing to Olbermann, “You’re the real scumbag here. Lou Holtz had more class, integrity, and genuine decency in his pinky finger than you’ll ever show in your lifetime.”
Another user wrote, “You’re a grumpy, lonely, Godless man. All the things Lou Holtz was not.”
Keith Olbermann speaks onstage during the Olbermann panel at the ESPN portion of the 2013 Summer Television Critics Association tour at the Beverly Hilton Hotel July 24, 2013, in Beverly Hills, Calif. (Frederick M. Brown/Getty Images)
Olbermann has made it a pattern of sharing politically charged far-left statements that are often combative and ridiculed on social media, typically resulting in immense backlash.
After the U.S. men’s hockey team’s gold medal win, Olbermann heavily criticized the team for accepting an invitation from President Trump to the State of the Union address. Olbermann wrote on X that any members of the men’s team who attended the event were “declaring their indelible stupidity and misogyny,” while praising the women’s team for declining the invitation.
In January, Olbermann attacked former University of Kentucky women’s swimmer Kaitlynn Wheeler for celebrating a women’s rights rally outside the U.S. Supreme Court during oral arguments for two cases focused on the legality of biological male trans athletes in women’s sports.
Former Notre Dame football coach Lou Holtz listens before being presented with the Presidential Medal of Freedom at the White House in Washington, D.C., Dec, 3, 2020. (Doug Mills/The New York Times/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
“It’s still about you trying to find an excuse for a lifetime wasted trying to succeed in sports without talent,” Olbermann wrote in response to Wheeler’s post.
In 2025, Olbermann faced significant backlash after posting (and later deleting) a message on X aimed at CNN contributor Scott Jennings, that said, “You’re next motherf—–,” shortly after the assassination of conservative influencer Charlie Kirk.
Holtz was a stern supporter of President Donald Trump, even saying in February 2024 that Trump needed to “coach America back to greatness!”
Near the end of Trump’s first term, shortly after former President Joe Biden defeated him in the 2020 election, Trump awarded Holtz with the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian award of the United States.
After Holtz’s death was announced Wednesday, several top GOP figures paid tribute to the coach on social media.
Those GOP lawmakers included senators Tommy Tuberville, R-Ala.; Todd Young, R-Ind.; Tom Cotton, R-Ark.; and Lindsey Graham, R-S.C.; representatives Greg Murphy, R-N.C.; David Rouzer, R-N.C.; Erin Houchin, R-Ind.; and Steve Womack, R-Ark.; and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis; Indiana Gov. Mike Braun; U.S. Education Secretary Linda McMahon; and Rudy Giuliani.
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Lou Holtz, former Notre Dame football coach, addresses the America First Policy Institute’s America First Agenda Summit at the Marriott Marquis July 26, 2022. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc)
At the time of publication, prominent Democrat leaders have appeared silent on Holtz’s passing, including prominent Democrats with a football background.
Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, who worked as an assistant high school football coach; Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., who was a recruiting target for Holtz in 1986 as a college prospect; Rep. Colin Allred, D-Texas, who played in the NFL; and Rep. Kam Buckner, D-Ill., who played football for the University of Illinois, have not posted acknowledging Holtz’s death.
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